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The Political Influence of the Maras in El Salvador
Analysis Paper 32/2020 14 October 2020 María Luisa Pastor Gómez The political influence of the maras Visitar la WEB Recibir BOLETÍN ELECTRÓNICO in El Salvador The political influence of the maras in El Salvador Abstract: The Salvadoran gangs and in particular the Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) have been acquiring more and more power within the country, until they have become a real political power. A power with wich all parties have negotiated covertly, either to reduce the high levels of violence in the country or just for electoral purposes, as it has been report by the newspaper ‘El Faro’. The content of the report has been denied by the government but is being investigated by the Attorney General's Office. Keywords: Street gangs, MS13, Bukele, El Salvador, dialogue How to cite this document: PASTOR GÓMEZ, María Luisa. The political influence of the maras in El Salvador. IEEE Analysis Paper 32/2020. http://www.ieee.es/Galerias/fichero/docs_analisis/2020/DIEEEA32_2020LUIPAS_maras Salvador-ENG.pdf and/or bie3 link (accessed day/month/year) *NOTE: The ideas contained in the Analysis Papers are the responsibility of their authors. They do not necessarily reflect the thinking of the IEEE or the Ministry of Defense. Analysis Paper 32/2020 1 The political influence of the maras in El Salvador María Luisa Pastor Gómez The political influence of the maras in El Salvador Resumen: Las pandillas salvadoreñas y en particular la Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) han ido adquiriendo cada vez más poder en el seno del país, hasta convertirse en un poder de facto con el que los partidos políticos han negociado de manera encubierta, ya sea para reducir los altos niveles de violencia del país o con fines electoralistas. -
El Salvador's 2019 Elections
CRS INSIGHT El Salvador's 2019 Elections February 6, 2019 (IN11034) | Related Author Clare Ribando Seelke | Clare Ribando Seelke, Specialist in Latin American Affairs ([email protected], 7-5229) On February 3, 2019, Nayib Bukele, a 37-year-old former mayor of San Salvador and candidate of the Grand Alliance of National Unity (GANA) party, won El Salvador's presidential election. Bukele garnered 53% of the vote, well ahead of Carlos Calleja, a business executive running for a conservative National Republican Alliance (ARENA)-led coalition, with 31.8%, and Hugo Mártinez, a former foreign minister of the leftist Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN), with 14.4%. Bukele's first-round victory occurred amid relatively low voter turnout (44.7%) during a peaceful electoral process observed by the Organization of American States and others. Bukele is set to succeed Salvador Sánchez Cerén (FMLN) as president on June 1, 2019, and serve a single, five-year term. Bukele's election ends 10 years of FMLN government. Who Is Nayib Bukele? Nayib Bukele served as mayor of Nuevo Cuscatlán (2012-2015) and San Salvador (2015-2018) for the FMLN. Prior to entering politics, Bukele worked in family businesses started by his late father, a prominent Salvadoran of Palestinian descent who backed the FMLN financially beginning in the early 1990s. Throughout his political career, Bukele has used social media to connect directly with voters, a new phenomenon in Salvadoran politics. As mayor, he revitalized the historic center of San Salvador and engaged at-risk youth in violence-prevention programs. In 2017, the FMLN expelled him for criticizing the party's leadership. -
Encuesta Pre-Electoral Enero 2021: Nuevas Ideas Se Consolida Como Primera Fuerza, Arena Sube Y Gana Baja En Intención De Voto… El FMLN En Cuidados Intensivos
Encuesta pre-electoral enero 2021: Nuevas Ideas se consolida como primera fuerza, Arena sube y Gana baja en intención de voto… el FMLN en cuidados intensivos Ficha técnica Tipo de estudio: Cuantitativo. Técnica de registro: Cuestionario individual pre-estructurado. Tipo de entrevista: Visita a hogar. Informante: Personas mayores e iguales a 18 años con DUI vigente y residente en el municipio. Trabajo de campo: Del 13 al 17 de enero de 2021. Entrevistas efectivas: 1,536 boletas efectivas a nivel nacional. Muestreo: Sistemático probabilístico con ajación proporcional a la población, con un nivel de conanza 95 %, error muestral ± 2.5 Made with 1. ¿Está usted decido en ir a votar para las próximas elecciones de Alcaldes, diputados y Parlacen? NC /NS 0.60% No estoy seguro 8.70% No 3.50% Si 87.20% Made with 2. A partir de este año y para las próximas elecciones, ¿ha cambiado usted de preferencia política? NC /NS 2.90% Sí he cambiado 45.75% No he cambiado 51.35% Made with 3. Si su respuesta anterior fue “SÍ HE CAMBIADO”, ¿a qué se debe el cambio? 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 47.2% 35.6% 5.4% 8% 3.8% El partido me ha defraudado Los candidatos no me convencen Por la campaña electoral Otra razón NC /NS Made with 4. De las alternativas que le leeré, ¿Cuál se acerca más al porqué de su intención de voto? Porque está en contra de la corrupción Porque está a favor de Nuevas Ideas Por las propuestas (del partido Porque está en 37.3% 17.5% o candidatos) contra de los 16.3% partidos tradicionales (Arena, FMLN, etc) 8.2% Porque he recibido ayuda durante la pandemia 16.5% NS/NR 4.2% Made with 5. -
On the Calle Del Olvido: Memory and Forgetting in Post-Peace Public Discourse in Guatemala and El Salvador
ON THE CALLE DEL OLVIDO: MEMORY AND FORGETTING IN POST-PEACE PUBLIC DISCOURSE IN GUATEMALA AND EL SALVADOR A Thesis Submitted to the College of Graduate Studies and Research in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon BY RACHEL HATCHER © Rachel Hatcher, August 2015. All rights reserved. PERMISSION TO USE In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree from the University of Saskatchewan, I agree that the libraries of this University may make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for copying of this thesis in any manner, in whole or in part, for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor or professors who supervised my thesis work or, in their absence, by the department Head of the Department or the Dean of the College in which my thesis work was done. It is understood that any copy or publication use of this thesis or parts thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of Saskatchewan in any use which may be made of any material in my thesis. i ABSTRACT For many years, El Salvador and Guatemala were submerged in brutal and bloody conflicts that cost the lives of tens of thousands. United Nations-brokered Peace Accords officially brought the years of violence to an end in 1992 and 1996, respectively. As the two countries slowly emerged from their respective Cold War-inspired internal conflicts, the question of what place the past would have in the present came to the fore. -
El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S
Order Code RS21655 Updated November 18, 2008 El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S. Relations Clare Ribando Seelke Specialist in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary Throughout the last few decades, the United States has had a strong interest in El Salvador. During the 1980s, El Salvador was the largest recipient of U.S. aid in Latin America as its government struggled against the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) insurgency during a 12-year civil war. A 1992 negotiated peace accord brought the war to an end and formally assimilated the FMLN into the political process as a political party. After the peace accords were signed, U.S. involvement shifted towards helping the government rebuild democracy and implement market-friendly economic reforms. Successive National Republican Alliance (ARENA) governments, including that of the current president, Tony Saca, have maintained close ties with the United States. The political scene in El Salvador has become increasingly focused on the January 2009 legislative elections and the March 2009 presidential election. U.S. observers are most interested in the upcoming presidential election, particularly since the FMLN candidate, Mauricio Funes, appears to be leading the ARENA candidate, Rodrigo Ávila, in the polls. This report will be updated. Background El Salvador, nearly the size of Massachusetts, is the smallest nation in Central America, and the most densely populated, with some 6.9 million people. With a per capita income of $2,540, it is considered by the World Bank to be a lower-middle-income country. Since the early 1990s, El Salvador has posted economic growth, held free and fair elections, and survived a series of natural disasters. -
LATIN AMERICA ADVISOR a DAILY PUBLICATION of the DIALOGUE Monday, June 3, 2019
LATIN AMERICA ADVISOR A DAILY PUBLICATION OF THE DIALOGUE www.thedialogue.org Monday, June 3, 2019 BOARD OF ADVISORS FEATURED Q&A TODAY’S NEWS Diego Arria Director, Columbus Group POLITICAL Devry Boughner Vorwerk Corporate VP, Global Corporate Affairs Has Trump Gone Canada Halts Cargill Operations at Joyce Chang Global Head of Research, Too Far With New Caracas Embassy JPMorgan Chase & Co. Canada is temporarily suspending Marlene Fernández operations at its embassy in Ven- Corporate Vice President for Tariffs on Mexico? Government Relations, ezuela. Canadian Foreign Minister Arcos Dorados Chrystia Freeland said foreign Peter Hakim embassies in the South American President Emeritus, country are unable to perform Inter-American Dialogue basic functions. Donna Hrinak Page 2 President, Boeing Latin America Jon Huenemann Retired VP, U.S. & Int’l Affairs, BUSINESS Philip Morris International James R. Jones Carnival Seeking Chairman, Monarch Global Strategies Dismissal of Cuba Craig A. Kelly Property Lawsuits Director, Americas International Gov’t Relations, Exxon Mobil Carnival Cruise Line is asking a U.S. court to dismiss lawsuits by John Maisto President Donald Trump last Thursday announced that the United States would impose new Director, U.S. Education tariffs on imports from Mexico beginning June 10, saying the country has failed to stop flows U.S. citizens who claim the com- Finance Group of migrants from coming to the United States. // File Photo: White House. pany profited from nationalized Nicolás Mariscal property in Cuba. Chairman, U.S. President Donald Trump announced last week that he Page 3 Grupo Marhnos would impose new tariffs that could rise as high as 25 per- Thomas F. -
El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S
El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S. Relations Clare Ribando Seelke Specialist in Latin American Affairs January 3, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21655 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S. Relations Summary Throughout the last few decades, the United States has maintained a strong interest in El Salvador, a small Central American country with a population of 7.2 million. During the 1980s, El Salvador was the largest recipient of U.S. aid in Latin America as its government struggled against the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) insurgency during a 12-year civil war. A peace accord negotiated in 1992 brought the war to an end and formally assimilated the FMLN into the political process as a political party. After the peace accords were signed, U.S. involvement shifted toward helping the government rebuild democracy and implement market- friendly economic reforms. Mauricio Funes of the FMLN was inaugurated to a five-year presidential term in June 2009. Funes won a close election in March 2009, marking the first FMLN presidential victory and the first transfer in political power between parties since the end of El Salvador’s civil war. Funes’ victory followed strong showings by the FMLN in the January 2009 municipal and legislative elections, in which the party won a plurality of the seats in the National Assembly and the largest share of the municipal vote. President Funes still has relatively high approval ratings (69% in November 2010), but faces a number of political, economic, and social challenges. -
A Guide for El Salvador 2 | Doing Business 2020 a Guide for El Salvador 3
Doing Business 2020 A guide for El Salvador www.pwc.com/interamericas 2 | Doing Business 2020 A guide for El Salvador 3 Preface Foreword Central America is a region brimming with opportunities to As part of the added value that PwC Interamericas offers to learn and innovate. The strategic commercial advantages all of its clients and the business community who want to do include cheaper manufacturing costs and labor, as well as a business in the Central America and the Dominican Republic great deal of arable lands. It is a region with a continuously reegion, it is a great honor to publish the sixth edition of the growing economy, which year after year receives increasing amounts of investment and tourism, which helps it to business guide called Doing Business 2020, containing interconnect with the world. important information, which allows us to understand cultural aspects, the climate for investment, and the most important On the other hand, the Dominican Republic has a promising things to consider on legal, commercial and fiscal matters and rapidly growing economy. Despite the fact that it does not belong to Central America, its proximity to the region on the region, that we have complemented with international and the fact that we share the same language and culture, standards and the best world practices. makes it a key contributor for the region. It’s very close Current business opportunities place Central America and commercial relationship with the United States in regard to tourism, the remittances, and exportations, help keep its the Dominican Republic as a highly attractive region for economy more stable. -
Qel Salvador's New Legislative Assembly
LATIN AMERICA ADVISOR A DAILY PUBLICATION OF THE DIALOGUE www.thedialogue.org Friday, May 14, 2021 BOARD OF ADVISORS FEATURED Q&A TODAY’S NEWS Diego Arria Director, Columbus Group POLITICAL Devry Boughner Vorwerk Is El Salvador’s Venezuela to Hold Chief Corporate Affairs Officer, Grubhub Local, Regional Joyce Chang Global Head of Research, Bukele Undermining Elections Nov. 21 JPMorgan Chase & Co. Venezuela will hold regional and Paula Cifuentes local elections in November, said Director of Economic & Fiscal Affairs, the Rule of Law? Pedro Calzadilla, the president of Latin America & Canada, Philip Morris International the country’s electoral council. Marlene Fernández The announcement came after Corporate Vice President for Venezuela named two opposition Government Relations, members to the council. Arcos Dorados (McDonald’s) Page 2 Peter Hakim President Emeritus, Inter-American Dialogue ECONOMIC Donna Hrinak Senior VP, Corporate Affairs, Brazil Joins South Royal Caribbean Group American Effort Jon E. Huenemann Council Member, for Undersea Cable GLG Inc. Brazil has joined an effort to build James R. Jones Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele’s Nuevas Ideas party this month ousted the attorney Chairman, general and the five magistrates of the constitutional chamber of the country’s Supreme Court . an 8,200-mile undersea fiber optic Monarch Global Strategies // File Photo: Salvadoran Government. cable from South America to Asia. Officials are planning the project Craig A. Kelly El Salvador’s new Legislative Assembly, controlled by the Senior Director, Americas to improve Internet connectivity. Int’l Gov’t Relations, Exxon Mobil New Ideas party of President Nayib Bukele, in its first Page 2 John Maisto session on May 1 voted to remove the five magistrates of Director, U.S. -
EL SALVADOR 2019 Final Report
European Union Election Observation Mission EL SALVADOR 2019 Final Report [Flag of host Presidential Election 3 February 2019 Table of Contents I. Executive Summary and Priority Recommendations ......................................................................... 1 II. Introduction ........................................................................................................................................ 4 III. Political Context ................................................................................................................................. 4 IV. Implementation of Previous EOM Recommendations ....................................................................... 5 V. Legal Framework ............................................................................................................................... 6 A. International Principles and Commitments .............................................................................. 6 B. Constitutional Human Rights ................................................................................................... 6 C. Electoral Legislation ................................................................................................................ 7 D. Election System ....................................................................................................................... 7 VI. Election Administration ..................................................................................................................... 8 A. Structure and Composition -
El Salvador 1932, Indigeneity, and Transnational
Forthcoming 2013 Anthropological Quarterly Commemorating from the Margins of the Nation: El Salvador 1932, Indigeneity, and Transnational Belonging Robin Maria DeLugan, Ph.D. University of California-Merced School of Social Sciences, Humanities and Arts 5200 N. Lake Road Merced, CA 95345 [email protected] 1 Commemorating from the Margins of the Nation: El Salvador 1932, Indigeneity, and Transnational Belonging Abstract Recent public commemorations in the US and El Salvador for the 1932 state-sanctioned killing of thousands of indigenous Nahuat in western El Salvador involve Native communities and diasporic Salvadorans who thereby bring attention to the continued marginalization of Native people and cultures. Salvadorans in the US express personal and collective indigeneity while contributing to memory and justice efforts in Izalco, the epicenter of the 1932 violence. Multi-sited ethnography illustrates how Native populations and diasporic others, two publics at the margins of the nation-state, engage popular social memory to acknowledge and commemorate a national tragedy in a process that reconfigures and remakes the meaning of national belonging. [Key words: social memory, indigeneity, nation-state, diaspora, El Salvador 1932] As El Salvador continues to re-build in the aftermath of its civil war (1980-1992), new official sites and practices actively draw attention to questions of national culture, history, and identity.i While museums, textbooks, and educational events highlight archaeological wonders and certain historical narratives for nation-building (DeLugan 2004), there has been a general official silence since the civil war regarding its well- documented atrocities.ii During the post-civil war period, another earlier atrocity, the 1932 “Matanza” (Slaughter), an infamous period of state-sanctioned violence against indigenous people in western El Salvador, has received new attention from scholars, human rights activists, indigenous communities, and diasporic Salvadorans. -
TUIT POR TUIT Y VOTO POR VOTO Investigación Y Proyección Social, Entre Otras
El objetivo de esta investigación no es apuntar qué es correcto y qué no desde el punto de vista ético o legal en las redes sociales. Más bien es indicar qué funcionó y qué falló en el manejo de los perfiles de Twitter de los partidos y candidatos más votados en El Salvador y Guatemala en los procesos de 2019, cuando la meta a alcanzar era la aceptación de un mensaje electoral y la consagración de una persona como figura política. Sobre la Escuela de Comunicación Mónica Herrera (ECMH) La ECMH es un instituto especializado de educación superior que en nuestro país inició actividades académicas en febrero de 1995. A la fecha, ha llevado al campo laboral 20 promociones de graduados que se han incorporado y generado aportes en el área de comunicación desde una visión estratégica orientada a una mejora continua. Actualmente ofrece tres carreras: Comunicaciones Integradas de Marketing, Diseño Estratégico y Comunicación y Estrategia Digital, además de contar con áreas de formación continua, TUIT POR TUIT Y VOTO POR VOTO investigación y proyección social, entre otras. Más información: monicaherrera.edu.sv. La construcción de perfiles políticos en Twitter en las campañas electorales de #ElSalvador y #Guatemala 2019 CRÉDITOS CONSEJO DE DIRECTORES Dirección general: Teresa Palacios de Chávez Dirección académica: Federico Harrison Dirección administrativa financiera: Hermann W. Bruch CONSEJO EDITORIAL Director académico: Federico Harrison Coordinador de investigación institucional: Willian Carballo Coordinadora de proyección social: Larisa Hernández