DOCSLIB.ORG

Danielle Bermudez

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Danielle Bermudez UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, MERCED Remembering Ethnocide: Social Imaginaries of State Violence A Thesis submitted in satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Interdisciplinary Humanities by Danielle Elizabeth Bermúdez Committee in charge: Professor Arturo Arias, Committee Chair Professor Anneeth Kaur Hundle Professor Nigel Hatton 2017 Copyright Danielle Elizabeth Bermúdez, 2017 All rights reserved The Thesis of Danielle Elizabeth Bermúdez is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Nigel De Juan Hatton, Ph.D. Anneeth Kaur Hundle, Ph.D. Arturo Arias, Ph.D. Chair University of California, Merced 2017 iii Dedicated to Rafaela del Tránsito Fernández and Julio Barton Hernández iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This project would not have been possible without the dedication of my advisor, Professor Arturo Arias, who provided wonderful mentorship, encouragement, feedback. Many thanks to my committee members, Professors Anneeth Kaur Hundle and Nigel Hatton, who provided me with a strong support system as well as critical comments, suggestions, and conversations to help me advance. Many thanks to Professors who have provided me guidance on this project along the way, including Robin Maria DeLugan, Paul Almeida, and David Torres-Rouff. I would also like to thank Professor Horacio Roque-Ramírez and Ester Trujillo, who both inspired me as an undergraduate in unimaginable ways to pursue graduate school. Lastly, thank you to my family, friends, and loved ones who have supported me in my journey throughout graduate school thus far. v TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page ………………………………………………………………………… iii Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………….... v Abstract………………………………………………………………………………. vii Introduction …………………………………………………………………………... 1 Section 1: Historical Context and Social Memory………………...…………………. 5 Nahuat in Cuzcatlán and Coloniality…………………………………………………. 5 Coffee Economy………………………………………………………………………. 7 Presidential Elections of 1931………………………………………………………. 8 Communism Narrative………………………………………………………………. 9 Power and Control…………………………………………………………………. 10 Justifying State-Sponsored Ethnocide………………………………………………. 11 Impact of the Ethnocide……………………………………………………………. 13 Tracing Empire…..…………………………………………………………………. 17 Section 2: Social Imaginaries of State Violence and Ethnocide……………….……. 19 The Life of Roque Dalton: Brief Overview…………………………………………. 19 Roque Dalton and Miguel Mármol…………………………………………………. 20 Chapter 6 of Miguel Mármol, La Matanza of 1932: Brief Overview………………. 21 Chapter 7 of Miguel Mármol, Reasons for the losses of 1932: Brief Overview……. 22 Representation of women in Miguel Mármol………………………………………. 24 Reflections on Miguel Mármol………………………………………………………. 26 Conclusion …………………………………………………………………………… 30 Bibliography ………………………………………………………………………….. 32 vi ABSTRACT In January of 1932, the Salvadoran military government systematically killed between 7,000 to 50,000 people, mainly Nahuat Indigenous peoples, in the Western region of the country over a period of three weeks. This tragedy came to be known as “La Matanza”, or “The Killing/The Massacre”. Hegemonic understandings of 1932 often represent three dynamics of the massacre through discourses of: 1) the coffee economy, 2) the Communist narrative, and 3) the Presidential elections of 1931. This thesis considers the following questions: How were Nahuat communities impacted by La Matanza? How do Mármol’s social imaginaries represent the massacre? And, how can social memories of the ethnocide function as forms of testimony to reify and/or confront state violence? To answer these questions, this thesis conducts a brief historical overview of 1932, reflects on interdisciplinary works in memory studies, and analyzes cultural production of La Matanza through Roque Dalton’s renowned book Miguel Marmól: los sucesos de 1932 en El Salvador. I argue that Dalton’s representation of Mármol responds to hegemonic understandings of 1932 by problematizing the aforementioned discourses. Even so, his spoken memories also reified gaps and silences, particularly of the physical and symbolic violences that Indigenous and gendered communities endured during and after the ethnocide. vii INTRODUCTION El Salvador is the smallest and most densely populated country in Central America. Most known for its 12-year civil war, 334,000 Salvadorans entered the United States from 1985-1990. An estimated 25 percent of the population fled from violence during the war, and over 1.6 million Salvadorans now live in the United States (Tilley 2007: 15). El Salvador is informed by histories of colonialism, long-lasting and repressive military regimes that remained in control of the country until the 1980s, as well as continuous foreign military intervention, primarily from the United States, shaping the country’s geopolitical history. Yet the country is also a site of resistance and survival. As El Salvador currently reckons with violences of the past and its intersections with the present, it is important to recognize the power of social memory in bearing witness to these histories. The Salvadoran government has excluded Afro-descendants, ethnic immigrants, and Indigenous peoples from dominant histories. Francisco Andres Escobar’s work “Turbios Hilos de Sangre” describes how El Salvador has, until very recently, attempted to hide from its history of Afrikan slavery (Escobar 1994: 15). Afro-descendants have and continue to be subalternized and racialized in El Salvador through lack of public or institutional recognition in the country. In turn, ethnic immigrants have often been referred to as “Turcos” and “Chinos” in the country (DeLugan 2016: 12). The 2004 Presidential campaigns of Antonio Saca and Shafik Handal in El Salvador shed light on the “not so hidden” ethnic minorities in the country. Both Presidential candidates were Palestinian. Some ethnic immigrants from the 19th and 20th century who are now living in El Salvador include Lebanese, Syrian, Palestinian, Chinese, Jewish, and other populations (DeLugan 2016: 11). The Salvadoran government has also historically not recognized Indigenous communities, including Nahuat, Lenca, Cacaopera-Kakawira, Maya, and more. Afro-descendants, Indigenous communities, and ethnic minorities have different experiences of subalterity through enslavement, genocide, and/or racialization and marginalization from mainstream society. Understanding these subalternized histories is central to understanding gaps and silences in the historiography of the country. Only in 2014, after years of Indigenous advocacy, the Salvadoran Constitution was officially modified (Article 63), to explicitly recognize Indigenous peoples in the country (DeLugan 2016: 14). This Master’s thesis examines a state-sponsored massacre known by most Salvadorans as La Matanza (the killing/massacre) of 1932. In January of 1932, the Salvadoran government systematically killed between 7,000 to 50,000 people, mainly Nahuat men, in the Western Izalco region of the country in less than three weeks (Ching 1998: 14). Scholars, such as Thomas Anderson (1971), may refer to La Matanza as one singular event. However there were multiple state-sponsored massacres and other acts of violence that occurred simultaneously in January of 1932, over a period of several weeks. Virginia Tilley refers to the massacre of 1932 as an ethnocide, due to the mass killings of Indigenous peoples. I will also use the term ethnocide in this thesis in reference to La Matanza of 1932 (Tilley 2005: 76). 1 2 Scholars of La Matanza have traditionally described the historical event from three distinct narratives: (1) the economy (coffee production and trade), (2) politics (the presidential elections of 1931), and (3) ideology (the influence of communism) (Lauria- Santiago and Gould 2004: 120). Gould and Lauria-Santiago call into question the use of these three frameworks of analysis. They argue that these dominant discourses of the ethnocide privilege certain narratives about 1932, and leave out other marginal narratives (Lauria-Santiago and Gould 2004: 20). A more nuanced understanding is needed to understand what La Matanza was truly about. Tilley also argues that scholars of La Matanza often treat the massacres of 1932 in isolation from other political activity in the country (Tilley 2005: 80). DeLugan cites, “It is rarely noted that the 1932 popular uprising was one of a long history of Indigenous uprisings in El Salvador... forty-three Indigenous revolts occurred between 1771 and 1918 in El Salvador” (DeLugan 2012: 34). These gaps and silences memorialize particular histories of La Matanza, while attempting to silence history made by subalternized and racialized communities. Dominant discourses of the ethnocide, such as in the three frameworks mentioned previously, omit the humanity of Nahuat peoples that were brutally massacred in 1932. In 2007, 75 years after La Matanza, the first public commemoration of the massacre occurred in Izalco and Nahuizalco, two sites where massacres took place. Many of the main organizers of the commemoration were Nahuat and Maya women, including Juliana Ama, the niece of Feliciano Ama, a Nahuat leader that was killed by the military government in 1932. “Many community stakeholders gathered in Izalco in 2007, for varying reasons. Some gathered to examine 1932 testimonials as evidence to support a possible legal charge of genocide. Social activists sought recognition for the thousands of Indian remains still buried in mass graves in Western El Salvador. Others saw commemorative
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Political Influence of the Maras in El Salvador
    Analysis Paper 32/2020 14 October 2020 María Luisa Pastor Gómez The political influence of the maras Visitar la WEB Recibir BOLETÍN ELECTRÓNICO in El Salvador The political influence of the maras in El Salvador Abstract: The Salvadoran gangs and in particular the Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) have been acquiring more and more power within the country, until they have become a real political power. A power with wich all parties have negotiated covertly, either to reduce the high levels of violence in the country or just for electoral purposes, as it has been report by the newspaper ‘El Faro’. The content of the report has been denied by the government but is being investigated by the Attorney General's Office. Keywords: Street gangs, MS13, Bukele, El Salvador, dialogue How to cite this document: PASTOR GÓMEZ, María Luisa. The political influence of the maras in El Salvador. IEEE Analysis Paper 32/2020. http://www.ieee.es/Galerias/fichero/docs_analisis/2020/DIEEEA32_2020LUIPAS_maras Salvador-ENG.pdf and/or bie3 link (accessed day/month/year) *NOTE: The ideas contained in the Analysis Papers are the responsibility of their authors. They do not necessarily reflect the thinking of the IEEE or the Ministry of Defense. Analysis Paper 32/2020 1 The political influence of the maras in El Salvador María Luisa Pastor Gómez The political influence of the maras in El Salvador Resumen: Las pandillas salvadoreñas y en particular la Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) han ido adquiriendo cada vez más poder en el seno del país, hasta convertirse en un poder de facto con el que los partidos políticos han negociado de manera encubierta, ya sea para reducir los altos niveles de violencia del país o con fines electoralistas.
    [Show full text]
  • UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Volcanic Poetics: Revolutionary Myth and Affect in Managua and the Mission, 1961-2007 Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/87h094jr Author Dochterman, Zen David Publication Date 2016 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Volcanic Poetics: Revolutionary Myth and Affect in Managua and the Mission, 1961-2007 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Comparative Literature by Zen David Dochterman 2016 © Copyright by Zen David Dochterman 2016 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Volcanic Poetics: Revolutionary Myth and Affect in Managua and the Mission, 1961-2007 by Zen David Dochterman Doctor of Philosophy in Comparative Literature University of California, Los Angeles, 2016 Professor Efrain Kristal, Chair Volcanic Poetics: Revolutionary Myth and Affect in Managua and the Mission, 1961-2007 examines the development of Nicaraguan politically engaged poetry from the initial moments of the Sandinista resistance in the seventies to the contemporary post-Cold War era, as well as its impact on Bay Area Latino/a poetry in the seventies and eighties. This dissertation argues that a critical mass of politically committed Nicaraguan writers developed an approach to poetry to articulate their revolutionary hopes not in classical Marxist terms, but as a decisive rupture with the present order that might generate social, spiritual, and natural communion. I use the term “volcanic poetics” to refer to this approach to poetry, and my dissertation explores its vicissitudes in the political and artistic engagements of writers and poets who either sympathized with, or were protagonists of, the Sandinista revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • El Salvador's 2019 Elections
    CRS INSIGHT El Salvador's 2019 Elections February 6, 2019 (IN11034) | Related Author Clare Ribando Seelke | Clare Ribando Seelke, Specialist in Latin American Affairs ([email protected], 7-5229) On February 3, 2019, Nayib Bukele, a 37-year-old former mayor of San Salvador and candidate of the Grand Alliance of National Unity (GANA) party, won El Salvador's presidential election. Bukele garnered 53% of the vote, well ahead of Carlos Calleja, a business executive running for a conservative National Republican Alliance (ARENA)-led coalition, with 31.8%, and Hugo Mártinez, a former foreign minister of the leftist Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN), with 14.4%. Bukele's first-round victory occurred amid relatively low voter turnout (44.7%) during a peaceful electoral process observed by the Organization of American States and others. Bukele is set to succeed Salvador Sánchez Cerén (FMLN) as president on June 1, 2019, and serve a single, five-year term. Bukele's election ends 10 years of FMLN government. Who Is Nayib Bukele? Nayib Bukele served as mayor of Nuevo Cuscatlán (2012-2015) and San Salvador (2015-2018) for the FMLN. Prior to entering politics, Bukele worked in family businesses started by his late father, a prominent Salvadoran of Palestinian descent who backed the FMLN financially beginning in the early 1990s. Throughout his political career, Bukele has used social media to connect directly with voters, a new phenomenon in Salvadoran politics. As mayor, he revitalized the historic center of San Salvador and engaged at-risk youth in violence-prevention programs. In 2017, the FMLN expelled him for criticizing the party's leadership.
    [Show full text]
  • El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S
    Order Code RS21655 Updated November 18, 2008 El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S. Relations Clare Ribando Seelke Specialist in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary Throughout the last few decades, the United States has had a strong interest in El Salvador. During the 1980s, El Salvador was the largest recipient of U.S. aid in Latin America as its government struggled against the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) insurgency during a 12-year civil war. A 1992 negotiated peace accord brought the war to an end and formally assimilated the FMLN into the political process as a political party. After the peace accords were signed, U.S. involvement shifted towards helping the government rebuild democracy and implement market-friendly economic reforms. Successive National Republican Alliance (ARENA) governments, including that of the current president, Tony Saca, have maintained close ties with the United States. The political scene in El Salvador has become increasingly focused on the January 2009 legislative elections and the March 2009 presidential election. U.S. observers are most interested in the upcoming presidential election, particularly since the FMLN candidate, Mauricio Funes, appears to be leading the ARENA candidate, Rodrigo Ávila, in the polls. This report will be updated. Background El Salvador, nearly the size of Massachusetts, is the smallest nation in Central America, and the most densely populated, with some 6.9 million people. With a per capita income of $2,540, it is considered by the World Bank to be a lower-middle-income country. Since the early 1990s, El Salvador has posted economic growth, held free and fair elections, and survived a series of natural disasters.
    [Show full text]
  • El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S
    El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S. Relations Clare Ribando Seelke Specialist in Latin American Affairs January 3, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21655 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S. Relations Summary Throughout the last few decades, the United States has maintained a strong interest in El Salvador, a small Central American country with a population of 7.2 million. During the 1980s, El Salvador was the largest recipient of U.S. aid in Latin America as its government struggled against the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) insurgency during a 12-year civil war. A peace accord negotiated in 1992 brought the war to an end and formally assimilated the FMLN into the political process as a political party. After the peace accords were signed, U.S. involvement shifted toward helping the government rebuild democracy and implement market- friendly economic reforms. Mauricio Funes of the FMLN was inaugurated to a five-year presidential term in June 2009. Funes won a close election in March 2009, marking the first FMLN presidential victory and the first transfer in political power between parties since the end of El Salvador’s civil war. Funes’ victory followed strong showings by the FMLN in the January 2009 municipal and legislative elections, in which the party won a plurality of the seats in the National Assembly and the largest share of the municipal vote. President Funes still has relatively high approval ratings (69% in November 2010), but faces a number of political, economic, and social challenges.
    [Show full text]
  • Decolonial Performance Collaborations with Undocumented Communities
    Performing Precarity: Decolonial Performance Collaborations With Undocumented Communities Christopher Goodson A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2017 Reading Committee: Scott Magelssen, Chair José Antonio Lucero Stefka Mihaylova Julie Shayne Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Drama ii © Copyright 2017 Christopher Goodson iii University of Washington Abstract Performing Precarity: Decolonial Performance Collaborations with Undocumented Communities Christopher Goodson Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Dr. Scott Magelssen School of Drama This dissertation draws upon my field work relating to contemporary performance practices in the United States that collaborate with undocumented Latina/o immigrants. Drawing on the latest scholarship regarding undocumentedness, I argue that this population, due to the economic and social realities it faces, constitutes an internal colony of the US. In this regard, I frame the various processes related to these performances as “decolonial epistemologies,” à la scholars of decolonial thought such as Walter Mignolo, Madina Tlostanova, and others. Drawing upon first- person interviews with participants and spectators, as well as my own presence at several live performances, I argue that these artistic efforts (which manifest in the diverse media of theater, experimental video, and public ceremony) are designed not only to counter the mainstream discourse that regularly criminalizes and dehumanizes undocumented immigrants, but also to provide meaningful, inter-subjective learning experiences for those involved. Closely examining the social and economic contexts (as well as the aesthetics) of these unrecognized practices, this study offers a unique lens which shows how performance both garners a greater visibility for undocumented immigrants, and also effects positive change to their state of precarity in the US.
    [Show full text]
  • EL SALVADOR 2019 Final Report
    European Union Election Observation Mission EL SALVADOR 2019 Final Report [Flag of host Presidential Election 3 February 2019 Table of Contents I. Executive Summary and Priority Recommendations ......................................................................... 1 II. Introduction ........................................................................................................................................ 4 III. Political Context ................................................................................................................................. 4 IV. Implementation of Previous EOM Recommendations ....................................................................... 5 V. Legal Framework ............................................................................................................................... 6 A. International Principles and Commitments .............................................................................. 6 B. Constitutional Human Rights ................................................................................................... 6 C. Electoral Legislation ................................................................................................................ 7 D. Election System ....................................................................................................................... 7 VI. Election Administration ..................................................................................................................... 8 A. Structure and Composition
    [Show full text]
  • El Salvador 1932, Indigeneity, and Transnational
    Forthcoming 2013 Anthropological Quarterly Commemorating from the Margins of the Nation: El Salvador 1932, Indigeneity, and Transnational Belonging Robin Maria DeLugan, Ph.D. University of California-Merced School of Social Sciences, Humanities and Arts 5200 N. Lake Road Merced, CA 95345 [email protected] 1 Commemorating from the Margins of the Nation: El Salvador 1932, Indigeneity, and Transnational Belonging Abstract Recent public commemorations in the US and El Salvador for the 1932 state-sanctioned killing of thousands of indigenous Nahuat in western El Salvador involve Native communities and diasporic Salvadorans who thereby bring attention to the continued marginalization of Native people and cultures. Salvadorans in the US express personal and collective indigeneity while contributing to memory and justice efforts in Izalco, the epicenter of the 1932 violence. Multi-sited ethnography illustrates how Native populations and diasporic others, two publics at the margins of the nation-state, engage popular social memory to acknowledge and commemorate a national tragedy in a process that reconfigures and remakes the meaning of national belonging. [Key words: social memory, indigeneity, nation-state, diaspora, El Salvador 1932] As El Salvador continues to re-build in the aftermath of its civil war (1980-1992), new official sites and practices actively draw attention to questions of national culture, history, and identity.i While museums, textbooks, and educational events highlight archaeological wonders and certain historical narratives for nation-building (DeLugan 2004), there has been a general official silence since the civil war regarding its well- documented atrocities.ii During the post-civil war period, another earlier atrocity, the 1932 “Matanza” (Slaughter), an infamous period of state-sanctioned violence against indigenous people in western El Salvador, has received new attention from scholars, human rights activists, indigenous communities, and diasporic Salvadorans.
    [Show full text]
  • Alvarado CV 04.13.18
    CURRICULUM VITAE Karina Oliva Alvarado, PhD Chicana and Chicano Studies, UCLA Cell: (626) 639-9059 [email protected] [email protected] preferred EDUCATION PhD Comparative Ethnic Studies, University of California, Berkeley. Dissertation: Transnational Lives and Texts: Writing and Theorizing US / Central American Subjectivities. Chair: Dr. José Saldívar. 2007. UC President’s Postdoctoral Fellow, UCLA, English Department. 2007-2009. M.A. Ethnic Studies, University of California, Berkeley. 2005. B.A. English, University of California, Berkeley. 2002. M.F.A. Mount Saint Mary’s University, Creative Writing. Spring 2019. RESEARCH FOCUS U.S. Central American and Latinx literature; Central American, Chicanx, and Latinx literary, visual and cultural texts and communities in the U.S.; Cultural memory; Transnational narratives; Intercultural Latinx relations; Hemispheric women’s narratives; Critical gendered- racial constructs; Interdisciplinary methods. PUBLICATIONS “Cultural Memory and Making by U.S. Central Americans.” Explores the literary and visual works of 2nd generation Central American novelist Cristina Henríquez, 1.5 poet William Archila, and 2nd generation painter Dalila Mendez as part of U.S. Central American postmemory. Latino Studies XV.4 Winter 2017. http://rdcu.be/xZjA U.S. Central Americans: Reconstructing Memories, Struggles and Communities of Resistance. Coeditor, an anthology on U.S. Central American communities by U.S. Central American scholars on the 1.5 and second generation and migrant Central American communities in California. Arizona University Press. Spring 2017. “A Gynealogy of Cigua Resistance: La Ciguanaba, Prudencia Ayala and Leticia Hernández- Linares in Conversation.” On gendered cultural memory, I explore Cigua-women resistance through the poetic work of Salví (1.5 generation) author Leticia Hernández-Linares; 1930s Salvadoran presidential candidate Prudencia Ayala; and the enduring resilience of the pre and postcolonial legend of la Ciguanaba.
    [Show full text]
  • No. 3. Año I. El Salvador, C.A., May 1 1984.
    SEMANARIO DE ANALISIS POLITICO Director Alfonso Quijada U rias No. 3. Año I. El Salvador, C.A., May 1 1984. that we Ould authorize him to carry out preventive mili- tary operations against what he calls "terrorism". But To ourpeople and all the peoples of the world what is really at issue is legitimizing state terrorism on a world level, something Washington is involved in up to its ears. Before the people of the United States, the FMLN declares: the path taken by Reagan has reached the F.M.L.N. COMMUNIQUThe victor will be whoever is imposed through this point that a choice must be made between accepting THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT struggle taking place behind the backs of the Salvadoran the FMLN's proposal for dialogue and negotiation, PRESSURED THE SALVADORAN GOVERN- people, who have never had a genuine opportunity to teading to the establishment of a broadly based provi- elect their rulers. Once again the vote will be a farce, MENT, RIGHT—WING POLITICAL PARTIES, sional government, or carrying out against our country a and the government that emerges will have to follow the military intervention that is more direct and more AND PUPPET ARMED FORCES TO HOLD dictates of Yankee imperialista. Reagan has already raid massive than the present intervention, It has already PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS. THE AIM WAS that he will support any president, including one put in been shown that the dictatordiip's army is incapable of TO AID REAGAN IN HIS CAMPAING FOR power by a coup, and that the will continue pressing defeating us and is clearly losing the war, despite ahead with his plan of war for El Salvador and Central REELECTION AND TO GIVE POLITICAL Washington's multimillion dollar support and advisers.
    [Show full text]
  • Retazos Intrincados Sobre Roque Daltón
    Retazos intrincados sobre Roque Daltón Juan Francisco Montalbán Los escritores, a menudo los poetas, se convierten en arqueti­ po, intenso y por veces arbitrario, de sus países. Hijos sensibles y atentos de su tiempo y de su sociedad, bohemios o austeros,, com­ prometidos en ocasiones, vociferantes o discretos, su vida acaba siendo con frecuencia un símbolo de las tierras que les vieron nacer, gozar y sufrir, y de la lengua que heredaron de sus padres. En la vida, obra y muerte de Roque Dalton se lleva todo ello al extremo. Los años que pasé en El Salvador, país ya de por sí legen­ dario, me sirvieron para comprobarlo. Llegué allí a mediados de 2001. Mi primer contacto con Dal­ ton, de quien apenas conocía el nombre, y su estela, entre mítica y maldita, se produjo pronto, en la presentación de una recopila­ ción de los artículos periodísticos del poeta David Escobar Galin- do, uno de los negociadores de la paz, en los ochenta, por el bando gubernamental. Lo que iba a ser un acto literario conven­ cional, resultó emotivo. Uno de los intervinientes, Geovani Gale­ as, escritor, polemista, decidió convertir, a su estilo, sus palabras en un desagravio de toda una generación, la suya, de militantes de izquierda acérrima, seguidores vitales de Roque Dalton, hacia Escobar, a quien ahora reconocía como un gran valor literario e intelectual, un hombre generoso de entendimiento y reconcilia­ ción, de paz y de letras «a quien habíamos condenado a muerte» por la cerrazón y el sectarismo imperantes en el momento. Así se expresó: «Alguien que no se haya batido nunca a balazos o a puñaladas o siquiera a golpes, que no haya estado justa o injustamente preso, alguien que no haya vivido el vértigo de las plazas de toros o la sordidez de los burdeles, alguien, en fin, que no se haya aventurado, como quiere el bolero, por esos mares (o bares) de locura, no puede ser un escritor, según el conocido dictamen de 51 Ernest Hemingway..
    [Show full text]
  • Estudios Sociales Y Cívica
    Estudios Sociales y Cívica Guía de continuidad educativa Estudiantes 1.er año de bachillerato Fase 1, semana 6 MINISTERIO DE EDUCACIÓN 1 | Estudios Sociales y Cívica Guía de autoaprendizaje 1.er año de bachillerato ! Unidad 2. Historia política reciente en El Salvador Fase 1, semana 6 Contenido El movimiento social, los intelectuales y la guerrilla a través de la vida de Roque Dalton •! Descripción de como el autoritarismo y la violencia de parte del Estado generó condiciones para las movilizaciones populares en la década de 1970 Productos •! Respuesta a las preguntas de la actividad 2 •! Evaluación formativa Las guerrillas A. Inicio salvadoreñas surgieron a partir de 1970 en el contexto de un Los movimientos populares son aquellos en los que participan diversas organizaciones políticas y régimen autoritario movimientos sociales, que provienen de distintas clases, unificadas en un frente o coalición para establecido en 1932. reivindicar un conjunto de demandas tanto sociales como políticas ante el Estado. Durante el siglo Las diferencias en el XX y hasta la actualidad se caracterizaron por exigir mayores libertades democráticas, justicia social seno del Partido y desarrollo económico. Comunista Salvadoreño (PCS) en torno a la Fuente:!https://cutt.ly/ehOpeyk conveniencia de la lucha armada, A continuación te presentamos una tabla que presenta los principales actores del movimiento expresada en su IV Congreso celebrado a popular en El Salvador antes de la introducción del modelo neoliberal. comienzos de 1970, produjeron una Tabla 1 Movilizaciones populares del siglo XX desde 1932 a la década de 1970. escisión protagonizada por su entonces Principales secretario general, Modelo Acción del Estado Respuesta del movimiento popular Salvador Cayetano actores Carpio (Marcial) junto a Exportación de Privatización de las Organización de trabajadores del campo FRTS otros militantes y monocultivo tierras comunales y y la ciudad.
    [Show full text]