Interposition and the Heresy of Nullification: James Madison and the Exercise of Sovereign Constitutional Powers Christian G
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Senators You Have to Know John C. Calhoun –
Senators You Have To Know John C. Calhoun – South Carolina / serving terms in the United States House of Representatives, United States Senate and as the seventh Vice President of the United States (1825–1832), as well as secretary of war and state. Democrats After 1830, his views evolved and he became a greater proponent of states' rights, limited government, nullification and free trade; as he saw these means as the only way to preserve the Union. He is best known for his intense and original defense of slavery as something positive, his distrust of majoritarianism, and for pointing the South toward secession from the Union. Nullification is a legal theory that a state has the right to nullify, or invalidate, any federal law which that state has deemed unconstitutional. The theory of nullification has never been legally upheld;[1] rather, the Supreme Court has rejected it. The theory of nullification is based on a view that the States formed the Union by an agreement (or "compact") among the States, and that as creators of the federal government, the States have the final authority to determine the limits of the power of that government. Under this, the compact theory, the States and not the federal courts are the ultimate interpreters of the extent of the federal government's power. The States therefore may reject, or nullify, federal laws that the States believe are beyond the federal government's constitutional powers. The related idea of interposition is a theory that a state has the right and the duty to "interpose" itself when the federal government enacts laws that the state believes to be unconstitutional. -
How Libertarians Ought to Think About the U.S. Civil War
How Libertarians Ought to Think about the U.S. Civil War Timothy Sandefur Pacific Legal Foundation 1. Introduction For decades, outspoken libertarians have seen the U.S. Civil War not only as a historical calamity, but as a political calamity as well. According to many libertarians, the Union victory in the Civil War and the presidency of Abraham Lincoln in general represented a betrayal of the U.S. Constitution and of the fundamental principles of American political philosophy. This interpretation rests on two major arguments as well as a variety of more minor concerns. The more minor concerns include specific critiques of the policies of the Lincoln Administration or of the conduct of the war by Union forces. For example, many libertarians condemn the Union for instituting a military draft or for suspending the writ of habeas corpus . There are many of these specific criticisms, which deserve detailed discussion that cannot be provided here. 1 Suffice it to say that some of these criticisms are well-founded; indeed, libertarians deplore war precisely because it tends to give rise to such evils. Understanding the Civil War as a matter of political philosophy, however, requires a systematic, two-step analysis: First, does a state have the legal authority under the U.S. Constitution, to secede unilaterally? If the answer to this question is yes, then the analysis is at an end; if states have the right to secede, then the Union was in the wrong to put down the Confederacy. If, however, the answer is no, then we must proceed to a second step: Even illegal acts, like the American Revolution, are justified by the right of revolution, so even if the Constitution does prohibit secession, the people of the southern states had the right to rebel against the Union, if their act was a legitimate act of revolution. -
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In 1798, Thomas Jefferson and James Madison penned the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, formally detailing the principles of nullification for the first time. Standing alone, the resolutions make a strong case for nullification. But they don’t reveal the whole story. The resolutions were actually just a first step in the strategy Madison and Jefferson developed for dealing with the unconstitutional Alien and Sedition Acts. Correspondence between the two men, and other players involved in the fight to block this early example of federal overreach, provide a much clearer picture of what they were trying to accomplish in the long run. During the summer of 1798, Congress passed four laws together known as the Alien and Sedition Acts. These laws violated several constitutional provisions and represented a gross federal usurpation of power. The first three laws dealt with the treatment of resident aliens. The Alien Friends Act gave the president sweeping power to deport “dangerous” aliens, in effect elevating the president to the role of judge, jury and “executioner.” The Alien Enemies Act allowed for the arrest, imprisonment and deportation of any male citizen of a nation at war with the U.S., even without any evidence that the individual was an actual threat. These laws unconstitutionally vested judicial powers in the executive branch and denied the accused due process. The most insidious of the laws was the Sedition Act. It essentially criminalized criticism of the federal government, a blatant violation of the First Amendment. Recognizing the Alien and Sedition Acts represented a serious threat to the constitutional system, and with few options for addressing the overreach due to Federalist Party control of the federal government, Jefferson and Madison turned to the states. -
Open Mangiaracina James Crisisinfluence.Pdf
THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY THE INFLUENCE OF THE 1830s NULLIFICATION CRISIS ON THE 1860s SECESSION CRISIS JAMES MANGIARACINA SPRING 2017 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a baccalaureate degree in History with honors in History Reviewed and approved* by the following: Amy Greenberg Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of History and Women’s Studies Thesis Supervisor Mike Milligan Senior Lecturer in History Honors Adviser * Signatures are on file in the Schreyer Honors College. i ABSTRACT This thesis aims to connect the constitutional arguments for and against secession during the Nullification Crisis of 1832 with the constitutional arguments for and against secession during the Secession Crisis of 1860-1861. Prior to the Nullification Crisis, Vice President John C. Calhoun, who has historically been considered to be a leading proponent of secession, outlined his doctrine of nullification in 1828. This thesis argues that Calhoun’s doctrine was initially intended to preserve the Union. However, after increasingly high protective tariffs, the state delegates of the South Carolina Nullification Convention radicalized his version of nullification as expressed in the Ordinance of Nullification of 1832. In response to the Ordinance, President Andrew Jackson issued his Proclamation Regarding Nullification. In this document, Jackson vehemently opposed the notion of nullification and secession through various constitutional arguments. Next, this thesis will look at the Bluffton Movement of 1844 and the Nashville Convention of 1850. In the former, Robert Barnwell Rhett pushed for immediate nullification of the new protective Tariff of 1842 or secession. In this way, Rhett further removed Calhoun’s original intention of nullification and radicalized it. -
The Civil War As Constitutional Interpretation (Reviewing Lincoln's
REVIEW The Civil War as Constitutional Interpretation Michael Stokes Paulsent Lincoln's Constitution, Daniel Farber. Chicago, 2003. Pp ix, 240. I. THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF A WAR OVER CONSTITUTIONAL MEANING The world will little note, nor long remember, what academics say about the Constitution. That is, probably, as it should be. The law is made-its interpretation settled-by great events, not law review articles; by wars, not words; by presidents, not professors. The Constitution we have today is in substantial measure the re- sult of the single most decisive legal interpretive event of American history: the Civil War. The outcome of Grant v Lee resolved the most important issue of antebellum constitutional dispute-the nature of the Union-in favor of the nationalist view of sovereignty and against the South's state-sovereignty view. It was a great Civil War, not a judicial opinion, that settled this issue. It was likewise the Civil War, not any correcting judicial decision, that reversed the most egre- gious error of the Supreme Court up to that point in our history- Dred Scott's' enshrinement of slavery as a fundamental constitutional property right of (white) citizens, immune from federal interference as a matter of "due process" of law. And it was the War, not any judi- cial decision, that reversed the most egregious error of the framers in t Briggs & Morgan Professor of Law, University of Minnesota Law School;Visiting Profes- sor of Law (2003-2004), University of St. Thomas School of Law. My thanks to John Nagle and Saikrishna Prakash for comments on earlier drafts of this Review. -
The Spirit of ’98: a Defense of Civil Or States’ Rights?
The Kabod Volume 2 Issue 1 Fall 2015 Article 9 October 2015 The Spirit of ’98: A Defense of Civil or States’ Rights? William Hopchak University of Missouri, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/kabod Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citations MLA: Hopchak, William "The Spirit of ’98: A Defense of Civil or States’ Rights?," The Kabod 2. 1 (2015) Article 9. Liberty University Digital Commons. Web. [xx Month xxxx]. APA: Hopchak, William (2015) "The Spirit of ’98: A Defense of Civil or States’ Rights?" The Kabod 2( 1 (2015)), Article 9. Retrieved from https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/kabod/vol2/iss1/9 Turabian: Hopchak, William "The Spirit of ’98: A Defense of Civil or States’ Rights?" The Kabod 2 , no. 1 2015 (2015) Accessed [Month x, xxxx]. Liberty University Digital Commons. This Individual Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholars Crossing. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Kabod by an authorized editor of Scholars Crossing. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Hopchak: The Spirit of ’98: A Defense of Civil or States’ Rights? Hopchak 1 The Spirit of ’98: A Defense of Civil or States’ Rights? William Hopchak HIUS 314 Jeffersonian History Dr. Schultz November 18, 2014 Published by Scholars Crossing, 2015 1 The Kabod, Vol. 2, Iss. 1 [2015], Art. 9 Hopchak 2 The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798 and the subsequent Virginia Report of 1800 have created a great deal of controversy since their adoption. Passed in response to the recently enacted Alien and Sedition Acts which collectively extended the naturalization period, gave the president power to expel immigrants, and criminalized criticism of the government, the Resolutions and Report denounced the Acts as unconstitutional. -
The Decline and Resurrection of a Delegation View of the Constitution
Marquette University Law School Marquette Law Scholarly Commons Faculty Publications Faculty Scholarship 1-1-2010 Charters, Compacts, and Tea Parties: The eclineD and Resurrection of a Delegation View of the Constitution Edward A. Fallone Marquette University Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/facpub Part of the Law Commons Publication Information Edward A. Fallone, Charters, Compacts, and Tea Parties: The eD cline and Resurrection of a Delegation View of the Constitution, 45 Wake Forest L. Rev. 1067 (2010) © 2010 by the Wake Forest Law Review Association, Inc. Repository Citation Fallone, Edward A., "Charters, Compacts, and Tea Parties: The eD cline and Resurrection of a Delegation View of the Constitution" (2010). Faculty Publications. Paper 125. http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/facpub/125 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. W05_FALLONE 10/18/2010 11:45:59 AM CHARTERS, COMPACTS, AND TEA PARTIES: THE DECLINE AND RESURRECTION OF A DELEGATION VIEW OF THE CONSTITUTION Edward A. Fallone* INTRODUCTION Originalism is widely acknowledged to be the dominant method of constitutional interpretation today.1 However, recent scholarship advancing an originalist interpretation of the Constitution -
The Federal Era
CATALOGUE THREE HUNDRED THIRTY-SEVEN The Federal Era WILLIAM REESE COMPANY 409 Temple Street New Haven, CT 06511 (203) 789-8081 A Note This catalogue is devoted to the two decades from the signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1783 to the first Jefferson administration and the Louisiana Purchase, usually known to scholars as the Federal era. It saw the evolution of the United States from the uncertainties of the Confederation to the establishment of the Constitution and first federal government in 1787-89, through Washington’s two administrations and that of John Adams, and finally the Jeffersonian revolution of 1800 and the dramatic expansion of the United States. Notable items include a first edition of The Federalist; a collection of the treaties ending the Revolutionary conflict (1783); the first edition of the first American navigational guide, by Furlong (1796); the Virginia Resolutions of 1799; various important cartographical works by Norman and Mount & Page; a first edition of Benjamin’s Country Builder’s Assistant (1797); a set of Carey’s American Museum; and much more. Our catalogue 338 will be devoted to Western Americana. Available on request or via our website are our recent catalogues 331 Archives & Manuscripts, 332 French Americana, 333 Americana–Beginnings, 334 Recent Acquisitions in Americana, and 336 What I Like About the South; bulletins 41 Original Works of American Art, 42 Native Americans, 43 Cartography, and 44 Photography; e-lists (only available on our website) and many more topical lists. q A portion of our stock may be viewed at www.williamreesecompany.com. If you would like to receive e-mail notification when catalogues and lists are uploaded, please e-mail us at [email protected] or send us a fax, specifying whether you would like to receive the notifications in lieu of or in addition to paper catalogues. -
Town Meetings and Other Popular Assemblies in the American Founding
Journal of Public Deliberation Volume 15 Issue 2 Town Meeting Politics in the United States: The Idea and Practice of an American Article 7 Myth 2019 A ‘Peaceable and Orderly Manner’: Town Meetings and other Popular Assemblies in the American Founding Robert W. T. Martin Hamilton College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://www.publicdeliberation.net/jpd Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Martin, Robert W. T. (2019) "A ‘Peaceable and Orderly Manner’: Town Meetings and other Popular Assemblies in the American Founding," Journal of Public Deliberation: Vol. 15 : Iss. 2 , Article 7. Available at: https://www.publicdeliberation.net/jpd/vol15/iss2/art7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Public Deliberation. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Public Deliberation by an authorized editor of Public Deliberation. A ‘Peaceable and Orderly Manner’: Town Meetings and other Popular Assemblies in the American Founding Abstract The New England town meeting has often been seen as the archetypical deliberative citizen forum (see, e.g., Mansbridge 1980). More recently, political theorists have begun to appreciate the way in which any particular public forum might be better understood as part of the larger deliberative system (Parkinson, Mansbridge, 2012). Much of this work draws on modern-day examples (Parkinson 2006). But a return to the American founding era reveals that while town meetings are often praised and have many democratic virtues, they also embody a limitation on popular action generally and especially on democratic dissent. Keywords deliberative democracy, town meetings, citizen assemblies, dissent, James Madison, American Founding This article is available in Journal of Public Deliberation: https://www.publicdeliberation.net/jpd/vol15/iss2/art7 Martin: A ‘Peaceable and Orderly Manner’ Introduction Much like the ancient Athenian assembly, the New England town meeting has often been seen as an archetypical deliberative citizen forum (see, e.g., Mansbridge 1980). -
Minority Report: John Marshall and the Defense of the Alien and Sedition Acts
OHIO STATE LAW JOURNAL VOLUME 68, NUMBER 2, 2007 Minority Report: John Marshall and the Defense of the Alien and Sedition Acts KURT T. LASH* ALICIA HARRSON** In 1799, the Federalist minority of the Virginia House of Delegates produced an extended defense of the Alien and Sedition Acts. This Minority Report responded to Madison's famous Virginia Resolutions and efforts by Virginia Republicans to tar the Adams Administration with having exceeded its powers under the federal Constitution. Originally attributed to John Marshall by biographerAlbert Beveridge, recent biographies of Marshall have omitted the episode or rejected Beveridge's claim and the current editors of the Papers of John Marshall omitted the Minority Report from their multi-volume collection of Marshall's work. What was once an assumed (if controversial) episode in Marshall's career has disappeared from otherwise exhaustive accounts of his life and work. As in Philip K. Dick's story, Minority Report, an alternate view of events has been unceremoniously erasedfrom the official record. The authors of this Article challenge the decision to remove Marshall's name from the Minority Report. Marshall was the only person named at the time as the probable author, and Marshallhad both reason and opportunity to draft the Address. The arguments of the Report not only track Marshall's views on the Constitution, they utilize constitutional arguments that were * Professor of Law and W. Joseph Ford Fellow, Loyola Law School, Los Angeles. B.A., Whitman College; J.D., Yale Law School. I thank the wonderful staff at the Huntington Research Library for their invaluable assistance locating innumerable primary documents. -
418635 1 En Bookbackmatter 229..273
CHRONOLOGY 1776 July 4 The United States declares its independence from Great Britain. 1777 November 15 The Continental Congress adopts the Articles of Confederation and submits them to the states for ratification. 1780 September Even before Articles are ratified, Hamilton suggests convention to draft new constitution. 1781 March 1 The Articles of Confederation enter into force with ratification by Maryland, the last of the 13 states to ratify. 1783–1786 All attempts by the Continental Congress to amend the Articles are frustrated by need for unanimous approval of states. 1786 September Annapolis Convention for commercial reform among states fails for lack of quorum. Meeting adopts a resolution for Congress to propose holding a convention in Philadelphia in May 1787. 1786 Fall Shays’ Rebellion in Massachusetts alarms men of prop- erty and commerce. 1787 February 21 Continental Congress recommends that states send delegates to convention to meet in Philadelphia in May to propose alterations to Articles, so as to “render the federal constitution adequate to the exigencies of Government & the preservation of the Union.” 1787 March–April Madison, in letters to Jefferson, Randolph, and Washington, outlines major reforms he proposes, including a national veto on all state legislation. 1787 May 14 Lack of quorum delays opening of Constitutional Convention. © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017 229 S. Slonim, Forging the American Nation, 1787–1791, DOI 10.1057/978-1-349-95163-5 230 CHRONOLOGY 1787 May 25 Convention begins deliberation with arrival of majority of state delegates. George Washington is elected as Chairman. 1787 May 29 Gov. -
A Madisonian Constitution for All Essay Series 1
A MADISONIAN CONSTITUTION FOR ALL 1 ESSAY SERIES THE RELEVANCE AND IRRELEVANCE OF JAMES MADISON TO FAITHFUL CONSTITUTIONAL INTERPRETATION BY MICHAEL STOKES PAULSEN The several departments being perfectly co-ordinate by the terms of their common commission, neither of them, it is evident, can pretend to an exclusive or superior right of settling the boundaries between their respective powers. The Federalist 49 (James Madison) I. INTRODUCTION: MADISON VERSUS MODERN PRACTICE The two most fundamental questions of constitutional law are how to interpret the Constitution and who is to do the interpreting. On these two questions—how and by whom, interpretive method and interpretive power—hang essentially every other issue of American constitutional law. There exists a clear modern consensus on the answers to these bedrock questions – and that consensus is almost certainly wrong. The error starts, subtly, by taking up the questions in reverse order: It has become common in modern times to identify the power of constitutional interpretation exclusively with the decisions of courts, and especially with the decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court. The answer to the question “Who interprets?” is, most everyone today would agree, “The Supreme Court.” And once the question of interpretive power is resolved in favor of a supreme judiciary, the question of interpretive method tends to be answered in terms of deference to whatever that supreme judiciary decides. The judicial power “to say what the law is”1 thus rapidly degenerates into the cynical view that the law is “what the judges say it is.”2 It has thus become commonplace to assert that the Constitution itself contains no discernible rules or instructions concerning how it is to be interpreted.