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City Research Online City, University of London Institutional Repository Citation: Bunce, M. (2015). Africa in the click stream: audience metrics and foreign correspondents in africa. African Journalism Studies, 36(4), pp. 12-29. doi: 10.1080/23743670.2015.1119487 This is the accepted version of the paper. This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. Permanent repository link: https://openaccess.city.ac.uk/id/eprint/13390/ Link to published version: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2015.1119487 Copyright: City Research Online aims to make research outputs of City, University of London available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the author(s) and/or copyright holders. URLs from City Research Online may be freely distributed and linked to. Reuse: Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. City Research Online: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/ [email protected] AFRICA IN THE CLICK STREAM: AUDIENCE METRICS AND FOREIGN CORRESPONDENTS IN AFRICA Mel Bunce City University London, UK [email protected] ABSTRACT Digital technologies have transformed the relationship between news outlets, journalists and their audiences. Notably, editors can now monitor their websites and discern the exact news preferences of their readers. Research suggests that some editors are using this data to help them produce more popular, ‘click friendly’ content. To date, research on this phenomenon has focused on journalists working within newsrooms. This article adds to the literature by exploring the relationship of foreign correspondents in Africa with their audiences, and asks whether readership metrics are influencing the journalists’ selection and development of news stories. Drawing on 67 interviews with foreign correspondents in East and West Africa, the article identifies three different approaches to audience metrics: correspondents that are 1) data- driven; 2) data informed; and 3) data denial-ists. The article discusses the implications of these approaches for the media image of Africa that is distributed around the globe. KEYWORDS Africa, audiences, international news, metrics, news production, readership data, Search Engine Optimisation 1 Today’s news editors operate in a near-perfect information environment. Monitoring their website analytics, they have access to extensive, precise information about the popularity of different stories, where readers come from, how long they spend on each page, and whether they share or comment on content. As journalist Glen Stanaway puts it, “the internet lets us measure precisely, virtually every minute, story popularity... the web forces us closer to our readership. Feedback is instant” (quoted in Este et al 2008, 17). Research suggests that news editors are increasingly using this feedback to guide their news production – for example, if metrics show that a particular story is popular, placing it prominently on the website homepage, and commissioning stories on a similar topic in the future (Anderson 2011a, 2011b; Boczkowski, 2004; Bright and Nichols 2014; Dick 2011; Loosen and Schmidt 2012; MacGregor 2007; Peters 2010). To date, research on the influence of website analytics has focused exclusively on editors and journalists working within newsrooms (see Tubdoc 2014 for a recent overview). There has been little discussion of whether this data may be used to guide international news production, and the work of foreign correspondents abroad. This is a significant gap given the important role international news plays in shaping audiences’ perceptions of foreign events. Moreover, research suggests that international news – and news coverage of Africa, in particular - is unpopular among readers in the global north (Baum 2002; DFID 2000; Carroll 2007). When surveyed, news readers often state that they want to read hard-hitting international news - but when their actual online behavior is analysed, they tend to avoid it (Thompson 2014). Thus, where editors and foreign correspondents consult audience metrics, they may be more reluctant to produce news about events and issues in Africa. Alternatively, they may be inclined to focus on high profile-events which have a demonstrated audience appeal: for example, coverage of the Boko Haram kidnapping or the ebola epidemic. This article explores the question: how is readership data used in the production of international news about Africa? Drawing on 67 interviews with foreign correspondents in East and West Africa, it identifies three quite different 2 practices – or strategic approaches - to the collection and dissemination of readership data: 1) A first group of foreign correspondents are acutely aware of audience data, and base their news decisions on this information. This category includes The Daily Telegraph (UK), as well as the journalists at the Reuters newswire; 2) Foreign correspondents who have little knowledge of audience data, but are sometimes guided towards more popular stories by their editors who are aware of the data. The vast majority of foreign correspondents working in sub-Saharan Africa today fall into this category; 3) A final, very small group of foreign correspondents have no knowledge about their readers’ behavior, and experience little pressure from their editors who do. This includes the correspondents working at The Economist and the Financial Times (UK). The discussion section explores the implications of these approaches for international news content about Africa. WEBSITE ANALYTICS AND THE END OF THE ‘IMAGINED AUDIENCE’ Website analytics are increasingly collected and consulted by editors in newsrooms around the world. A survey of 318 editors of US newspapers found that 84% monitored their website traffic regularly and 31% used audience metrics “to plan content production” (Vu 2013, 10). In an ethnographic study of three online newsrooms in the United States, Tandoc (2014) finds that editors referred to metrics when making selection (and de-selection) choices for the home pages of their websites; and they used them to test and experiment with possible wording, headlines, and accompanying graphics. The results of these experiments provide data on whether particular approaches to storytelling result in greater volumes of traffic – and this knowledge can be used to guide future production. Tandoc concludes that, “Journalists are normalizing web analytics, using audience metrics to inform their traditional gatekeeping functions. News judgments now include acute awareness of what stories did well in the past based on traffic” (2014, 572). Large quantitative studies have confirmed the important role metrics play in news production. Bright and Nichols (2014), for example, analyze whether readership statistics influenced editors’ decisions to keep articles on the front of their website’s home page. Comparing 60,000 news articles that appeared on the 3 website of UK news sites with the list of ‘most read articles’ they find that being popular reduced the chance of being removed from the homepage by 20-30%. The authors conclude that “the audience is no longer the ignored quantity it was in offline journalism: it has a clear impact on journalistic practice” (2014, 178). The wider crisis in the journalism business model may create even more pressure on editors to refer to metrics, in the attempt to drive traffic to their sites. With advertising and revenue often liked to page views, research suggests that editors who feel insecure or worry about their outlet’s ratings are most likely to refer to audience figures (Lowrey and Woo, 2010). These developments concern some commentators (e.g. Currah 2009) who worry about a ‘click culture’ permeating contemporary news work, with editors struggling to balance the pursuit of page views with a desire to preserve traditional norms, values and professional judgment. However, these concerns must be tempered by the fact that popular news is not necessarily ‘bad’. In addition to providing audiences with the news they actually want to read, popular journalism has the potential to focus on issues ignored by elite media, and it may provide an alternative space for public engagement (Örnebring and Jonsson 2004; Baum 2002). Internet analytics have not been utilized uniformly across the news market (Anderson 2011a, 2011b). At the ‘quality’ press, editors seem to be exercising caution, with the desire to protect brand reputation seemingly acting as a counter-weight to commercial imperatives (MacGregor, 2007). At The Guardian, for example, Dick finds that the desire for more traffic does not trump the style guide or in-house editorial decisions. If a topic is trending, the suggestion is only made to ‘move it up’ the agenda if it has a perceived resonance with The Guardian’s readers. Traffic is “on the table” as part of the debate but protecting the brand comes first (Dick 2011, 472). This conservative approach contrasts markedly with other outlets, particularly the new arrivals Upworthy, Gawker and Buzzfeed, where readership figures are celebrated and advertised, and play a central role in news production. At Upworthy, for example, journalists are asked to write 25 potential headlines for every story. These are tested and a final headline chosen on the basis of one criteria: