Political and Economic Changes and US Policy
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L'ambitiond'andre Azoulay Sanbar, Le Responsable De
Quand leMaroc sera islamiste Lacorruption, unsport national L'ambitiond'Andre Azoulay I'Equipement et wali de Marrakech, qui sera nomme en 200S wali de Tanger; le polytechnicien Driss Benhima, fils Durant les deux dernieres annees du regne d'Hassan II, d'un ancien Premier ministre et ministre de I'Interieur ; un vent reformateur va souffler pendant quelques mois au Mourad Cherif, qui fut plusieurs fois ministre et dirigea Maroc. Un des principaux artisans de cette volonte de tour atour l'Omnium nord-africain puis l'Office cherifien changement aura ete Andre Azoulay, le premier juif maro des phosphates - les deux neurons economiques du cain aetre nomme conseiller de SaMajeste par dahir (decret royaume -, avant d'etre nomme en mars 2006 ala tete de royal). Le parcours militant de ce Franco-Marocain, un la filiale de BNPParibas au Maroc, la BMCI ; et enfin Hassan ancien de Paribas et d'Eurocom, temoigne d'un incontes Abouyoub, plusieurs fois ministre et ancien ambassadeur. table esprit d'ouverture. Artisan constant d'un rapproche Ainsi Andre Azoulay pretendait, avec une telle garde ment [udeo-arabe, il cree en 1973 l'association Identite et rapprochee, aider le roi Hassan II dans ses velleites Dialogue alors qu'il reside encore en France. Aidepar Albert reformatrices. Sasson, un ancien doyen de la faculte de Rabat fort res Seulement, l'essai n'a pas ete transforme. Dans un pre pecte, Andre Azoulay organise de multiples rencontres mier temps, l'incontestable ouverture politique du entre juifs et Arabes.Sesliens d'amitie avec Issam Sartaoui, royaume, qui a vu Hassan II nommer ala tete du gouverne Ie responsable de l'OLP assassine en 1983, ou avec Elias ment le leader socialiste de l'USFP, s'est accompagnee d'un Sanbar, le responsable de la Revue d'etudes palestiniennes, processus d'assainissement economique. -
Morocco and the Mirages of Democracy and Good Governance
UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 12 (Octubre / October 2006) ISSN 1696-2206 MOROCCO AND THE MIRAGES OF DEMOCRACY AND GOOD GOVERNANCE Sami Zemni 1 Ghent University Koenraad Bogaert 2 Ghent University Abstract: The growing contrast and contradiction between the processes of radicalization and democratization in the age of global market reforms and the ‘War on Terror’ are not confined to the internal or domestic Moroccan political scene. Political movements, NGOs, the government, international institutions and foreign governments are all embedded within a growing number of international networks thus making policy a global enterprise. In the following article we want to examine the impact of US policy on the Moroccan reform process. The background for this analysis is George W. Bush’s Greater Middle Eastern Initiative. This US initiative is ambitious as it tries to devise policies that tackle what is seen as the root causes for Middle East instability, violence and/or Islamism. Morocco is seen as one of the US’s strategic allies in the region and has been solicited to join the ‘War on Terror’. Morocco is an interesting case to study simultaneously the impact of the ‘War on Terror’, the implementation of a Free Trade Agreement and good governance measures as political tools to counter terrorism through fighting poverty and, finally, the ‘Islamist question’ particularly present in Morocco. Keywords: Morocco, democratization, good governance. Resumen: El creciente contraste y la contradicción entre los procesos de radicalización y democratización en la era de las reformas del mercado global y la “Guerra contra el Terror” no se limitan a la escena política interna de Marruecos. -
Zhor Alaoui Mdaghri
Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Université Mohammed V de Rabat Humaines – Rabat Etude réalisée par Le Centre d’histoire du temps présent Le mouvement des droits humains des femmes au Maroc : Approche historique et archivistique Coordination Assia Benadada et Latifa El Bouhsini Janvier 2013 - Novembre 2014 Programme d’accompagnement aux Avec l'Appui financier de l’Union recommandations de l’IER en matière Européenne d’archives, d’histoire et de mémoire Le mouvement des droits humains des femmes au Maroc : Approche historique et archivistique Auteures : Bidaouiya Belkamel Asmae Benadada Assia Benadada Damia Benkhouya Latifa El Bouhsini Aïcha Khidani Hakima Naji Khadija Sebbar Coordination Assia Benadada et Latifa El Bouhsini Les points de vue qui sont exposés dans ce document reflètent l'opinion de leurs auteurs et de ce fait ne représentent en aucun cas ni le point de vue officiel de l’Union européenne ni celui du CNDH. i Dépôt légal : 2014MO3516 ISBEN : 978-9954-34-429-3 Mise en page et impression : Kawtar Print – Rabat [email protected] ii Remerciements La réalisation et la publication de ce travail intitulé : ’’Histoire des droits Humains des femmes : Approche historique et archivistique’’ est rendu possible grâce au soutien de l’Union européenne et à l’appui du CNDH et de l’Université Mohamed V de Rabat. Que tous ces partenaires trouvent ici l’expression de nos remerciements les plus vifs. Que soient également remerciés toutes celles et tous ceux qui ont apporté leur aide et leur soutien à la réalisation de ce projet, notamment les activistes appartenant au mouvement de défense des droits humains des femmes. -
Les Gouvernements Marocains Depuis L'indépendance (Chronologie)
Les gouvernements marocains depuis l'Indépendance (Chronologie) - 1er gouvernement, Si Bekkai Ben M'barek Lahbil, président du conseil (7 décembre 1955). - 2ème gouvernement, Si Bekkai Ben M'barek Lahbil, président du conseil (28 octobre 1956). - 3ème gouvernement, Haj Ahmed Balafrej, président du conseil et ministre des affaires étrangères (12 mai 1958). - 4ème gouvernement, M. Abdallah Ibrahim, président du conseil et ministre des Affaires étrangères (24 décembre 1958). - 5ème gouvernement, Feu SM Mohammed V, président du conseil, SAR le Prince héritier Moulay Hassan, vice-président du conseil et ministre de la Défense nationale (27 mai 1960). - 6ème gouvernement, Feu SM Hassan II, président du conseil, ministre de la Défense nationale et ministre de l'Agriculture (4 mars 1961). - 7ème gouvernement, Feu SM Hassan II, président du conseil et ministre des Affaires étrangères (2 juin 1961). - 8ème gouvernement, pas de Premier ministre, Haj Ahmed Balafrej, représentant personnel de SM le Roi et ministre des Affaires étrangères (5 janvier 1963). - 9ème gouvernement, M. Ahmed Bahnini, président du conseil (13 novembre 1963). - 10ème gouvernement, Feu SM Hassan II, président du conseil (8 juin 1965). - 11ème gouvernement, Dr. Mohamed Benhima, Premier ministre (11 novembre 1967), Dr. Ahmed Laraki, Premier Ministre à partir du 7 octobre 1969. - 12ème gouvernement, M. Mohamed Karim Lamrani, Premier ministre (6 août 1971). - 13ème gouvernement, M. Mohamed Karim Lamrani, Premier ministre (12 avril 1972). - 14ème gouvernement, M. Ahmed Osman, Premier ministre (20 novembre 1972). - 15ème gouvernement, M. Ahmed Osman, Premier ministre (25 avril 1974). - 16ème gouvernement, M. Ahmed Osman, Premier ministre (10 octobre 1977). - 17ème gouvernement, M. Maati Bouabid, Premier ministre et ministre de la Justice (27 mars 1979). -
CASABLANCA, Morocco Hmed Reda Benchemsi, the 33-Year-Old
Posted July 3, 2007 CASABLANCA, Morocco A hmed Reda Benchemsi, the 33-year-old publisher of the independent Moroccan weekly TelQuel, sensed someone was trying to send him a message. In a matter of months, two judges had ordered him to pay extraordinarily high damages in a pair of otherwise unremarkable defamation lawsuits. It started in August 2005, when a court convicted Benchemsi of defaming pro- government member of parliament Hlima Assali, who complained about a short article that made light of her alleged experience as a chiekha, or popular dancer. At trial, Benchemsi and his lawyer never put up a defense—because they weren’t in court. The judge had reconvened the trial 15 minutes before scheduled and, with no one representing the defense, promptly issued a verdict: two-month suspended jail terms for Benchemsi and another colleague and damages of 1 million dirhams (US$120,000). Two months later, another court convicted Benchemsi of defamation, this time after the head of a children’s assistance organization sued TelQuel and three other Moroccan newspapers for erroneously reporting that she was under investigation for suspected embezzlement. TelQuel, which had already issued a correction and apology, was ordered to pay 900,000 dirhams (US$108,000)—several times the amounts ordered against the other three publications. At the time, the damages were among the highest ever awarded in a defamation case in Morocco—and more than nine times what Moroccan lawyers and journalists say is the national norm in such cases. A puzzled Benchemsi said he learned from a palace source several months later what had triggered the judicial onslaught. -
International Reports 1/2017
Source: © Rafael Marchante, Reuters. Marchante, © Rafael Source: Other Topics Government Formation by Consensus? Monarchy, Democracy and Political Islam in Morocco Helmut Reifeld 90 Since the constitutional reform and 2011 elections, Morocco’s political reform course has continued to stabilise. However, is there any democratic foundation for this stability? Do the political parties form a democratic force that could lead the population through a necessary transformation process? And how “moderate” are the Islamists who were in power during the last election period? On 7 October 2016, at the end of a normal For Benkirane, this crisis came to a head with legislative period, the seats were reallocated the King’s decision to request the new parlia- in Morocco’s House of Representatives. As the ment to elect a president, even without a new leader of the moderate Islamist Justice and government in office in order to be capable of Development Party (PJD), which again won a taking action. Thus, on 13 January 2017, (with majority of the seats, King Mohammed VI fol- the abstention of the PJD), Habib El Malki was lowed the constitutional guideline to invite the elected by the USFP as the new parliamentary former Prime Minister, Abdelilah Benkirane, to president.1 This may be viewed as a highly prag- form a new government. matic solution, however, many observers also treated it as a “coup d’état” that contested the Over a period of more than five months, will of the electorate.2 Benkirane unsuccessfully attempted to honour this invitation during tough coalition negoti- This crisis came to an end on 17 March with the ations. -
Morocco and the European Union
NEGOTIATING EUROPEAN INTEGRATION ON THE SOUTHERN PERIPHERY: DEMOCRACY DEFICITS AND BARGAINING POWER IN THE MAGHREB by Carl Dawson B.A., Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand, 1991 M.P.S., Cornell University, 1996 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Graduate School of Public and International Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2007 © Copyright by Carl Dawson 2007 ii COMMITTEE SIGNATURE PAGE Professor Martin Staniland, Dissertation Advisor _______________________ Professor Clyde Mitchell-Weaver, Dissertation Advisor _______________________ Professor Alberta Sbragia, Committee Member Professor Phyllis Coontz, Committee Member iii NEGOTIATING EUROPEAN INTEGRATION ON THE SOUTHERN PERIPHERY: DEMOCRACY DEFICITS AND BARGAINING POWER IN THE MAGHREB Carl Dawson, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2007 From 1992 until 1995, Morocco and the European Union (EU) were in negotiations for an Association Agreement as part of a regional initiative, the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (or “Barcelona process”). The free trade provisions of the agreement seemed unfavorable for Morocco: they largely excluded agriculture, and, therefore, many products in which Morocco could have made significant gains, they opened the Moroccan market to competition from EU non-agricultural products (Morocco had achieved equivalent access to EU markets decades earlier), and EU funding for Moroccan company upgrading fell far short of expectations. This research sought to determine how the respective political systems of Morocco and the European Union led to the EU proposing, and Morocco accepting, a sub-optimal agreement. These issues were explored through recorded and transcribed interviews with key Moroccan and EU players, and through document analysis, and the resulting data were analyzed primarily in terms of Putnam’s two-level game model of international negotiation. -
2000 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 23, 2001
Morocco Page 1 of 41 Morocco Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2000 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 23, 2001 The Constitution provides for a monarchy with a Parliament and an independent judiciary; however, ultimate authority rests with the King, who presides over the Council of Ministers, appoints all members of the Government, and may, at his discretion, terminate the tenure of any minister, dissolve the Parliament, call for new elections, and rule by decree. The late King Hassan II, who ruled for 38 years, was succeeded by his son, King Mohammed VI, in July 1999. Since the constitutional reform of 1996, the bicameral legislature consists of a lower house, the Chamber of Representatives, which is elected through universal suffrage, and an upper house, the Chamber of Counselors, whose members are elected by various regional, local, and professional councils. The councils' members themselves are elected directly. The lower house of Parliament also may dissolve the Government through a vote of no confidence. In March 1998, King Hassan named a coalition government headed by opposition socialist leader Abderrahmane Youssoufi and composed largely of ministers drawn from opposition parties. Prime Minister Youssoufi's Government is the first government drawn primarily from opposition parties in decades, and also represents the first opportunity for a coalition of socialist, left-of-center, and nationalist parties to be included in the Government. The November 1997 parliamentary elections were held amid widespread, credible reports of vote buying by political parties and the Government, and excessive government interference. The fraud and government pressure tactics led most independent observers to conclude that the results of the election were heavily influenced, if not predetermined, by the Government. -
Chronology May 16, 1971-August 15, 1971
!"#$%$&$'()*+(),-.),/0,123'345),6.),/0, 7$3#89:)*;<<&9)=+45)>$3#%+&.)?$&@)A6.)B$@)C)D2353E%.),/0,F.)GG@)6H-16AA I3J&;4"9<)J(:)*;<<&9)=+45)K%45;5359 75+J&9)LMN:)http://www.jstor.org/stable/4324833 2889449<:)H6OH-OAH,H),C:PH Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=mei. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Middle East Institute is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Middle East Journal. http://www.jstor.org CHRONOLOGY May 16, 1971 -August 15, 1971 June 9: IsraeliPremier Golda Meir said the Egyptian- Arab Israeli Conflict Soviet treaty of May 27 was a "frameworkper- mitting intervention in the life and actions of 1971 Egypt,"and that Egypt would try to use the treaty May 17: US Secretaryof State William Rogers met as a lever for threateningIsrael. -
La Posición De La Corona En La Constitución Y Su Papel En El
MOHAMED CHEKRAD (Universidad de Valencia) La posición de la Corona en la Constitución 1 y su papel en el sistema político marroquí 1. INTRODUCCION Desde los años noventa, Marruecos ha estado viviendo cambios que han incidido e incidirán de manera decisiva en su futuro; importantes ajustes políticos e institucionales que podrían desembocar en una transición a la democracia o, por el contrario, toparse con dificultades y abocar al país a procesos de recesión. En este escenario, los modelos occidentales –tanto los políticos y económicos como los sociales–, han entrado en contacto con identidades y valores arraigados en la cultura política, económica y social de base familiar y comunitaria que caracteriza a las sociedades árabes en general y, a la de Marruecos en particular. Si por un lado los desequilibrios y las desigualdades internas, así como las carencias en múltiples ámbitos, colocan a Maruecos en una posición débil en cuanto a su nivel de desarrollo, por otro lado los procesos de cambio iniciados en estos últimos años, así como el incremento de las relaciones sociales y económicas debidas a las migraciones, las inversiones y los acuerdos internacionales son cada día más importantes como lo son, en especial, las demandas y las actuaciones de la sociedad civil. ¿Hay algo más herético que leer el sistema político marroquí a través de una clave modernista, referida a los cánones de la democracia liberal? Por el contrario, ¿hay algo más restrictivo que aprehenderlo en función del enfoque tradicionalista, que prefigura los fundamentos originarios arabo-musulmán? Asociar en una misma reflexión estos dos valores referenciales no es una vía metodológica intermedia, ni tampoco una simple formula para encontrar una 1 El presente texto constituye una versión resumida, actualizada y adaptada del Capítulo V de la tesis doctoral que, con el título «Monarquía y transición a la democracia: un estudio comparado de los casos español y marroquí», y bajo la dirección del Prof. -
La Unión Europea Y España En Su Relación Con El Magreb: Los Casos De Marruecos Y Argelia
LA UNIÓN EUROPEA Y ESPAÑA EN SU RELACIÓN CON EL MAGREB: LOS CASOS DE MARRUECOS Y ARGELIA Tesis doctoral AINTZANE ARTETXE LARRABIDE Diciembre 2015 Dirigida por ANTONI SEGURA I MAS KEPA SODUPE CORCUERA (c) 2016 AINTZANE ARTETXE LARRABIDE AGRADECIMIENTOS En estas líneas, me gustaría mostrar mi agradecimiento a todas aquellas personas que han estado a mi lado durante la realización de este trabajo. En primer lugar, querría dar las gracias a mis dos Directores de Tesis, Antoni Segura y Kepa Sodupe por su colaboración y disposición. A Antoni querría agradecerle su generosidad, al haber accedido a dirigir esta tesis. Por su parte, me gustaría agradecer muy especialmente a Kepa el apoyo prestado, sobre todo, durante los últimos meses que, sin duda, han sido los más intensos de todo el proceso. Además, me gustaría desatacar la amabilidad de todo el personal del Centro de Estudios Históricos e Internacionales (CEHI) de la Universidad de Barcelona y de la Cátedra de Estudios Internacionales (CEINIK) de la Universidad del País Vasco, de la cual guardo un recuerdo muy especial, ya que es donde pude realizar mi primer proyecto de investigación Globalización, Identidad y Cultura. Este proyecto fue financiado por UNESCO-Etxea, asociación a la que también quiero hacer mención. Asimismo, me gustaría agradecer al profesor de Ciencias Políticas en la Universidad Hassan II de Casablanca, Mohamed Tozy, por su atención y cordialidad. Querría agradecer también al Dr. Mohammed Reda Boudchar, Jefe de Estudios del Centro Intercultural de Idiomas Dar al-Loghat, por sus magistrales clases de árabe. Doy además las gracias a Laila y a su familia, por acogerme durante mi estancia en Tetuán. -
Cgem Changement Proposition Photos Cgem.Indd
ANS ANS est l’histoire d’une institution qui a accompagné, pendant plus de 7 décennies, les mutations économique, C’ sociale et culturelle du Royaume, tant au Maroc qu’à l’international. La Confédération Générale des Entreprises du Maroc a, dans cet ouvrage, effectué un travail de reconstitution avec le concours des anciens Présidents et des forces vives de la Confédération. ANS ISBN : 978-9954-1-0659-4 Dépôt légal : 2018MO1045 70 ANS AU SERVICE DE NTREPRISE E L’ENTREPRISE est l’histoire d’une institution qui C’ a accompagné, pendant plus de 7 décennies, les mutations économique, sociale et culturelle du Royaume, tant au Maroc qu’à l’international. La Confédération Générale des Entreprises du Maroc a, dans cet ouvrage, effectué un travail de reconstitution avec le concours des anciens Présidents et des forces vives de la Confédération. ISBN : 978-9954-1-0659-4 Dépôt légal : 2018MO1045 70 ANS AU SERVICE DE L’ SERVICE AU ANS 70 2 3 Direction éditoriale Abdelkader Retnani Direction Artistique Richard Leroux 70 ANS Maquettiste Saida Hanine Coordination AU SERVICE DE Pôle Communication et Marketing - CGEM Correction Mohamed Grou Photos L’ENTREPRISE © Karim Tibari Lorenzo Selami : P 148/156/173/183 Cécile Tréal : P 104 © CGEM © Casablanca Portrait d’une ville Art Déco : Éditions la Croisée des Chemins Impression Uniprint Dépôt Légal 2018MO1045 ISBN 978-9954-1-0659-4 © CGEM 23, boulevard Mohamed, Quartier Abdou Palmiers 20340 - Casablanca - Maroc www.cgem.ma © Éditions La Croisée des Chemins [email protected] www.lacroiseedeschemins.ma