Redalyc.Morocco and the Mirages of Democracy and Good Governance
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Beyond Islamists & Autocrats
PROSPECTS FOR POLITICAL REFORM POST ARAB SpRING Beyond Islamists & Autocrats MOROCCO: peting through more or less free and fair elections for par- liamentary and governmental positions since 1956, when Prospects for Civil Society the country established independence from French rule, n Vish Sakthivel arguably the greatest prospects for democratic reform can be found not in traditional political institutions but in the This paper, the second in a series exploring reformist country’s civil society. As this paper demonstrates, civil so- actors among non-Islamists throughout the region, ex- ciety entities such as trade unions and organizations work- amines prospects for political reform in Morocco. The ing on democratic development, women’s empowerment, paper defines democratic/reformist actors as individu- human rights, and the rights of the Berber (Amazigh) mi- als or groups supporting the familiar procedural mech- nority carry promise for Morocco’s democratic prospects, anisms of power sharing, such as regular elections and even as the political system remains dominated by the open contestation for political office, and also possi- monarchy. Indeed, since the constitutional reforms of bly working to strengthen the attendant freedoms of 2011, many Moroccan political groups, including those expression, association, and press; legal protections counterdemocratic strains with strong links to the regime, for minorities; and social conditions, such as literacy, portray themselves as reform-oriented, democratic actors widely acknowledged to be necessary components of a and may, in certain ways, serve as facilitators for reform democracy. Religious or Muslim democrats—or those groups. But their primary role is to facilitate continued le- seeing a role for religion in public life—are included in gitimacy for the regime, often taking up the ancillary role this definition. -
Report on the Kingdom of Morocco's Violations Of
REPORT ON THE KINGDOM OF MOROCCO’S VIOLATIONS OF ARTICLE 1 OF THE INTERNATIONAL COVENANT ON ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS IN THE PARTS OF WESTERN SAHARA UNDER MOROCCAN OCCUPATION On the occasion of Morocco’s fourth periodic report on the implementation of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights To the attention of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Submitted by Western Sahara Resource Watch to the Committee on 18 August 2015 Contact: Sara Eyckmans, International Coordinator, Western Sahara Resource Watch, [email protected] www.wsrw.org 1 Executive Summary 2015 marks forty years since the invasion and occupation of what has come to be regarded as Africa’s last colony, Western Sahara. A significant number of well-established human rights obligations apply in the three quarters of the territory that is under Moroccan occupation. International law contains clear prescriptions for the protection, political independence and advancement of the Saharawi people, who were the original inhabitants of Western Sahara, then Spanish Sahara, until they were abandoned by Spain in 1975. Foremost is the right of self-determination of non-self-governing peoples. The norms prescribed by the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights have been consistently violated in occupied Western Sahara. This submission for the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights has been prepared by Western Sahara Resource Watch, an international non-governmental organization, based in Brussels. It is intended to highlight the significant failure of Morocco as the occupying power or State with responsibility for the territory of Western Sahara and the Saharawi people to ensure even the most basic compliance with the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. -
L'ambitiond'andre Azoulay Sanbar, Le Responsable De
Quand leMaroc sera islamiste Lacorruption, unsport national L'ambitiond'Andre Azoulay I'Equipement et wali de Marrakech, qui sera nomme en 200S wali de Tanger; le polytechnicien Driss Benhima, fils Durant les deux dernieres annees du regne d'Hassan II, d'un ancien Premier ministre et ministre de I'Interieur ; un vent reformateur va souffler pendant quelques mois au Mourad Cherif, qui fut plusieurs fois ministre et dirigea Maroc. Un des principaux artisans de cette volonte de tour atour l'Omnium nord-africain puis l'Office cherifien changement aura ete Andre Azoulay, le premier juif maro des phosphates - les deux neurons economiques du cain aetre nomme conseiller de SaMajeste par dahir (decret royaume -, avant d'etre nomme en mars 2006 ala tete de royal). Le parcours militant de ce Franco-Marocain, un la filiale de BNPParibas au Maroc, la BMCI ; et enfin Hassan ancien de Paribas et d'Eurocom, temoigne d'un incontes Abouyoub, plusieurs fois ministre et ancien ambassadeur. table esprit d'ouverture. Artisan constant d'un rapproche Ainsi Andre Azoulay pretendait, avec une telle garde ment [udeo-arabe, il cree en 1973 l'association Identite et rapprochee, aider le roi Hassan II dans ses velleites Dialogue alors qu'il reside encore en France. Aidepar Albert reformatrices. Sasson, un ancien doyen de la faculte de Rabat fort res Seulement, l'essai n'a pas ete transforme. Dans un pre pecte, Andre Azoulay organise de multiples rencontres mier temps, l'incontestable ouverture politique du entre juifs et Arabes.Sesliens d'amitie avec Issam Sartaoui, royaume, qui a vu Hassan II nommer ala tete du gouverne Ie responsable de l'OLP assassine en 1983, ou avec Elias ment le leader socialiste de l'USFP, s'est accompagnee d'un Sanbar, le responsable de la Revue d'etudes palestiniennes, processus d'assainissement economique. -
The Legal Issues Involved in the Western Sahara Dispute
The Legal Issues Involved In The Western Sahara Dispute The Principle of Self-Determination and the Legal Claims of Morocco COMMITTEE ON THE UNITED NATIONS JUNE 2012 NEW YORK CITY BAR ASSOCIATION 42 WEST 44TH STREET, NEW YORK, NY 10036 THE LEGAL ISSUES INVOLVED IN THE WESTERN SAHARA DISPUTE THE PRINCIPLE OF SELF-DETERMINATION Table of Contents Contents Page PART I: FACTUAL BACKGROUND....................................................................................... 3 PART II: ENTITLEMENT OF THE PEOPLE OF WESTERN SAHARA TO SELF- DETERMINATION UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW ........................................................... 22 I. THE RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW: GENERAL PRINCIPLES ............................................................................................................ 22 A. Historical Development of the Right to Self-Determination ................................................ 23 B. The United Nations Charter and Non-Self-Governing Territories ....................................... 26 C. Status of Right as Customary Law and a Peremptory Norm ................................................ 27 D. People Entitled to Invoke the Right ...................................................................................... 32 E. Geographic Boundaries on the Right to Self-Determination ................................................ 34 F. Exceptions to the Right to Self-Determination ..................................................................... 38 II. THE COUNTERVAILING RIGHT TO TERRITORIAL -
Forming Benkirane's Second Government: Mission Impossible?
ASSESSMENT REPORT Forming Benkirane’s Second Government: Mission Impossible? Policy Analysis Unit - ACRPS | Mar 2017 Forming Benkirane’s Second Government: Mission Impossible? Series: Assessment Report Policy Analysis Unit – ACRPS | Mar 2017 Copyright © 2017 Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies. All Rights Reserved. ____________________________ The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies is an independent research institute and think tank for the study of history and social sciences, with particular emphasis on the applied social sciences. The Center’s paramount concern is the advancement of Arab societies and states, their cooperation with one another and issues concerning the Arab nation in general. To that end, it seeks to examine and diagnose the situation in the Arab world - states and communities- to analyze social, economic and cultural policies and to provide political analysis, from an Arab perspective. The Center publishes in both Arabic and English in order to make its work accessible to both Arab and non-Arab researchers. Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies PO Box 10277 Street No. 826, Zone 66 Doha, Qatar Tel.: +974 44199777 | Fax: +974 44831651 www.dohainstitute.org Table of Contents FORMING BENKIRANE’S SECOND GOVERNMENT Introduction Abdelilah Benkirane, Morocco’s appointed prime minister, has so far failed to form a coalition government, a full five months after the country held its last parliamentary elections, the second set of legislative elections since the adoption of Morocco’s new 2011 constitution. Benkirane, whose Islamist-oriented Justice and Development Party (PJD) won a plurality of seats in parliament—125 out of 395 seats—has yet to secure the backing of the simple majority (198) parliamentarians needed to have his cabinet formation approved. -
Morocco and the Mirages of Democracy and Good Governance
UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 12 (Octubre / October 2006) ISSN 1696-2206 MOROCCO AND THE MIRAGES OF DEMOCRACY AND GOOD GOVERNANCE Sami Zemni 1 Ghent University Koenraad Bogaert 2 Ghent University Abstract: The growing contrast and contradiction between the processes of radicalization and democratization in the age of global market reforms and the ‘War on Terror’ are not confined to the internal or domestic Moroccan political scene. Political movements, NGOs, the government, international institutions and foreign governments are all embedded within a growing number of international networks thus making policy a global enterprise. In the following article we want to examine the impact of US policy on the Moroccan reform process. The background for this analysis is George W. Bush’s Greater Middle Eastern Initiative. This US initiative is ambitious as it tries to devise policies that tackle what is seen as the root causes for Middle East instability, violence and/or Islamism. Morocco is seen as one of the US’s strategic allies in the region and has been solicited to join the ‘War on Terror’. Morocco is an interesting case to study simultaneously the impact of the ‘War on Terror’, the implementation of a Free Trade Agreement and good governance measures as political tools to counter terrorism through fighting poverty and, finally, the ‘Islamist question’ particularly present in Morocco. Keywords: Morocco, democratization, good governance. Resumen: El creciente contraste y la contradicción entre los procesos de radicalización y democratización en la era de las reformas del mercado global y la “Guerra contra el Terror” no se limitan a la escena política interna de Marruecos. -
CASABLANCA, Morocco Hmed Reda Benchemsi, the 33-Year-Old
Posted July 3, 2007 CASABLANCA, Morocco A hmed Reda Benchemsi, the 33-year-old publisher of the independent Moroccan weekly TelQuel, sensed someone was trying to send him a message. In a matter of months, two judges had ordered him to pay extraordinarily high damages in a pair of otherwise unremarkable defamation lawsuits. It started in August 2005, when a court convicted Benchemsi of defaming pro- government member of parliament Hlima Assali, who complained about a short article that made light of her alleged experience as a chiekha, or popular dancer. At trial, Benchemsi and his lawyer never put up a defense—because they weren’t in court. The judge had reconvened the trial 15 minutes before scheduled and, with no one representing the defense, promptly issued a verdict: two-month suspended jail terms for Benchemsi and another colleague and damages of 1 million dirhams (US$120,000). Two months later, another court convicted Benchemsi of defamation, this time after the head of a children’s assistance organization sued TelQuel and three other Moroccan newspapers for erroneously reporting that she was under investigation for suspected embezzlement. TelQuel, which had already issued a correction and apology, was ordered to pay 900,000 dirhams (US$108,000)—several times the amounts ordered against the other three publications. At the time, the damages were among the highest ever awarded in a defamation case in Morocco—and more than nine times what Moroccan lawyers and journalists say is the national norm in such cases. A puzzled Benchemsi said he learned from a palace source several months later what had triggered the judicial onslaught. -
2000 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 23, 2001
Morocco Page 1 of 41 Morocco Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2000 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 23, 2001 The Constitution provides for a monarchy with a Parliament and an independent judiciary; however, ultimate authority rests with the King, who presides over the Council of Ministers, appoints all members of the Government, and may, at his discretion, terminate the tenure of any minister, dissolve the Parliament, call for new elections, and rule by decree. The late King Hassan II, who ruled for 38 years, was succeeded by his son, King Mohammed VI, in July 1999. Since the constitutional reform of 1996, the bicameral legislature consists of a lower house, the Chamber of Representatives, which is elected through universal suffrage, and an upper house, the Chamber of Counselors, whose members are elected by various regional, local, and professional councils. The councils' members themselves are elected directly. The lower house of Parliament also may dissolve the Government through a vote of no confidence. In March 1998, King Hassan named a coalition government headed by opposition socialist leader Abderrahmane Youssoufi and composed largely of ministers drawn from opposition parties. Prime Minister Youssoufi's Government is the first government drawn primarily from opposition parties in decades, and also represents the first opportunity for a coalition of socialist, left-of-center, and nationalist parties to be included in the Government. The November 1997 parliamentary elections were held amid widespread, credible reports of vote buying by political parties and the Government, and excessive government interference. The fraud and government pressure tactics led most independent observers to conclude that the results of the election were heavily influenced, if not predetermined, by the Government. -
The Legal System of Morocco
August 2020 The Legal System of Morocco An Overview Leila Hanafi The history of Morocco shows a divide between the rigid and enforceable nature of the French civil code and the traditional Amazigh informal justice system as well as Sharia law that focuses more on custom than strict adherence to text. Thus, there is a strong basis for access to justice and the legal system generally, but with room to follow a less legally principled path. This overview further considers the way these primary influences coexist in the context of legal pluralism. Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e. V. The Legal System of Morocco – An Overview August 2020 2 I. Historical Influences The first known inhabitants of Morocco were Amazighs and other tribal groups. Their legal structure was 1 defined by informal systems based primarily on Islamic and non-Islamic customary law.0F Initially, most Amazighs were Christian, but through encounters with Arabs, beginning in the 7th century, many converted to Islam and thus their informal legal systems became increasingly informed by Islamic 2 teachings.1F Despite embracing Islam, however, the Amazighs followed a unique brand of Islamic Shi’ism, 3 incorporating their own cultural differences.2F The Amazigh culture is distinguished from other Moroccans primarily through language, which leads many children to drop out of school because they are taught in 4 a ‘foreign’ language, Arabic.3F Approximately two-thirds of the Amazigh population in Morocco live in rural 5 regions, where the culture remains the strongest.4F The Amazigh political system is centred on tribes and 6 7 family.5F Families remain close together and patriarchy is strong.6F Each tribe has a chieftain and communities often have Sharifs, families who claim descent from the prophet, who are afforded 8 significant respect in mediation of matters.7F The rejection of formal education based on language barriers, and the value of traditional authority figures lead modern day Amazigh communities, particularly in rural areas, to be most affected by IJS as defined by the original Amazigh inhabitants. -
La Unión Europea Y España En Su Relación Con El Magreb: Los Casos De Marruecos Y Argelia
LA UNIÓN EUROPEA Y ESPAÑA EN SU RELACIÓN CON EL MAGREB: LOS CASOS DE MARRUECOS Y ARGELIA Tesis doctoral AINTZANE ARTETXE LARRABIDE Diciembre 2015 Dirigida por ANTONI SEGURA I MAS KEPA SODUPE CORCUERA (c) 2016 AINTZANE ARTETXE LARRABIDE AGRADECIMIENTOS En estas líneas, me gustaría mostrar mi agradecimiento a todas aquellas personas que han estado a mi lado durante la realización de este trabajo. En primer lugar, querría dar las gracias a mis dos Directores de Tesis, Antoni Segura y Kepa Sodupe por su colaboración y disposición. A Antoni querría agradecerle su generosidad, al haber accedido a dirigir esta tesis. Por su parte, me gustaría agradecer muy especialmente a Kepa el apoyo prestado, sobre todo, durante los últimos meses que, sin duda, han sido los más intensos de todo el proceso. Además, me gustaría desatacar la amabilidad de todo el personal del Centro de Estudios Históricos e Internacionales (CEHI) de la Universidad de Barcelona y de la Cátedra de Estudios Internacionales (CEINIK) de la Universidad del País Vasco, de la cual guardo un recuerdo muy especial, ya que es donde pude realizar mi primer proyecto de investigación Globalización, Identidad y Cultura. Este proyecto fue financiado por UNESCO-Etxea, asociación a la que también quiero hacer mención. Asimismo, me gustaría agradecer al profesor de Ciencias Políticas en la Universidad Hassan II de Casablanca, Mohamed Tozy, por su atención y cordialidad. Querría agradecer también al Dr. Mohammed Reda Boudchar, Jefe de Estudios del Centro Intercultural de Idiomas Dar al-Loghat, por sus magistrales clases de árabe. Doy además las gracias a Laila y a su familia, por acogerme durante mi estancia en Tetuán. -
Party Politics and Elections in Morocco
The Middle East Institute Policy Brief No. 29 May 2010 Party Politics and Elections in Morocco By Mohamed Daadaoui This Policy Brief examines party politics and limited elections in Morocco. Politi- cal parties in Morocco do not contest the regime’s traditional sources of power and embrace the monarchy’s religious status as an integral part of the political identity of Morocco. The monarchy’s religious authority and its use of rituals of power impede the ability of political parties to mobilize and to penetrate Moroccan society, and force them to adopt positional strategies in limited elections. The regime has also promulgated new palace parties, such as the Party of Modernity and Authenticity, to placate political challenges from opposition parties. For more than 60 years, the Middle East Institute has been dedicated to increasing Americans’ knowledge and understanding of the re- gion. MEI offers programs, media outreach, language courses, scholars, a library, and an academic journal to help achieve its goals. The views expressed in this Policy Brief are those of the author; the Middle East Institute does not take positions on Middle East policy. Party Politics and Elections in Morocco In July 1999, King Hassan II died after 38 years on the throne. His son, King Muham- mad VI, assumed office with the same broad constitutional powers, including the ap- pointment and dismissal of cabinet ministers, vetoes of parliamentary legislation, and the dissolution of Parliament. Unlike his father, however, Muhammad VI has launched many reforms that were shelved during Hassan’s reign. The reforms include codifying a body of law, promoting the democratic process, encouraging economic and fiscal reforms, and granting more civil rights for Moroccans. -
Basri, Le Sahara Occidental Et L'algérie
A la une / Contribution Portrait d’un homme de réseaux Basri, le Sahara occidental et l’Algérie “Il faut rédiger tes mémoires marocaines”, me suggèrent, depuis plusieurs années que j’ai quitté le Maroc, beaucoup de mes amis. Il y a, me recommande-t-on, une espèce de devoir pédagogique de vérité à une époque où on raconte n’importe quoi sur les relations algéro-marocaines. Le projet est intéressant, mais par où commencer ? Dans cette histoire mouvementée et féconde en même temps, la précision est, au moins autant que la sagesse, une donnée importante, notamment devant l’apparition d’une sémantique nouvelle qui s’est faite à un rythme si rapide et a transformé tant d’espaces abstraits, le tout en entrecroisant toutes les variables historiques, politiques et médiatiques, qu’aucun des observateurs qualifiés ne put vraiment rendre compte. En tout cas, commencer par donner mon point de vue sur Driss Basri, le “fidèle serviteur” du roi Hassan II, comme il aimait lui-même se présenter, peut être considérer comme logique, contextuellement parlant. Parler de Driss Basri, l’inamovible ministre de l’Intérieur du roi Hassan II, c’est se risquer à répéter ce qui a été dit par Jean- Pierre Tuquoi, Ignace Dalle, Gilles Perrault, pour ne citer que ces auteurs-là. C’est aussi prendre le risque de le redire avec des simplifications. C’est en fait rechercher dans la connaissance de l’espace marocain les mêmes arguments que nous ambitionnons dans la connaissance de la culture, voire celle des hommes et des choses. Aucune ambition démesurée de notre part pour donner des leçons ou prétendre apporter la vérité.