Observation of the Parliamentary Elections in Morocco (7 October 2016)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Observation of the Parliamentary Elections in Morocco (7 October 2016) http://assembly.coe.int Doc. 14201 rev 30 November 2016 Observation of the parliamentary elections in Morocco (7 October 2016) Election observation report Ad hoc Committee of the Bureau Rapporteur: Mr Ian LIDDELL-GRAINGER, United Kingdom, European Conservatives Group Contents Page 1. Introduction............................................................................................................................................... 1 2. Political context and legal framework........................................................................................................ 2 3. Administration of elections, voter lists and candidate registration............................................................. 4 4. Election campaigning, campaign funding and media coverage.................................................................5 5. Polling day................................................................................................................................................ 7 6. Conclusions.............................................................................................................................................. 8 Appendix 1 – Composition of the ad hoc committee..................................................................................... 9 Appendix 2 – Programme of the election observation mission (Rabat, 5-9 October 2016)......................... 10 Appendix 3 – Press release issued by the election observation mission.....................................................11 1. Introduction 1. On 21 June 2011, the Parliamentary Assembly adopted Resolution 1818 (2011) on the request for Partner for Democracy status with the Parliamentary Assembly submitted by the Parliament of Morocco. It emphasised the importance of organising free and fair elections as the cornerstone of a true democracy and expressed the expectation that it would be invited to observe future parliamentary elections. 2. The Moroccan Parliament was the first to receive this status of partner for democracy, which was granted before the country adopted its new Constitution by a referendum on 1 July 2011. On the basis of the partnership framework, the Parliamentary Assembly was invited and observed the parliamentary elections held on 25 November 2011. 3. The development of this partnership continues to be closely followed by the Assembly, which adopted Resolution 1942 (2013) and Resolution 2061 (2015) on the evaluation of the partnership for democracy in respect of the Parliament of Morocco. 4. On 26 May 2016, Mr Driss EI Yazami, Director of the Moroccan National Human Rights Council (CNDH), sent an invitation letter to the President of the Assembly inviting the Assembly to observe the elections to the House of Representatives on 7 October 2016. At its meeting on 24 June 2016, the Bureau of the Assembly decided to observe these elections, set up an ad hoc committee comprising 11 members and appointed Mr Ian Liddell-Grainger (United Kingdom, EC) as its Chair. 5. In line with the co-operation agreement signed on 4 October 2004 between the Parliamentary Assembly and the European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice Commission), a representative of the Venice Commission was invited to join the ad hoc committee as a legal adviser. F - 67075 Strasbourg Cedex | [email protected] | Tel: +33 3 88 41 2000 | Fax: +33 3 88 41 2733 Doc. 14201 rev Election observation report 6. The membership of the ad hoc committee, based on the proposals of the Assembly's political groups, can be found in Appendix 1. 7. The ad hoc committee visited Morocco from 3 to 9 October 2016 and held talks inter alia with political party members, the President of the CNDH, representatives of the Ministry of the Interior, of the High Council and High Authority for Audiovisual Communication, as well as representatives of the international community present in Morocco and of the media and civil society. The programme of the ad hoc committee is set out in Appendix 2. The ad hoc committee wishes to thank the staff of the Council of Europe office in Morocco. 8. The ad hoc committee wishes to thank the Moroccan authorities for their help in organising this visit. 9. On polling day, the ad hoc committee split into seven teams which observed voting in Rabat and its region, as well as in the towns and regions of Casablanca, Fez, Marrakech and Tangier. 10. The ad hoc committee concluded that the Ministry of the Interior had organised the poll with integrity and in full transparency. The press release prepared at the end of the elections is reproduced in Appendix 3. 2. Political context and legal framework 11. The Kingdom of Morocco is a constitutional monarchy. The King still has effective influence in politics, but he shares this power with the representatives of the parliament. The new Constitution adopted in 2011 was proposed by King Mohammed VI himself and approved by referendum. Article 1 describes the political system as “a constitutional, democratic, parliamentary and social monarchy”. 12. The Constitution was adopted in the aftermath of the “20 February” 2011 popular movement, which can be seen as part of the Arab Spring movements, and represents a significant step towards democratisation in that it significantly increases the powers of parliament. 13. The executive power is exercised by the government, the head of which is appointed by the King “from within the political party arriving ahead in the elections of the members of the House of Representatives, and with a view to their results” (Article 47). The King also appoints, on a proposal from the head of government, the members of the government; and enjoys a high level of decision-making power on long-term and strategic issues, such as foreign policy, large infrastructure projects or the status of Western Sahara. 2.1. Parliament 14. The parliament is bicameral, comprising a lower house – the House of Representatives – with 395 members elected every five years by universal suffrage, and an upper house – the House of Councillors – with 120 members elected indirectly every six years by representatives of professional bodies, employees, the General Confederation of Business (CGE) and regional and local authorities. The elections for the House of Councillors took place in September 2015. 15. The voting process for the House of Representatives is complex and is governed by the Institutional Law on the House of Representatives (LOCR) and other pieces of legislation, including the Law on general electoral registers, referendum operations and the use of public audiovisual media during election and referendum campaigns, the organic law on political parties and the organic law laying down the requirements and arrangements for independent and impartial observation of elections. 16. The 395 members of the House of Representatives are elected by direct universal suffrage under a list system, broken down as follows (Articles 1 and 2 of the LOCR): – 305 members are elected in 92 local constituencies established by decree according to a principle geared towards geographical balance while taking account of spatial aspects. At least one constituency is established per prefecture, for which a number of seats determined by decree are allocated, ranging from two to six. More than one constituency may be established in certain prefectures or provinces; – 90 members are elected to a nationwide constituency with a dual quota: lists of candidates for this constituency must include two sections: the first comprising 60 women and the second 30 young men and women of a maximum age of 40 years on polling day (Article 23 of the LOCR). The law was changed in 2016 allowing the possibility for women to be included on the second list which was, for the 2011 elections, reserved exclusively for young men. 2 Doc. 14201 rev Election observation report 17. Election is by proportional representation according to the rule of largest remainders, without cross- voting or preferential votes. A further change introduced in the electoral law for the 2016 elections is the reduction of the threshold, for both national and countrywide constituencies, to 3%. Officially, this change in the threshold was adopted to bring Morocco into line with international standards and reference was made to Assembly Resolution 1547 (2007) on the situation of human rights and democracy in Europe. 18. The members of the House of Representatives are elected for a five-year term. Any member of the House of Representatives who relinquishes the political affiliation under which they stood for election or membership of their parliamentary group or grouping, forfeits their office. As far as immunity of parliamentarians is concerned, Article 64 of the Constitution stipulates that no member of parliament may be prosecuted, subject to a search warrant, arrested, detained or judged on grounds of an opinion expressed or a vote cast by them in the exercise of their duties, except where the opinion expressed challenges the monarchic form of the State or the Muslim religion or constitutes a violation of the respect due to the King. 2.2. Political landscape 19. Morocco’s political landscape has been marked in the last decade by the emergence of the Justice and Development Party (PJD), which is moderately Islamist, and the decline of traditional parties such as the Istiqlal Party (PI) and the Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USFP). The PJD electorate is mainly made up of conservative, middle-class and urban constituencies and presents itself as an anti-establishment party.
Recommended publications
  • Morocco 2014: the Return of Authoritarianism
    Geographical Overview | Maghreb Panorama Morocco 2014: The Return of Authoritarianism Maâti Monjib (PJD) heading the coalition seems to have definitively Professor come to terms with royal hegemony over the execu- Mohammed V University, Rabat tive branch. It thus relinquished a democratic inter- pretation of the 2011 Constitution granting the exec- utive branch substantial powers while turning various Geographical Overview | Maghreb Geographical Overview 2014 was the third year of the Benkirane administra- royal powers – formerly discretionary – into limited tion. The cabinet led by him resulted from the early powers. After this reshuffle, control over key minis- elections brought on by the 20 February Movement tries such as those of the Interior, Foreign Affairs and protests (the Moroccan version of the so-called Education by palace officials has made the little pow- ‘Arab’ Spring) occurring over the course of 2011. er held by the Prime Minister dwindle even more. This is the first time in Moroccan history that an Isla- This return to pre-2011 monarchic authoritarianism mist party independent from the monarchy is head- has been accompanied by an increase in the weight ing the government. In any case, Benkirane, a mod- of security agencies in decision-making processes. erate conservative leader, only managed to stay at This is implicitly justified by the real threats to the the head of the coalition government during the sec- country by extremist groups, whether loyal to Daesh 176 ond half of 2013 by making significant political con- or al-Qaeda. Some two thousand Moroccans, a cessions to the pre-Arab Spring establishment, par- large part of them bearing European passports, are ticularly insofar as sharing power with the royal participating in the combats in Syria, Iraq and other palace camp.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Islamists & Autocrats
    PROSPECTS FOR POLITICAL REFORM POST ARAB SpRING Beyond Islamists & Autocrats MOROCCO: peting through more or less free and fair elections for par- liamentary and governmental positions since 1956, when Prospects for Civil Society the country established independence from French rule, n Vish Sakthivel arguably the greatest prospects for democratic reform can be found not in traditional political institutions but in the This paper, the second in a series exploring reformist country’s civil society. As this paper demonstrates, civil so- actors among non-Islamists throughout the region, ex- ciety entities such as trade unions and organizations work- amines prospects for political reform in Morocco. The ing on democratic development, women’s empowerment, paper defines democratic/reformist actors as individu- human rights, and the rights of the Berber (Amazigh) mi- als or groups supporting the familiar procedural mech- nority carry promise for Morocco’s democratic prospects, anisms of power sharing, such as regular elections and even as the political system remains dominated by the open contestation for political office, and also possi- monarchy. Indeed, since the constitutional reforms of bly working to strengthen the attendant freedoms of 2011, many Moroccan political groups, including those expression, association, and press; legal protections counterdemocratic strains with strong links to the regime, for minorities; and social conditions, such as literacy, portray themselves as reform-oriented, democratic actors widely acknowledged to be necessary components of a and may, in certain ways, serve as facilitators for reform democracy. Religious or Muslim democrats—or those groups. But their primary role is to facilitate continued le- seeing a role for religion in public life—are included in gitimacy for the regime, often taking up the ancillary role this definition.
    [Show full text]
  • Parliamentary Agenda Priorities and Responsiveness Under Authoritarianism
    Working Paper Parliamentary Agenda Priorities and Responsiveness Under Authoritarianism Marwa Shalaby, Ph.D. Fellow for the Middle East and Director, Women’s Rights in the Middle East, Center for the Middle East, Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy Abdullah Aydogan, Ph.D. Postdoctoral Fellow, Center for the Middle East, Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy © 2016 by the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy of Rice University This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy. Wherever feasible, papers are reviewed by outside experts before they are released. However, the research and views expressed in this paper are those of the individual researcher(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy. This paper is a work in progress and has not been submitted for editorial review. Abstract Former studies have focused on issue prioritization in parliaments and compared the priorities of both political elites and citizens to measure their level of responsiveness to the general public. To date, this topic was examined in more than twenty countries, which are exclusively democratic systems. This paper aims to contribute to the comparative agendas’ politics literature by testing issue-congruency under competitive authoritarian regimes. Analyzing more than 10,000 legislative texts, mainly parliamentary draft bills and questions, and matching them with public opinion data on citizen priorities in Morocco, we found a substantial level of issue congruence between the priorities of the elites and citizens.
    [Show full text]
  • PARTY STRENGTHENING and PARLIAMENTARY REFORM (04860/1) USAID Cooperative Agreement No
    CEPPS/NDI Quarterly Report: April 1 – June 30, 2005 MOROCCO: PARTY STRENGTHENING AND PARLIAMENTARY REFORM (04860/1) USAID Cooperative Agreement No. DGC-A-00-01-00004-00 Project dates: March 1, 2004 to September 1, 2005 Total budget: $1,095,000.00 Expenses to date: $956,580.83 I. SUMMARY Over the last quarter Morocco has taken some significant steps on its path through democratic transition. A political party law has been put forward for ratification, revision of the electoral code is under discussion and a number of political parties held their national congresses with an eye to the pending party legislation. Elsewhere, the speech by the King on the need to develop the country’s human capital called attention to the slow socioeconomic development of the country while highlighting its relationship to the development of more robust democratic processes. Political parties are becoming increasingly aware of the need to join together to face the challenges of the upcoming 2007 elections. As a result, they are moving slowly to form several unified poles. The Popular Movement (MP) and National Popular Movement (MNP) have taken the lead by fully merging their parties, while the Union of Socialist Popular Forces (USFP) and Democratic Socialist Party (PSD) are on their way. Parties such as the Justice and Development Party (PJD) have more confidence in their base of support and are working diligently to maintain and expand popular backing in the lead up to the 2007 polls. Within this context, the specific objectives of NDI’s parliamentary reform and political party strengthening programs are the following: Parliament Program To bridge the gap between members of Parliament (MPs), civil society leaders and constituents; and To improve the efficiency and effectiveness of MPs and party caucuses.
    [Show full text]
  • International Reports 1/2017
    Source: © Rafael Marchante, Reuters. Marchante, © Rafael Source: Other Topics Government Formation by Consensus? Monarchy, Democracy and Political Islam in Morocco Helmut Reifeld 90 Since the constitutional reform and 2011 elections, Morocco’s political reform course has continued to stabilise. However, is there any democratic foundation for this stability? Do the political parties form a democratic force that could lead the population through a necessary transformation process? And how “moderate” are the Islamists who were in power during the last election period? On 7 October 2016, at the end of a normal For Benkirane, this crisis came to a head with legislative period, the seats were reallocated the King’s decision to request the new parlia- in Morocco’s House of Representatives. As the ment to elect a president, even without a new leader of the moderate Islamist Justice and government in office in order to be capable of Development Party (PJD), which again won a taking action. Thus, on 13 January 2017, (with majority of the seats, King Mohammed VI fol- the abstention of the PJD), Habib El Malki was lowed the constitutional guideline to invite the elected by the USFP as the new parliamentary former Prime Minister, Abdelilah Benkirane, to president.1 This may be viewed as a highly prag- form a new government. matic solution, however, many observers also treated it as a “coup d’état” that contested the Over a period of more than five months, will of the electorate.2 Benkirane unsuccessfully attempted to honour this invitation during tough coalition negoti- This crisis came to an end on 17 March with the ations.
    [Show full text]
  • Morocco and the European Union
    NEGOTIATING EUROPEAN INTEGRATION ON THE SOUTHERN PERIPHERY: DEMOCRACY DEFICITS AND BARGAINING POWER IN THE MAGHREB by Carl Dawson B.A., Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand, 1991 M.P.S., Cornell University, 1996 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Graduate School of Public and International Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2007 © Copyright by Carl Dawson 2007 ii COMMITTEE SIGNATURE PAGE Professor Martin Staniland, Dissertation Advisor _______________________ Professor Clyde Mitchell-Weaver, Dissertation Advisor _______________________ Professor Alberta Sbragia, Committee Member Professor Phyllis Coontz, Committee Member iii NEGOTIATING EUROPEAN INTEGRATION ON THE SOUTHERN PERIPHERY: DEMOCRACY DEFICITS AND BARGAINING POWER IN THE MAGHREB Carl Dawson, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2007 From 1992 until 1995, Morocco and the European Union (EU) were in negotiations for an Association Agreement as part of a regional initiative, the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (or “Barcelona process”). The free trade provisions of the agreement seemed unfavorable for Morocco: they largely excluded agriculture, and, therefore, many products in which Morocco could have made significant gains, they opened the Moroccan market to competition from EU non-agricultural products (Morocco had achieved equivalent access to EU markets decades earlier), and EU funding for Moroccan company upgrading fell far short of expectations. This research sought to determine how the respective political systems of Morocco and the European Union led to the EU proposing, and Morocco accepting, a sub-optimal agreement. These issues were explored through recorded and transcribed interviews with key Moroccan and EU players, and through document analysis, and the resulting data were analyzed primarily in terms of Putnam’s two-level game model of international negotiation.
    [Show full text]
  • Triggering Nationalist Violence Triggering Nationalist Adria Lawrence Violence Competition and Conºict in Uprisings Against Colonial Rule
    Triggering Nationalist Violence Triggering Nationalist Adria Lawrence Violence Competition and Conºict in Uprisings against Colonial Rule What causes nonstate actors to take up arms and wage war against the state? Despite a burgeoning literature on civil war, extrasystemic war, and terrorism, scholars continue to lack compelling explanations for the onset of civil violence. The existing litera- ture has examined variation in political violence along a number of different dimensions, including the incidence of rebellion and civil war,1 the distribu- tion of violence within civil wars,2 the behavior of violent actors toward civil- ians,3 popular support for violent actors,4 and the use of particular types of violence.5 Yet less is known about how and why violence erupts in the ªrst Adria Lawrence is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Yale University and a research fellow at the MacMillan Center for International and Area Studies. From 2007 to 2008, she was a research fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard University. The author would like to acknowledge Ana De La O, Thad Dunning, Jeff Goodwin, Jenna Jordan, Stathis Kalyvas, Harris Mylonas, David Patel, Roger Petersen, Mustapha Qadery, Keven Ruby, Jonah Schulhofer-Wohl, Susan Stokes, Lisa Wedeen, Elizabeth Wood, the anonymous reviewers, and participants at workshops at Harvard University, the Massachusetts Institute of Technol- ogy, and Yale University for comments and helpful suggestions on earlier drafts. Special thanks are owed to Matthew Kocher for his advice and feedback. Many thanks to Younes Amehraye for research assistance in Morocco. 1. For examples, see Paul Collier and Anke Hoefºer, “Greed and Grievance in Civil War” (Oxford: Center for the Study of African Economics, March 2002); Nicholas Sambanis, “What Is a Civil War? Conceptual and Empirical Complexities of an Operational Deªnition,” Journal of Conºict Res- olution, Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Party Politics and Elections in Morocco
    The Middle East Institute Policy Brief No. 29 May 2010 Party Politics and Elections in Morocco By Mohamed Daadaoui This Policy Brief examines party politics and limited elections in Morocco. Politi- cal parties in Morocco do not contest the regime’s traditional sources of power and embrace the monarchy’s religious status as an integral part of the political identity of Morocco. The monarchy’s religious authority and its use of rituals of power impede the ability of political parties to mobilize and to penetrate Moroccan society, and force them to adopt positional strategies in limited elections. The regime has also promulgated new palace parties, such as the Party of Modernity and Authenticity, to placate political challenges from opposition parties. For more than 60 years, the Middle East Institute has been dedicated to increasing Americans’ knowledge and understanding of the re- gion. MEI offers programs, media outreach, language courses, scholars, a library, and an academic journal to help achieve its goals. The views expressed in this Policy Brief are those of the author; the Middle East Institute does not take positions on Middle East policy. Party Politics and Elections in Morocco In July 1999, King Hassan II died after 38 years on the throne. His son, King Muham- mad VI, assumed office with the same broad constitutional powers, including the ap- pointment and dismissal of cabinet ministers, vetoes of parliamentary legislation, and the dissolution of Parliament. Unlike his father, however, Muhammad VI has launched many reforms that were shelved during Hassan’s reign. The reforms include codifying a body of law, promoting the democratic process, encouraging economic and fiscal reforms, and granting more civil rights for Moroccans.
    [Show full text]
  • Authoritarian Resilience and Democratic Representation in Morocco: Royal Interference and Political Parties’ Leaderships Since the 2016 Elections
    Mediterranean Politics ISSN: 1362-9395 (Print) 1743-9418 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fmed20 Authoritarian resilience and democratic representation in Morocco: Royal interference and political parties’ leaderships since the 2016 elections Thierry Desrues To cite this article: Thierry Desrues (2020) Authoritarian resilience and democratic representation in Morocco: Royal interference and political parties’ leaderships since the 2016 elections, Mediterranean Politics, 25:2, 254-262, DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2018.1543038 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2018.1543038 Published online: 05 Nov 2018. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 219 View related articles View Crossmark data Citing articles: 1 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fmed20 MEDITERRANEAN POLITICS 2020, VOL. 25, NO. 2, 254–262 https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2018.1543038 Authoritarian resilience and democratic representation in Morocco: Royal interference and political parties’ leaderships since the 2016 elections Thierry Desrues Institute of Advanced Social Studies, Spanish National Research Council (IESA-CSIC, JdA), Cordoba, Spain. ABSTRACT After the ‘Arab Spring’ and the second electoral victory of the Islamist party of Justice and Development in 2016, Moroccan King Mohammed VI had to find new ways to reduce the uncertainty of transparent elections and, as a result, his loss of control over the winner of the House of Representatives elections and the choice of the Head of Government. This profile will analyse a few of the paradoxical implications of the 2011 constitutional reform and the royal narra- tive for democratic transition, and how these have impacted the political practice of the relevant actors.
    [Show full text]
  • Morocco Gained Independence in 1956 After More
    COUNTRIES AT THE CROSSROADS COUNTRIES AT THE CROSSROADS 2011: MOROCCO 1 GUILAIN DENOEUX INTRODUCTION Morocco gained independence in 1956 after more than 40 years as a French protectorate (though Spain had controlled the northern third of the country as well as the Western Sahara). King Mohamed V reigned until his death in 1961, at which point his son, Hassan II, began three decades of authoritarian rule, followed by a significant political liberalization during the 1990s. From the 1960s through the 1980s, King Hassan’s reign featured large-scale human rights abuses, including unlawful incarceration of regime critics, torture, and the enforced disappearance of many political opponents. In essence, while King Hassan preferred to rely on divide-and-rule, cooptation and intimidation tactics, he did not hesitate to harshly repress those who refused to play by his rules and remain within the ―red lines‖ he set. In October 1975, Morocco annexed the Western Sahara, a territory south of the kingdom. During an initial war between Morocco and Sahrawi nationalists, led by the Polisario Front, many Sahrawis moved to refugee camps in Algeria. Those who remained behind in the annexed territory have been demanding independence ever since and several have been jailed for that reason. Hassan II’s son, Mohamed VI, inherited the throne upon his father’s death in July 1999. Initially, he expanded the process of political liberalization he had inherited. He dismissed some of the stalwarts of his father’s oppressive regime, allowed the return of exiled political dissidents, established an organization to investigate official human rights abuses from 1956 to 1999, and reached out to constituencies (such as former political prisoners) and regions (such as northern Morocco) that had suffered or been neglected during his father’s reign.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict Analysis of Morocco
    Conflict analysis of Morocco January 2014 Anna Louise Strachan About this report This report provides a short synthesis of some of the most recent, high quality literature on the topic of conflict in Morocco. It aims to orient policymakers to the key debates and emerging issues. It was prepared (in December 2013) for the UK Government’s Department for International Development, © DFID Crown Copyright 2014. The views expressed in this report are those of the author(s), and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of GSDRC, its partner agencies or DFID. Expert contributors Dr Lise Storm - University of Exeter Dr Jonathan Hill – King’s College London Dr Michael Willis – St Antony’s College, University of Oxford Dr Alice Wilson – Homerton College, University of Cambridge Suggested citation Strachan, A.L. (2014). Conflict analysis of Morocco. Birmingham, UK: GSDRC, University of Birmingham. This paper is one of a series of four conflict analyses on north-west Africa. The others are: Hinds, R. (2014). Conflict analysis of Tunisia. Birmingham, UK: GSDRC, University of Birmingham. Rao, S. (2014). Conflict analysis of Mauritania. Birmingham, UK: GSDRC, University of Birmingham. Strachan, A.L. (2014). Conflict analysis of Algeria. Birmingham, UK: GSDRC, University of Birmingham. About GSDRC GSDRC is a partnership of research institutes, think-tanks and consultancy organisations with expertise in governance, social development, humanitarian and conflict issues. We provide applied knowledge services on demand and online. Our specialist research team supports a range of international development agencies, synthesising the latest evidence and expert thinking to inform policy and practice. GSDRC, International Development Department, College of Social Sciences University of Birmingham, B15 2TT, UK www.gsdrc.org [email protected] 2 GSDRC Conflict analysis of Morocco Contents 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Democratization in Morocco: Political Transition of a North African Kingdom
    The Middle East Institute Policy Brief No. 7 February 2008 Democratization in Morocco: Political Transition of a North African Kingdom By Moshe Gershovich Executive Summary Since the early 1990s Morocco has embarked on a political process of “de- mocratization,” which involves the integration of hitherto opposition parties and figures in the government and parliamentary system. The process had been initiated by former King Hassan II and continued by his son and suc- cessor, Muhammad VI. Having lived in Morocco during the critical period of transition from one monarch to another, the author provides historical background to and an examination of the current unfolding of the process of democratization in Morocco, dotted with anecdotal episodes that illuminate certain aspects of his analysis. While Morocco’s path towards greater politi- cal transparency and inclusion has resembled those taken by other countries in the Arabic-speaking world (such as Jordan and some of the Persian Gulf emirates), it is also impacted by the Kingdom’s unique history. Of specific importance in this regard are the three and a half centuries of the ‘Alawi Dy- nasty’s rule, as well as the multi-party parliamentary system instituted after independence in 1956. Like many other predominantly Muslim countries in the Middle East and beyond, one of the greatest challenges which Morocco faces today concerns the integration of Islamist-oriented forces within the legitimate political process. Having recently emerged from a troubled past of repression and human rights violations, Moroccans continue to look mainly to their monarch to ensure stability and a smooth transition to greater de- mocracy.
    [Show full text]