The Women's Movement and Political Discourse in Morocco
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Morocco 2014: the Return of Authoritarianism
Geographical Overview | Maghreb Panorama Morocco 2014: The Return of Authoritarianism Maâti Monjib (PJD) heading the coalition seems to have definitively Professor come to terms with royal hegemony over the execu- Mohammed V University, Rabat tive branch. It thus relinquished a democratic inter- pretation of the 2011 Constitution granting the exec- utive branch substantial powers while turning various Geographical Overview | Maghreb Geographical Overview 2014 was the third year of the Benkirane administra- royal powers – formerly discretionary – into limited tion. The cabinet led by him resulted from the early powers. After this reshuffle, control over key minis- elections brought on by the 20 February Movement tries such as those of the Interior, Foreign Affairs and protests (the Moroccan version of the so-called Education by palace officials has made the little pow- ‘Arab’ Spring) occurring over the course of 2011. er held by the Prime Minister dwindle even more. This is the first time in Moroccan history that an Isla- This return to pre-2011 monarchic authoritarianism mist party independent from the monarchy is head- has been accompanied by an increase in the weight ing the government. In any case, Benkirane, a mod- of security agencies in decision-making processes. erate conservative leader, only managed to stay at This is implicitly justified by the real threats to the the head of the coalition government during the sec- country by extremist groups, whether loyal to Daesh 176 ond half of 2013 by making significant political con- or al-Qaeda. Some two thousand Moroccans, a cessions to the pre-Arab Spring establishment, par- large part of them bearing European passports, are ticularly insofar as sharing power with the royal participating in the combats in Syria, Iraq and other palace camp. -
Women's Political Voice in Morocco
April 2015 Case Study Summary Women’s empowerment and political voice • Women’s representation in parliament THE ROAD TO REFORM has increased dramatically, from 1% in 2003 to 17% today. Women’s political voice in • Morocco’s 2004 Family Code is one of the Morocco most progressive in the Arab world. • In 1993, Morocco ratified an international Clare Castillejo and Helen Tilley agreement on gender equality that has provided leverage for further progress in domestic legislation. • The 2011 constitution asserts women’s equal rights and prohibits all discrimination, including gender discrimination. • Data on the spending of public funds is now gender-disaggregated data and so can be used to inform lobbying campaigns to improve outcomes for women and girls. • Women’s health and social outcomes have improved dramatically: the fertility rate is now one of the lowest in the region; the maternal mortality rate fell by two-thirds in just two decades; girls’ primary school enrolment rose from 52% in 1991 to 112% in 2012 (due to re-enrolment); and just under 23% of women are in formal employment (2011). This and other Development Progress materials are available at developmentprogress.org Development Progress is an ODI project that aims to measure, understand and communicate where and how progress has been made in development. ODI is the UK’s leading independent Moroccan women gather at an event commemorating International Women’s Day. Photo: © UN Women / Karim think tank on international development Selmaouimen. and humanitarian issues. Further ODI materials are available at odi.org.uk developmentprogress.org Why explore women’s political voice in uprisings of 2011 led Morocco’s King Mohammad VI Morocco? to adopt wide-ranging constitutional reforms, including Women’s political mobilisation in Morocco illustrates how an elected government and an independent judiciary, excluded and adversely incorporated groups can achieve these reforms have had paradoxical effects for women. -
Beyond Islamists & Autocrats
PROSPECTS FOR POLITICAL REFORM POST ARAB SpRING Beyond Islamists & Autocrats MOROCCO: peting through more or less free and fair elections for par- liamentary and governmental positions since 1956, when Prospects for Civil Society the country established independence from French rule, n Vish Sakthivel arguably the greatest prospects for democratic reform can be found not in traditional political institutions but in the This paper, the second in a series exploring reformist country’s civil society. As this paper demonstrates, civil so- actors among non-Islamists throughout the region, ex- ciety entities such as trade unions and organizations work- amines prospects for political reform in Morocco. The ing on democratic development, women’s empowerment, paper defines democratic/reformist actors as individu- human rights, and the rights of the Berber (Amazigh) mi- als or groups supporting the familiar procedural mech- nority carry promise for Morocco’s democratic prospects, anisms of power sharing, such as regular elections and even as the political system remains dominated by the open contestation for political office, and also possi- monarchy. Indeed, since the constitutional reforms of bly working to strengthen the attendant freedoms of 2011, many Moroccan political groups, including those expression, association, and press; legal protections counterdemocratic strains with strong links to the regime, for minorities; and social conditions, such as literacy, portray themselves as reform-oriented, democratic actors widely acknowledged to be necessary components of a and may, in certain ways, serve as facilitators for reform democracy. Religious or Muslim democrats—or those groups. But their primary role is to facilitate continued le- seeing a role for religion in public life—are included in gitimacy for the regime, often taking up the ancillary role this definition. -
1 Institutional Changes in the Maghreb: Toward a Modern Gender
Institutional Changes in the Maghreb: Toward a Modern Gender Regime? Valentine M. Moghadam Professor of Sociology and International Affairs Northeastern University [email protected] DRAFT – December 2016 Abstract The countries of the Maghreb – Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia – are part of the Middle East and North Africa region, which is widely assumed to be resistant to women’s equality and empowerment. And yet, the region has experienced significant changes in women’s legal status, political participation, and social positions, along with continued contention over Muslim family law and women’s equal citizenship. Do the institutional and normative changes signal a shift in the “gender regime” from patriarchal to modern? To what extent have women’s rights organizations contributed to such changes? While mapping the changes that have occurred, and offering some comparisons to Egypt, another North African country that has seen fewer legal and normative changes in the direction of women’s equality, the paper identifies the persistent constraints that prevent both the empowerment of all women and broader socio-political transformation. The paper draws on the author’s research in and on the region since the early 1990s, analysis of patterns and trends since the Arab Spring of 2011, and the relevant secondary sources. Introduction The Middle East and North Africa region (MENA) is widely assumed to be resistant to women’s equality and empowerment. Many scholars have identified conservative social norms, patriarchal cultural practices, and the dominance of Islam as barriers to women’s empowerment and gender equality (Alexander and Welzel 2011; Ciftci 2010; Donno and Russett 2004; Fish 2002; Inglehart and Norris 2003; Rizzo et al 2007). -
Knowledge Management for Culture and Development: MDG-F Joint
AARABRAB STATESSTATES AFRICA LATIN AMERICA South East EUROPE ASIA ARAB STATES CULTURE AND DEVELOPMENT CULTURE CULTURE AND DEVELOPMENT CULTURE AND DEVELOPM DEVELOPMENTCULTURE CULTURE AND DEVELOPMEN CULTURE AND DEVELO CULTURE AND DEVELOPMENT MOROCCO MOROCCO MDG-F JointProgrammes PALESTINIAN TERRITORY PALESTINIAN in EGYPT, MAURITANIA, EGYPT, and the OCCUPIED OCCUPIED PALESTINIAN TERRITORY MOROCCO EGYPT MAURITANIA Culture and Development in the Arab States Sharing centuries-old vast cultural, religious, linguistic and historical heritage, the Arab States have long placed their heritage at centre stage, focusing on its pro- motion for tourism as a path to development. The recent Arab Spring movement has indicated a wave of change that has swept the Arab region, where people are calling for new solutions that will bring peace and development. In this ground-breaking transition taking place in the Arab region, culture is a powerful source of hope and identity, a motor of social and economic development, playing a key role in reconstruction and in laying the groundwork for a culture of peace. Within this context, the MDG-F Culture and Development Joint Programmes The MDG-F Joint Programmes on Culture implemented in the Arab States greatly contribute to a holistic vision of development and Development in the Arab States in which the role of culture is highly valued. Focusing particularly on safeguarding > 4 Joint Programmes: Egypt, Mauritania, Morocco and occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) the diverse cultural heritage and using it as an enabler -
Parliamentary Agenda Priorities and Responsiveness Under Authoritarianism
Working Paper Parliamentary Agenda Priorities and Responsiveness Under Authoritarianism Marwa Shalaby, Ph.D. Fellow for the Middle East and Director, Women’s Rights in the Middle East, Center for the Middle East, Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy Abdullah Aydogan, Ph.D. Postdoctoral Fellow, Center for the Middle East, Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy © 2016 by the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy of Rice University This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy. Wherever feasible, papers are reviewed by outside experts before they are released. However, the research and views expressed in this paper are those of the individual researcher(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy. This paper is a work in progress and has not been submitted for editorial review. Abstract Former studies have focused on issue prioritization in parliaments and compared the priorities of both political elites and citizens to measure their level of responsiveness to the general public. To date, this topic was examined in more than twenty countries, which are exclusively democratic systems. This paper aims to contribute to the comparative agendas’ politics literature by testing issue-congruency under competitive authoritarian regimes. Analyzing more than 10,000 legislative texts, mainly parliamentary draft bills and questions, and matching them with public opinion data on citizen priorities in Morocco, we found a substantial level of issue congruence between the priorities of the elites and citizens. -
PARTY STRENGTHENING and PARLIAMENTARY REFORM (04860/1) USAID Cooperative Agreement No
CEPPS/NDI Quarterly Report: April 1 – June 30, 2005 MOROCCO: PARTY STRENGTHENING AND PARLIAMENTARY REFORM (04860/1) USAID Cooperative Agreement No. DGC-A-00-01-00004-00 Project dates: March 1, 2004 to September 1, 2005 Total budget: $1,095,000.00 Expenses to date: $956,580.83 I. SUMMARY Over the last quarter Morocco has taken some significant steps on its path through democratic transition. A political party law has been put forward for ratification, revision of the electoral code is under discussion and a number of political parties held their national congresses with an eye to the pending party legislation. Elsewhere, the speech by the King on the need to develop the country’s human capital called attention to the slow socioeconomic development of the country while highlighting its relationship to the development of more robust democratic processes. Political parties are becoming increasingly aware of the need to join together to face the challenges of the upcoming 2007 elections. As a result, they are moving slowly to form several unified poles. The Popular Movement (MP) and National Popular Movement (MNP) have taken the lead by fully merging their parties, while the Union of Socialist Popular Forces (USFP) and Democratic Socialist Party (PSD) are on their way. Parties such as the Justice and Development Party (PJD) have more confidence in their base of support and are working diligently to maintain and expand popular backing in the lead up to the 2007 polls. Within this context, the specific objectives of NDI’s parliamentary reform and political party strengthening programs are the following: Parliament Program To bridge the gap between members of Parliament (MPs), civil society leaders and constituents; and To improve the efficiency and effectiveness of MPs and party caucuses. -
Chapter 1 Women's Participation in the Labour Market And
1. Women’S participation in the labour marKet and entrepreneurship in selecteD MENA countries – 25 Chapter 1 Women’s participation in the labour market and entrepreneurship in selected MENA countries This chapter presents an overview of women’s educational attainment, participation in the labour market and involvement in entrepreneurship in the six countries under review – Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Jordan, Morocco and Tunisia. It examines women’s engagement in the economies of the six countries as compared to men’s participation as well as to women’s economic involvement in other parts of the world. The chapter also seeks to better understand the main features defining women’s economic status and the different characteristics of men and women in employment and entrepreneurship. WOMEN’S ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT IN SELECTED MENA COUNTRIES – © OECD 2017 26 – 1. Women’S participation in the labour marKet and entrepreneurship in selecteD MENA countries Introduction There is a striking gap between women’s improved education and their limited participation in economic activities in Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia. Despite the substantial narrowing of the gender gap in education, the percentage of women in the total employed population in the six countries is among the lowest in the world, at 17.9%, compared with the world average of 47.1% (World Development Indicators, 2014). Female labour-force participation in these countries ranges from 15.4% in Algeria to 30% in Libya. At the same time, a dramatic gap between labour supply and demand in the female workforce has been creating high levels of unemployment, in particular among young educated women. -
International Reports 1/2017
Source: © Rafael Marchante, Reuters. Marchante, © Rafael Source: Other Topics Government Formation by Consensus? Monarchy, Democracy and Political Islam in Morocco Helmut Reifeld 90 Since the constitutional reform and 2011 elections, Morocco’s political reform course has continued to stabilise. However, is there any democratic foundation for this stability? Do the political parties form a democratic force that could lead the population through a necessary transformation process? And how “moderate” are the Islamists who were in power during the last election period? On 7 October 2016, at the end of a normal For Benkirane, this crisis came to a head with legislative period, the seats were reallocated the King’s decision to request the new parlia- in Morocco’s House of Representatives. As the ment to elect a president, even without a new leader of the moderate Islamist Justice and government in office in order to be capable of Development Party (PJD), which again won a taking action. Thus, on 13 January 2017, (with majority of the seats, King Mohammed VI fol- the abstention of the PJD), Habib El Malki was lowed the constitutional guideline to invite the elected by the USFP as the new parliamentary former Prime Minister, Abdelilah Benkirane, to president.1 This may be viewed as a highly prag- form a new government. matic solution, however, many observers also treated it as a “coup d’état” that contested the Over a period of more than five months, will of the electorate.2 Benkirane unsuccessfully attempted to honour this invitation during tough coalition negoti- This crisis came to an end on 17 March with the ations. -
Morocco and the European Union
NEGOTIATING EUROPEAN INTEGRATION ON THE SOUTHERN PERIPHERY: DEMOCRACY DEFICITS AND BARGAINING POWER IN THE MAGHREB by Carl Dawson B.A., Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand, 1991 M.P.S., Cornell University, 1996 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Graduate School of Public and International Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2007 © Copyright by Carl Dawson 2007 ii COMMITTEE SIGNATURE PAGE Professor Martin Staniland, Dissertation Advisor _______________________ Professor Clyde Mitchell-Weaver, Dissertation Advisor _______________________ Professor Alberta Sbragia, Committee Member Professor Phyllis Coontz, Committee Member iii NEGOTIATING EUROPEAN INTEGRATION ON THE SOUTHERN PERIPHERY: DEMOCRACY DEFICITS AND BARGAINING POWER IN THE MAGHREB Carl Dawson, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2007 From 1992 until 1995, Morocco and the European Union (EU) were in negotiations for an Association Agreement as part of a regional initiative, the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (or “Barcelona process”). The free trade provisions of the agreement seemed unfavorable for Morocco: they largely excluded agriculture, and, therefore, many products in which Morocco could have made significant gains, they opened the Moroccan market to competition from EU non-agricultural products (Morocco had achieved equivalent access to EU markets decades earlier), and EU funding for Moroccan company upgrading fell far short of expectations. This research sought to determine how the respective political systems of Morocco and the European Union led to the EU proposing, and Morocco accepting, a sub-optimal agreement. These issues were explored through recorded and transcribed interviews with key Moroccan and EU players, and through document analysis, and the resulting data were analyzed primarily in terms of Putnam’s two-level game model of international negotiation. -
Triggering Nationalist Violence Triggering Nationalist Adria Lawrence Violence Competition and Conºict in Uprisings Against Colonial Rule
Triggering Nationalist Violence Triggering Nationalist Adria Lawrence Violence Competition and Conºict in Uprisings against Colonial Rule What causes nonstate actors to take up arms and wage war against the state? Despite a burgeoning literature on civil war, extrasystemic war, and terrorism, scholars continue to lack compelling explanations for the onset of civil violence. The existing litera- ture has examined variation in political violence along a number of different dimensions, including the incidence of rebellion and civil war,1 the distribu- tion of violence within civil wars,2 the behavior of violent actors toward civil- ians,3 popular support for violent actors,4 and the use of particular types of violence.5 Yet less is known about how and why violence erupts in the ªrst Adria Lawrence is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Yale University and a research fellow at the MacMillan Center for International and Area Studies. From 2007 to 2008, she was a research fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard University. The author would like to acknowledge Ana De La O, Thad Dunning, Jeff Goodwin, Jenna Jordan, Stathis Kalyvas, Harris Mylonas, David Patel, Roger Petersen, Mustapha Qadery, Keven Ruby, Jonah Schulhofer-Wohl, Susan Stokes, Lisa Wedeen, Elizabeth Wood, the anonymous reviewers, and participants at workshops at Harvard University, the Massachusetts Institute of Technol- ogy, and Yale University for comments and helpful suggestions on earlier drafts. Special thanks are owed to Matthew Kocher for his advice and feedback. Many thanks to Younes Amehraye for research assistance in Morocco. 1. For examples, see Paul Collier and Anke Hoefºer, “Greed and Grievance in Civil War” (Oxford: Center for the Study of African Economics, March 2002); Nicholas Sambanis, “What Is a Civil War? Conceptual and Empirical Complexities of an Operational Deªnition,” Journal of Conºict Res- olution, Vol. -
Legal Discrimination 1
Legal Discrimination 1 Legal Discrimination in Morocco and the United States Kathryn Snyder, Allie Lake, Taylor Pierson, Tyler Munn, Ahdiam Berhe, Davaria Harris, Nizar Krari, Omar Kharriche, Ayoub Lansi Department of Public Health, Indiana University PBHL-S 635: Biosocial Approach to Global Health Dr. Turman April 27, 2020 Legal Discrimination 2 Abstract Legal discrimination is defined as “where people have created and enforce laws to uphold [...] discrimination” (Krieger, 2014, p. 648). Legal discrimination has direct effects on the health of women and girls in Morocco and the United States. Two cases of legal discrimination and their connection to adverse health outcomes for women and girls will be explored for each country. In Morocco, these are the discriminatory inheritance law and the widespread lack of enforcement and awareness of laws advancing women’s rights. In the United States, the issues identified here are access to reproductive healthcare and paid maternity leave. Evidence based interventions and actions for each government to take to advance the status of women will be discussed. In Morocco, it is recommended that the discriminatory inheritance law be repealed. Additionally, it is recommended that Morocco provide gender equality protocols for its judicial system and implement widespread access to legal aid through use of community-based paralegals. Lastly, it is recommended that Morocco adopt a definitive and comprehensive definition of domestic violence and revise their current legislation criminalizing gender-based violence to designate roles and responsibilities for upholding the law to specific institutions. In the United States, it is recommended that the government pass a law providing paid maternity leave for all workers.