Morocco: Political Parties and the EU
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Rapport De Synthèse Sur Le Pluralisme
Royaume du Maroc Rapport Semestriel sur le Pluralisme dans les Médias Audiovisuels (Magazines d’information) Du 1er Janvier au 30 Juin 2010 Sommaire Préface 004 I – Règles de référence 006 1- Médias audiovisuels objet du contrôle 007 2- Modalités de relevé dans les médias audiovisuels à programmation nationale 007 3- Modalités de relevé dans les médias audiovisuels à programmation régionale et locale 008 II – Présentation des résultats globaux 010 Graphes globaux des Quatre Parts sur les médias audiovisuels suivis 011 III – Observations générales 015 IV – Résultats par catégorie de médias 020 1 - Médias audiovisuels publics 021 . TV Al Oula 021 . TV 2M 033 . TV Tamazight 029 . TV Laâyoune 039 . Radio Nationale 044 . Radio Amazighe 050 . Radio Chaîne Inter 056 Observations relatives aux médias audiovisuels publics 066 2 - Médias audiovisuels privés à programmation nationale 068 . Radio Aswat 069 . Radio Med 075 . Radio Chada FM 081 . Radio Atlantic 087 . Radio Luxe 093 Observations relatives aux médias audiovisuels privés à programmation 103 nationale 3 - Médias audiovisuels privés à programmation régionale 105 . Radio Casa FM (programmes nationaux) 106 . Radio Casa FM (programmes régionaux) 112 . Radio MFM Atlas (programmes régionaux) 119 2 . Radio MFM Saïss (programmes régionaux) 121 . Radio MFM Souss (programmes régionaux) 126 . Cap Radio 131 Observations sur les médias audiovisuels privés régionaux 137 4 - Médias audiovisuels privés à programmation locale 139 . Radio Plus Agadir 140 . Radio Plus Marrakech 146 Observations sur les médias audiovisuels privés locaux 151 V – Annexes, Sommaire & Tableaux 153 3 Préface En vertu du Dahir l’ayant instituée, et du fait de l’évolution accélérée du secteur audiovisuel, la Haute Autorité de la Communication Audiovisuelle (HACA) a été appelée à mettre en place un cadre normatif précis pour la gestion du pluralisme politique dans les médias audiovisuels afin de mieux garantir la liberté d’expression des organisations politiques, syndicales, professionnelles et associatives. -
Morocco 2014: the Return of Authoritarianism
Geographical Overview | Maghreb Panorama Morocco 2014: The Return of Authoritarianism Maâti Monjib (PJD) heading the coalition seems to have definitively Professor come to terms with royal hegemony over the execu- Mohammed V University, Rabat tive branch. It thus relinquished a democratic inter- pretation of the 2011 Constitution granting the exec- utive branch substantial powers while turning various Geographical Overview | Maghreb Geographical Overview 2014 was the third year of the Benkirane administra- royal powers – formerly discretionary – into limited tion. The cabinet led by him resulted from the early powers. After this reshuffle, control over key minis- elections brought on by the 20 February Movement tries such as those of the Interior, Foreign Affairs and protests (the Moroccan version of the so-called Education by palace officials has made the little pow- ‘Arab’ Spring) occurring over the course of 2011. er held by the Prime Minister dwindle even more. This is the first time in Moroccan history that an Isla- This return to pre-2011 monarchic authoritarianism mist party independent from the monarchy is head- has been accompanied by an increase in the weight ing the government. In any case, Benkirane, a mod- of security agencies in decision-making processes. erate conservative leader, only managed to stay at This is implicitly justified by the real threats to the the head of the coalition government during the sec- country by extremist groups, whether loyal to Daesh 176 ond half of 2013 by making significant political con- or al-Qaeda. Some two thousand Moroccans, a cessions to the pre-Arab Spring establishment, par- large part of them bearing European passports, are ticularly insofar as sharing power with the royal participating in the combats in Syria, Iraq and other palace camp. -
Hermeneutics & Morocco's Family Code
SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection SIT Study Abroad Spring 2020 From the Ulama to the Legislature: Hermeneutics & Morocco’s Family Code Rachel Olick-Gibson SIT Study Abroad Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection Part of the African Studies Commons, Gender and Sexuality Commons, Human Rights Law Commons, Islamic Studies Commons, Law and Gender Commons, Politics and Social Change Commons, Religion Law Commons, Social Policy Commons, and the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Olick-Gibson, Rachel, "From the Ulama to the Legislature: Hermeneutics & Morocco’s Family Code" (2020). Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. 3362. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/3362 This Unpublished Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Study Abroad at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. From the Ulama to the Legislature: Hermeneutics & Morocco’s Family Code Rachel Olick-Gibson Academic Director: Belghazi, Taieb Advisor: Bordat, Stephanie Washington University in St. Louis Africa, Morocco, Rabat Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for MOR: Multiculturalism and Human Rights, SIT Study Abroad, Spring 2020 1 Table of Contents Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………………3 Acknowledgements -
Beyond Islamists & Autocrats
PROSPECTS FOR POLITICAL REFORM POST ARAB SpRING Beyond Islamists & Autocrats MOROCCO: peting through more or less free and fair elections for par- liamentary and governmental positions since 1956, when Prospects for Civil Society the country established independence from French rule, n Vish Sakthivel arguably the greatest prospects for democratic reform can be found not in traditional political institutions but in the This paper, the second in a series exploring reformist country’s civil society. As this paper demonstrates, civil so- actors among non-Islamists throughout the region, ex- ciety entities such as trade unions and organizations work- amines prospects for political reform in Morocco. The ing on democratic development, women’s empowerment, paper defines democratic/reformist actors as individu- human rights, and the rights of the Berber (Amazigh) mi- als or groups supporting the familiar procedural mech- nority carry promise for Morocco’s democratic prospects, anisms of power sharing, such as regular elections and even as the political system remains dominated by the open contestation for political office, and also possi- monarchy. Indeed, since the constitutional reforms of bly working to strengthen the attendant freedoms of 2011, many Moroccan political groups, including those expression, association, and press; legal protections counterdemocratic strains with strong links to the regime, for minorities; and social conditions, such as literacy, portray themselves as reform-oriented, democratic actors widely acknowledged to be necessary components of a and may, in certain ways, serve as facilitators for reform democracy. Religious or Muslim democrats—or those groups. But their primary role is to facilitate continued le- seeing a role for religion in public life—are included in gitimacy for the regime, often taking up the ancillary role this definition. -
Marruecos Reino De Marruecos
OFICINA DE INFORMACIÓN DIPLOMÁTICA FICHA PAÍS Marruecos Reino de Marruecos La Oficina de Información Diplomática del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores y de Cooperación pone a disposición de los profesionales de los medios de comuni- cación y del público en general la presente ficha país. La información contenida en esta ficha país es pública y se ha extraído de diversos medios no oficiales. La presente ficha país no defiende posición política alguna ni de este Ministerio ni del Gobierno de España respecto del país sobre el que versa. JUNIO 2013 5. Gran Casablanca Marruecos 6. Guelmim-Es Smara 7. El Aaiún-Bojador-Sakia el Hamra 8. Marrakech-Tensift-Al Haouz 9. Mequinez-Tafilalet ESPAÑA 10. Oriental Tanger 11. Ued Ed-Dahab-Lagouira 12. Rabat-Salé-Zemmur-Zaër 13. Suss-Massa-Drâa Océano Atlántico 14. Tadla-Azilal Rabat 15. Tánger-Tetuán 16. Taza-Alhucemas-Taunat 1.2. Geografía Marrakech El Reino de Marruecos está situado en el extremo noroeste del continente afri- cano. Está bordeado por el Mar Mediterráneo al norte y el Océano Atlántico al oeste. El desierto del Sahara se extiende por gran parte del sur y del este de ARGELIA Marruecos. Tanto su litoral marítimo como el desierto y el macizo montañoso del Atlas marcan su configuración geográfica más determinante y su clima. Éste es mediterráneo en el norte, en la zona septentrional aledaña al macizo SAHARA OCCIDENTAL del Rif (derivación de la cordillera del Atlas); oceánico al oeste; subtropical en © Ocina de Información Diplomática. 2012 la zona sur cercana al Océano; continental en la zona central del Anti-Atlas; de Aviso: Las fronteras trazadas no son necesariamente las reconocidas ocialmente. -
Morocco: Current Issues
Morocco: Current Issues Alexis Arieff Analyst in African Affairs June 30, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21579 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Morocco: Current Issues Summary The United States government views Morocco as an important ally against terrorism and a free trade partner. Congress appropriates foreign assistance funding for Morocco for counterterrorism and socioeconomic development, including funding in support of a five-year, $697.5 million Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) aid program agreed to in 2007. Congress also reviews and authorizes Moroccan purchases of U.S. defense articles. King Mohammed VI retains supreme political power in Morocco, but has taken some liberalizing steps with uncertain effects. On June 17, the king announced he would submit a new draft constitution to a public referendum on July 1. The proposed constitution, which was drafted by a commission appointed by the king in March, aims to grant greater independence to the prime minister, the legislature, and the judiciary. Nevertheless, under the proposed constitution the king would retain significant executive powers, such as the ability to fire ministers and dissolve the parliament, and he would remain commander-in-chief of the armed forces. U.S. officials have expressed strong support for King Mohammed VI’s reform efforts and for the monarchy. Protests, which have been largely peaceful, have continued, however, with some activists criticizing the king’s control over the reform process and calling for more radical changes to the political system. Authorities have tolerated many of the protests, but in some cases security forces have used violence to disperse demonstrators and have beaten prominent activists. -
Parliamentary Agenda Priorities and Responsiveness Under Authoritarianism
Working Paper Parliamentary Agenda Priorities and Responsiveness Under Authoritarianism Marwa Shalaby, Ph.D. Fellow for the Middle East and Director, Women’s Rights in the Middle East, Center for the Middle East, Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy Abdullah Aydogan, Ph.D. Postdoctoral Fellow, Center for the Middle East, Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy © 2016 by the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy of Rice University This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy. Wherever feasible, papers are reviewed by outside experts before they are released. However, the research and views expressed in this paper are those of the individual researcher(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy. This paper is a work in progress and has not been submitted for editorial review. Abstract Former studies have focused on issue prioritization in parliaments and compared the priorities of both political elites and citizens to measure their level of responsiveness to the general public. To date, this topic was examined in more than twenty countries, which are exclusively democratic systems. This paper aims to contribute to the comparative agendas’ politics literature by testing issue-congruency under competitive authoritarian regimes. Analyzing more than 10,000 legislative texts, mainly parliamentary draft bills and questions, and matching them with public opinion data on citizen priorities in Morocco, we found a substantial level of issue congruence between the priorities of the elites and citizens. -
PARTY STRENGTHENING and PARLIAMENTARY REFORM (04860/1) USAID Cooperative Agreement No
CEPPS/NDI Quarterly Report: April 1 – June 30, 2005 MOROCCO: PARTY STRENGTHENING AND PARLIAMENTARY REFORM (04860/1) USAID Cooperative Agreement No. DGC-A-00-01-00004-00 Project dates: March 1, 2004 to September 1, 2005 Total budget: $1,095,000.00 Expenses to date: $956,580.83 I. SUMMARY Over the last quarter Morocco has taken some significant steps on its path through democratic transition. A political party law has been put forward for ratification, revision of the electoral code is under discussion and a number of political parties held their national congresses with an eye to the pending party legislation. Elsewhere, the speech by the King on the need to develop the country’s human capital called attention to the slow socioeconomic development of the country while highlighting its relationship to the development of more robust democratic processes. Political parties are becoming increasingly aware of the need to join together to face the challenges of the upcoming 2007 elections. As a result, they are moving slowly to form several unified poles. The Popular Movement (MP) and National Popular Movement (MNP) have taken the lead by fully merging their parties, while the Union of Socialist Popular Forces (USFP) and Democratic Socialist Party (PSD) are on their way. Parties such as the Justice and Development Party (PJD) have more confidence in their base of support and are working diligently to maintain and expand popular backing in the lead up to the 2007 polls. Within this context, the specific objectives of NDI’s parliamentary reform and political party strengthening programs are the following: Parliament Program To bridge the gap between members of Parliament (MPs), civil society leaders and constituents; and To improve the efficiency and effectiveness of MPs and party caucuses. -
International Reports 1/2017
Source: © Rafael Marchante, Reuters. Marchante, © Rafael Source: Other Topics Government Formation by Consensus? Monarchy, Democracy and Political Islam in Morocco Helmut Reifeld 90 Since the constitutional reform and 2011 elections, Morocco’s political reform course has continued to stabilise. However, is there any democratic foundation for this stability? Do the political parties form a democratic force that could lead the population through a necessary transformation process? And how “moderate” are the Islamists who were in power during the last election period? On 7 October 2016, at the end of a normal For Benkirane, this crisis came to a head with legislative period, the seats were reallocated the King’s decision to request the new parlia- in Morocco’s House of Representatives. As the ment to elect a president, even without a new leader of the moderate Islamist Justice and government in office in order to be capable of Development Party (PJD), which again won a taking action. Thus, on 13 January 2017, (with majority of the seats, King Mohammed VI fol- the abstention of the PJD), Habib El Malki was lowed the constitutional guideline to invite the elected by the USFP as the new parliamentary former Prime Minister, Abdelilah Benkirane, to president.1 This may be viewed as a highly prag- form a new government. matic solution, however, many observers also treated it as a “coup d’état” that contested the Over a period of more than five months, will of the electorate.2 Benkirane unsuccessfully attempted to honour this invitation during tough coalition negoti- This crisis came to an end on 17 March with the ations. -
Working Under Constraints: the PJD in the Aftermath of the 2016 Elections
ISSUE BRIEF 05.29.18 Working Under Constraints: The PJD in the Aftermath of the 2016 Elections Driss Maghraoui, Ph.D., Al Akhawayn University, Ifrane, Morocco have had electoral success and popularity THE CURSE OF THE MULTI-PARTY among the electorate, but they have been SYSTEM IN MOROCCO unwilling or incapable of challenging the A fragmented multi-party system is a regime in ways that can significantly fundamental feature of the Moroccan advance democracy. The PJD is no exception. political system and is often considered Moroccan politics has been shaped by what a critical conduit for political reform and is known in Morocco as the makhzen, also 4 democratization in the long term. While referred to as the deep state, which is the a multi-party system could be seen as political authority that is associated with an opportunity to encourage the political the monarchy and its hegemonic state participation of different political forces, apparatus. In what follows, I argue that, in elections also carry the prospect of its relations with the makhzen, the PJD faces sustaining authoritarian rule.1 The latter constraints similar to those experienced is indeed the case in Morocco, where by other parties, and, as a result, is unable the monarchy has used elections as a to change the underlying dynamics of mechanism to structure and control the Moroccan politics. country’s political arena. The power of the monarchy is preserved by preventing the MONARCHICAL POWERS AND THE emergence of a strong party, maintaining a CONSTITUTIONAL LIMITS OF THE balance among political parties, and further Via formal and PARTIES dividing an already fragmented political elite. -
Morocco and Cannabis Reduction, Containment Or Acceptance
DRUG POLICY BRIEFING | 49 | March 2017 Morocco and Cannabis Reduction, containment or acceptance Tom Blickman1 KEY POINTS • Morocco continues to be the world’s largest producer of cannabis resin (hashish). Over the past 50 years, the Moroccan cannabis growers shown a remarkable resilience to government attempts to eradicate or reduce cannabis cultivation as well as a noteworthy ability to adapt to changing international market conditions. • Since Morocco’s independence the government has practiced a policy of containment regarding cannabis cultivation, allowing no new areas but tacitly allowing those already in production to be maintained. • The rapid increase in illicit cannabis cultivation in the Rif during the last decades, as well as poor soil conservation practices, have taken a heavy toll on the Rif’s already threatened forests and fragile ecosystems. • The unregulated cannabis market in Morocco has negative social consequences. Some 48,000 growers have arrest warrants hanging over their heads, which is a source of corruption and repression. An amnesty and decriminalization could be effective measures to diminish negative social consequences and open the debate about regulation. • Cannabis farmers in Morocco should have access to emerging legally regulated cannabis markets that are gaining ground worldwide. The challenge is to find a sustainable development model that includes cannabis cultivation in Morocco, instead of excluding cannabis and ignoring the realities of more than 50 years of failed attempts to eradicate the only viable -
State-Sponsored Female Religious Authority and The
PIETY, HONOR, AND THE STATE: STATE-SPONSORED FEMALE RELIGIOUS AUTHORITY AND THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN MODERN MOROCCAN SOCIETY by SOPHIE HOOVER A THESIS Presented to the Department of International Studies and the Robert D. Clark Honors College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts June 2015 Acknowledgements I would like to thank Professor Anita Weiss and Professor Angela Joya for offering me invaluable advice, wisdom, and assistance while developing this thesis. I would also like to extend my sincere thanks to Professor Rick Colby for his generosity with his resources and time in developing my understanding of Moroccan Islam. Thanks are also in order to Professor Southworth for volunteering her time to serve on my thesis committee, and Ms. Miriam Jordan for all of her time and assistance in finalizing the format of this thesis. This paper would not have been possible without any of you, thank you. iii Table of Contents I. Introduction 1 II. Theoretical Framework 10 III. Overview of State Religious Authoritative Bodies 14 The Supreme Religious Council 17 The Ministry of Endowments and Islamic Affairs 19 Religious Authority as Patriarchal State Power 20 IV. Implementation of Women as Religious Guides and Religious Scholars 24 ‘Alimat: Female Religious Scholars 24 Murshidat: Female Religious Guides 28 V. Profiles of ‘Alimat and Murshidat 34 Dr. Rajaa Naji Mekkaoui 34 Fatimah Bouselama 37 Bouchra 39 Hannane 41 Karima 43 VI. Impact on Patriarchal Notions of Society 45 Increasing Empowerment, Within Limits 45 Reduced or Enhanced Oppression? 52 VII. Conclusions 58 Bibliography 63 iv I.