And ´/Z-Series in Elamite*

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And ´/Z-Series in Elamite* On the Sounds Rendered by the s-, š- and ´/z-Series in Elamite* Jan Tavernier Louvain-la-Neuve 1. Introduction The study of Elamite phonology is a difficult task. Four reasons make it extremely hard to get a hold on how the Elamites pronounced their language (Reiner 1969:71; Grillot-Susini–Roche 1987:10; Khačikyan 1995:105; Krebernik 2005:161). Firstly, Elamite is written by means of the Sumero-Akkadian cuneiform writing system, a script which was not devised for expressing Elamite. As a result of this, the Sumero-Akkadi- an cuneiform signs cannot render in a clear way all Elamite phonemes, and as a consequence of this, some signs had to render more than one phoneme. Secondly, given the isolated status of Elamite, there is no comparative linguistic material for the study of Elamite phonology. Al- though McAlpin (1981) reconstructed a Proto-Elamo-Dravidian sub- strate language and thus proposed a connection between Elamite and the Dravidian languages, the link between them is still too weak to allow far-going conclusions on Elamite phonology. Thirdly, one should keep in mind the possibility of Elamite dialects, which may touch on phono- logical issues. Finally the phonological system also had its own dia- chronic development.1 * Abbreviations follow the system used in Northern Akkad Project Reports 8 (1993):49–77. Other abbreviations are: AE = Achaemenid Elamite; AE (AHam) = Achaemenid Elamite—texts dated to Atta-¶amiti-Inšušinak; MBHT = Middle Babylonian texts from Haft Tepe; MBSu = Middle Babylonian texts from Susa; ME = Middle Elamite; ME TTM = Middle Elamite texts from Tal-i Malyān; NA = Neo-Assyrian; NB = Neo-Babylonian; NE = Neo-Elamite; OAkk. = Old Akkadian; OBMa = Old Babylonian texts from Mari; OBSu = Old Babylonian texts from Susa; OBTM = Old Babylonian texts from Tal-i Malyān; OE = Old Elamite. 1 Basically there are five diachronic stages in the development of the Elamite language. The first one is Old Elamite (ca. 2300–1500 BC), followed by Middle Elamite (ca. 1500–1000 BC), Early Neo-Elamite (NE I; ca. 1000–650 BC), Late Neo-Elamite (NE II; ca. 650–550 BC) and Achaemenid Elamite (ca. 550–330 BC). This framework is relevant not only for Elamite phonology, but also for mor- 1060 Limited-corpus Languages of the Ancient Near East Possibly because of these reasons, the recently published Elamite grammars (Grillot-Susini–Roche 1987; Khačikyan 1998; Stolper 2004; Krebernik 2005) devote relatively little attention to Elamite phonology. Nevertheless, these difficulties should not deter the scholar from try- ing to solve the mysteries of Elamite phonology given that there are three types of sources which enable him / her to conduct such a study. (1) Transcriptions of non-Elamite words in Elamite texts (Iranian, Akkadian and West-Semitic proper names and loanwords). (2) Transcriptions of Elamite proper names and words in non-Elamite texts. (3) Spelling variants within Elamite texts themselves. These sources can easily be divided into two groups: internal data have no connection whatsoever with a non-Elamite language (No. 3), whereas external data (nos. 1–2) do have a connection with text attesta- tions in languages other than Elamite. This article focuses on a particular phonological issue, the sounds rendered by the s-, š- and ´/z-series in Elamite. It is not certain how many sibilants and/or affricates Elamite possessed (Foy 1898:129; Reiner 1969:72–73) and therefore several scholars have published vari- ous ideas on this topic. With Old Persian phonology in mind, Wester- gaard (1845:343, 348–349, 355–356) believed in the existence of El. /č/, /s/, /š/ and /z/. Holtzmann (1851:147, 154, 168–169; also Weissbach 1890:47 and Grillot-Susini–Roche 1987:10) accepted the existence of /s/, /š/ and /z/. Four years later Norris (1855:39, 44 and 50) mentioned /č/, /ç/, /s/ and /θ/, whereas according to Mordtmann (1862:31) Elamite pos- sessed /ç/, /s/, /θ/ and /z/. Other scholars assume the existence of only /s/, /š/ and /č/ (Hüsing 1898:15; Bork 1910:569–571 and 1925:74; Weidner 1917:32; Paper 1955:25–29; Reiner 1969:72; McAlpin 1981:65, 90–91). In his study on Proto-Elamo-Dravidian (PED) McAlpin includes a his- torical phonology of these three phonemes. PED /*š/ remained /š/ in Elamite (whereas it disappeared in Dravidian). PED /*c/ became Proto- Elamite /*c/, but subsequently had a more complicated development, as the following table shows: phology and syntax. Only with regard to the writing system it should be slightly modified, in the sense that the Middle Elamite period is divided into two subdivi- sions: Classical Middle Elamite (the royal inscriptions) and Late Middle Elamite (the administrative tablets from Tall-i Malyān). J. Tavernier, On the Sounds Rendered by the s-, š-, ´/z-Series… 1061 Table 1: Development of PED and Proto-Elamite /*c/ (McAlpin 1981) Phonetic context Middle Elamite Achaemenid Elamite Before /a/ /*c / > s /*c / > s /*c / > z (= /č /) (rarely) Before /e/, /i/ /*c / > s /*c / > z (= /č /) /*c / > z (= /č /) (rarely) 2 Before /u/ /*c / > z (= /č /) Not mentioned /*c / > s (rarely) In reality, however, these rules do not withstand critical research. For example, many times /č / precedes /a/ and this /č/ cannot have other ori- gins than from PED /*c / in McAlpin’s view. Khačikyan (1995:105–107; 1998:7–8) has two alveolar fricatives (/s/ and /š/) and two affricates (/c / and /č /). Stolper (2004:71) postulates at least three fricatives, transcribed as s, š and z, and an affricate /č /. Labat (1951:28) de- nies the existence of /θ/ and has doubts on /č /, whereas Steve (1992:14) cau- tiously mentions /ž/ and /ğ/. Recently Krebernik (2005:162) has mentioned /s/, /š/, /z/ with their respectively geminated variants. Finally Henkelman (2008:278, n. 635) assumes the existence of an affricated dental /ts/. All to- gether eight fricatives (/ç /, /s/, /ss/, /š/, /šš/, /θ/, /z/ and /zz/) and five affricates s (/c /, /č /, /ğ/ and /t / and /ž/) have been mentioned in previous publications. Some phonemes are accepted by almost all scholars: /č/, /s/, /š/ and, to s a lesser extent, /z/, whereas others (/c / /ç /, /ğ/, /t /, /θ/ and /ž/) are only mentioned in the works of one or two authors. Three types of signs may render sibilants or affricates: the s-signs, the š-signs and the ´/z-signs. A problem that emerges when studying the sibilants is that the VC-signs (e. g. ÁŠ) may render various sibilants (áš = ás; is = iz, etc.). Also CV-signs, which generally have a clearer distinction, may be confusing, e. g. zu may be read as sú. Another problem is that the cuneiform writing system is not apt to express af- fricates. Finally it should be noted that CVC-signs will not be used in this discussion because of their ambiguity as to the precise character of the consonants they express. 2. Non-Elamite expressions in Elamite texts The first step in the study of Elamite sibilants and affricates is an analysis of Elamite renderings of non-Elamite expressions, especially of Akkadian 2 As the sign ZU had disappeared by the Achaemenid period, a clear distinc- tion between /cu/ and su cannot be made. 1062 Limited-corpus Languages of the Ancient Near East and Old Iranian ones (cf. Foy 1898:128–129; Cameron 1948:40–45 and 1954–1959:471; Paper 1955:29–30;3 Khačikyan 1995:106–107 and 1998: 7–8). There are not many Akkadian expressions rendered in Elamite, in contrast to the numerous Iranian proper names and loanwords appear- ing in Achaemenid Elamite texts. Nevertheless the Akkadian expressions are important, since they are, contrary to the Iranian proper names and loanwords, not limited to the Neo-Elamite and Achaemenid period. Al- though CVC-signs are not valuable for this study, one example of an Ak- kadian sibilant (ziqquratu) rendered by CVC-signs, is here included, since it is the only attestation of Akkadian /z/ in Elamite. Table 2: Akkadian and Aramaic names and words in Elamite Akkadian Period Elamite Attar-sūrī- (Aramaic), PN AE ÚALAt-tur-r[u-i]š-šu-ri-iš Bēlšunu, PN AE ÚALBe-ul-šu-un ešertu ‘chapel, shrine’ ME AŠi-ši-ir-tu kiššu ‘bundle’ (pl. kišati) ME ki-ša-a-ti d Išme-karāb, a theonym ME Iš-ni-ka4-ra-ab Man-ištūšu, a royal name4 ME Ma-an-iš-du-uz-zu misarru ‘(metal) band’ ME mi-za-ru-um mīšaru ‘justice’ ME mi-ša-ri nikassu ‘account’ AE nu-ik-kás-su-um-me nisannu month name AE nu-šá-an paspasu ‘duck’ ME ba-as/z-ba-as/z AE ba-is/z.KIMIN pašīšu anointing priest NE I–II ba-ši-šu qištu ‘wood, forest’ ME ki-iš-tu4-um ÚAL Sîn-qatēni, PN AE Ši-in-ka4-tan-na ´almu ‘statue’ ME sa-al-mu-um (1 time) ME za-al-mu (14 times) NE I za-al-mi (1 time) NE I za-al-mu (11 times) NE II za-al-mi (2 times) NE II za-al-mu (14 times) AE (AHam)5 za-al-mu (3 times) 3 Paper made the mistake of including Babylonian renderings of Old Persian names and loanwords in his table of sibilant correspondence-sets. These names and loanwords, however, do not yield reliable information on Elamite phonology, but rather on Old Iranian phonology. 4 The later spelling of this name is Ma-ni-iš-ti-iš-šu (Steinkeller 1987–1990:334). 5 The inscription on a stela of Atta-¶amiti-Inšušinak (EKI 86–89) was formerly dated to the second half of the 7th century BC (Vallat 1996:391) but recently the idea was expressed that this king could very well be identical with the rebel J.
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