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Bebyggelsehistorisk Tidskrift Bebyggelsehistorisk tidskrift Nordic Journal of Settlement History and Built Heritage Author Clas Tollin Title The transition of landownership in Sweden 1562−1654 and its reflection in the agrarian landscape Issue 61 Year of Publication 2011 Pages 39–52 ISSN 0349−2834 ISSN online 2002−3812 www.bebyggelsehistoria.org The transition of landownership in Sweden 1562−1654 and its reflection in the agrarian landscape by Clas Tollin he comprehensive and rapid transfor- scenery, (different ways of seeing), landscape as mation in land ownership and agricul- an institution (customary laws, land rights and tural incomes in Sweden in the first social institutions) and land as a resource (land T 3 half of the 17th century makes the period par- use, production and capital). It might be fruitful ticularly amenable to studying how changes in to add a forth concept; landscape management landownership are reflected in the agrarian land- to understand the influence of man in a wider scape within the concept of land as a resource. sense concerning agrarian technique, developed The alienation of Crown land and revenues to animal and plant breeding and level of knowl- the nobility was so extensive that that the hold- edge among the farmers. I will use these distinc- ings of the nobility increased some two and a tions as basis in this study. half times between 1560 and 1652. There was Landownership in the broad sense is central also a certain shift from family farms towards to the concept of landscape as an institution. manors and larger estates. The richness of Landowners have a variety of rights; they can sources enables exhaustive studies of this proc- walk wherever they like on the property, for ess, which has been investigated by particularly instance, and refuse others to do so. Within agrarian, economical and political historians.1 certain confines, it is also up to landowners to However, the associated spatial organisation decide what they will grow and where. Most and landscape changes are studied surprisingly importantly, ownership is historically connected little by historical geographers, despite of the with income from agriculture and land, whether potential of the existing sources. in the form of products or rent. It is reasonable to believe that the physical landscape and its ele- ments, in one way or another, reflect socio-eco- The landscape concept in relation nomic conditions in society, or more precisely, to landownership the equality or inequality of its people in terms The term landscape is often used in a broad of wealth and influence. sense, without being defined. It is therefore wise After the reformation of King Gustav Vasa to differentiate physical landscape and natural (Gustav I) between 1527 and 1540, there were scenery from other uses of the term, such as po- three major categories of landowners in Swe- litical landscape, mental landscape or non-physi- den, the Crown, the nobility and freeholders cal realities in the landscape.2 Here landscape is (tax-paying farmers). In contrast to the rest of used in the sense settlement structure and land Europe, just over half of the farmers in Swe- use pattern. den-Finland were freeholders at the time of the The historical geographer Mats Widgren sug- death of Gustav I in 1560. About a fifth was gests that ‘the landscape concept’ could be treat- Crown tenants and the rest were tenants of the ed as three interrelated concepts: landscape as nobility. There were very few demesne farms, bebyggelsehistorisk tidskrift 61/2011 39 clas tollin probably only one or two percent of arable land Sources to the landscape belonged to estates whose farms were run on a larger scale (Gutswirtschaft).4 Sources for studying settlement history from For a century or so Sweden was as an impor- this period are abundant. Firstly, there are the tant actor on the military and political scene of provincial records from the King’s Chancery Europe. The foundation was laid in the 1610s Archives5. These are among the best settlement and 1620s. After the Peace in Stolbova 1617 the records in the world due to topographic disposi- provinces of Karelia and Ingermanland in the tion and systematic registration of different kind east became part of the Swedish realm. After the of landowners and because they cover practical- Peace of Brömsebro in 1645 and the Peace of ly all of Sweden from the 1540s onwards.6 Sec- Westphalia in 1648, the Swedish realm expanded ondly, there are complete records of all farms further geographically, adding new provinces in belonging to the nobility in 1562. Thirdly, there the south and the west. The country’s military are the records of the reduction commissions of and political ventures in the 17th century had tre- the 1680s and 1690s. mendous impact on Swedish society for genera- The large-scale maps of farms and hamlets, tions to come, not least with respect to gains and some 12,000 in number, made between 1630 and losses of power over the agrarian landscape. The 1655 are another unique Swedish source. Most long period of almost constant war led to an in- were measured by surveyors employed by the crease in the power of the nobility, especially in state and the maps were collected in the King’s the 1630s and 1640s. For instance, all officers and Chancery at the Royal Palace of Stockholm. A higher military appointments were the reserved second generation of large-scale maps was cre- to the nobility. Closer contact with the socio- ated during the 1680s and 1690s, which allows economic conditions of the Continent, with its comparisons of the agrarian landscape before unfree farmers and feudal society, had the same and after the great Crown alienations. effect. After the death of Gustavus Adolphus in It is mistakenly believed that there are very 1632, Sweden was ruled by a regency government few old geometrical maps of farms belonging composed of high noblemen for twelve years. to the nobility. The fact is that an instruction The consequences for the agrarian society were from the King’s Chancery in 1634 orders the critical. Firstly, agricultural yields in the form of tenant rents and land taxes were transferred from the Crown and freeholders to the nobility. Secondly, some thousand family farms were con- verted to manorial estates, which enjoyed fuller tax exemption than other noble land. I will make an attempt to illustrate the conse- quences of non-physical structures on the agrar- ian landscape, or how landscape as an institu- tion is interrelated to land as a resource. In other words: how and to what extent did the increas- ing formal control of the nobility change the agrarian landscape? Is it possible, for example, to discern specific physical marks and changes in settlement structure, land use, spatial organi- sation, roads and so forth? The study covers two geographical levels: a more generalised overview of the provinces of Östergötland, Sörmland and figure 1. Overview map of Eastern Middle Sweden. Uppland; and a few examples on the village or Gotland became a part of the Swedish realm in the settlement level from the area around Uppsala. Peace of Brömsebro 1645. 40 bebyggelsehistorisk tidskrift 61/2011 the transition of landownership in sweden 1562−1654 surveyors to “diligently” map the landholdings The regional level of every hamlet, whether noble, Crown, or free- Between 1931 and 1946 Johan Axel Almquist hold. Hence, practically all farms belonging to published a complete record of farms owned the nobility were surveyed if they were situated by nobility and manorial estates and changes in in settlements where there were also freehold or landownership during the period 1562 to 1700 Crown farms.7 Furthermore there are at least 15 in the provinces of Östergötland, Sörmland and map collections over dukedoms, baronies and Uppland. The material allows the user to make noble estates. The majority of these maps, of agglomerations of any chosen geographical level. which there are more than a thousand, shows The work also provides summaries of the about farms belonging to the nobility, and some man- 70 relevant hundreds.10 Strangely enough, there ors were also mapped.8 Little of this material has has been little interest in turning this unique his- been used so far in historical scholarly research torical source into maps or in showing how spa- concerning land use and settlement. tial patterns of landownership differ geographi- One source material is the Extract opå rijkz- cally. Thematic maps will be used to show the sens mantal på närmaste förslagh mars 1652, change in landownership and thus illustrate the a summary of all hides in Sweden, province by concept of landscape as institution. province.9 There are two different principles The chosen variables are: percentage of farms at work in this material: one report shows the owned or controlled by the nobility per hundred number of functional farms (large and small in 1562 and 1654, respectively. I have selected five taxed farms) and the other showing the taxa- classes: 0−20 percent, 20.1−40 percent, 40.1−60 tion objects (full-taxed farms) regardless of the percent, 60.1−80 percent and 80.1−100 percent. number of actual farmers. As there had been The pattern of the maps reflects changes in con- little settlement expansion during the relevant trol over agrarian production and other utilities period, the total number of full-taxed farms was and thereby also the shift in power over the almost the same in 1562 and in 1654. landscape. figure 2. Percentages of farms owned by nobility in the province of Östergötland in 1562, shown at left, and 1654, shown at right (total number approximately 6,600). The dark green color shows hundreds with less than 21 percent farms owned by the nobility.
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