THE KOREAN PAVILION AS A RITUAL SPACE AT EXPO 67
Winnky Chen
ARCH 251: Architectural History 2
Professor Annmarie Adams
T.A. Gina Lynn Page
March 21, 2018
McGill University Peter Guo-hua Fu School of Architecture
1
Acknowledgements
I want to extend my sincere gratitude to all those who inspired me, guided me and encouraged me for this research paper. Thanks to Professor Radoslav Zuk for sharing his memories of Expo 67 with me; Professor Annmarie Adams for her guidance; Mrs. Gina
Lynn Page for her advice, and my parents and friends for their unconditional love and support.
2
Though located within Expo 67, a suitable showcase of nationalism, the
Korean pavilion (Figure 1) stood apart from the hustle and bustle.1 The architecture of the Korean pavilion framed a sacred ritual space, and Figure 1. Meredith Dixon, “Korean Pavilion”, 2007. thereby provided an isolated environment for people to escape temporarily from daily chaos. Essentially, the Korean pavilion was an exhibition hall with pragmatic purposes. To associate the image of a ritual space with this ontologically secular exhibition hall, the definition of ritual spaces should be addressed. In the literal sense, a ritual space is where rituals take place and is often related to religious practice. For example, a Christian church is ritual space where
Sunday worship takes place. However, rituals can be discussed in a broader sense.
Having one’s morning coffee at the same place, using the same mug and drinking at the same time every single day can be regarded as a highly ritualized activity. In that case, the room in which the person has his routine coffee can be considered as a ritual space.2
In light of this concept, the research paper will illustrate how the Korean pavilion at Expo
67 transformed the act of visiting into a ritual activity; how the architecture created a ritual space for the Korean people through its religious connotations, and how this ritual
1 Meredith Dixon, Marilyn Berger, Troye Carrington, and Annmarie Adams. “Korean Pavilion”, Expo '67: a photographic journey. ([Montréal]: Digital Collections Program, McGill University.) http://digital.library.mcgill.ca/expo-67 (2007)
2 Robert H. Sharf, “Ritual”, in critical terms for the study of Buddhism, ed. Donald S. Lopez. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 245-246 3
space was also recognized by the non-Korean people without a related cultural
background.
Korean pavilion as a ritual space with Buddhist connotations
The Korean pavilion was designed when the Third Republic of Korea stepped into
the epilogue of the first Five-Year Plans of South Korea (1962-1966). The rapid
economic boom dragged the once war-torn Korea out of poverty. There was a strong
hope for a self-sufficient economy—as well as a more independent country. The urge of
greater independence was not limited to just the monetary development of Korea, but also
the realm of culture. One of the concerns underlying the design of the Korean Pavilion
was how to retrieve the local treasure covered by the dirt of the chaotic wars and the
contemporary modernization trend.3 Apart from the desire to fuse traditional
architectural elements into the Korean pavilion, Won Kim—a junior architect working on
the design of the pavilion—expressed his resolution to create a space with spiritual
power:
(The architecture of the Korean pavilion) shall be a proposal for (reversing) the loss of humanity in the context of modern civilization. 4 5
3 Won Kim, “Architectural History of World Exhibitions: Chronological research”, Space, Vol. 2 (December 1966), 73.
4 Won Kim, “Architectural History of World Exhibitions: Chronological research”, 73 Translated by the author.
5 Myengsoo Seo. “Architecture as Mediation: The Korean Pavilion at the Montreal Expo '67”, Journal of Asian Architecture and Building Engineering, Vol.16, no.2 ,(May 2017), 273. 4
As he wished, the Korean Pavilion achieved more than a mere modern interpretation of pre-modern Korean architecture, but also became a ritual space for the search of cultural essence.
The Korean pavilion adopted many elements from Buddhist architecture. For
Koreans who had the cultural familiarity within their blood, the similarity between the pavilion and the well-known Buddhist structures brought the sacredness associated with the religion to the pavilion.
The Korean pavilion was mainly inspired by two modes of Korean Buddhist pagodas: wooden and stone pagodas. The connections between the Korean pavilion and the traditional
Buddhist pagoda, in terms of form, can be drawn from four aspects: the sense of flatness, the display of the floor plan, the function of the building, and the placement of the enshrined Figure 2. Sam Y Park, treasure. “Details of a stone pagoda”, 1991. The most distinct similarity between the
Korean pavilion and the stone Buddhist pagoda
(Figure 2) is the flatness of the constructed roof.6
Traditionally, stone slabs are employed in the granite pagoda design as layers of roof support in pre-modern Korea. In the case of the Korean Figure 3. Ghislain Bonneau, “Korean Pavilion”, 1967. pavilion, a more complex four-tier design
6 Sam Y Park, “Details of a stone pagoda”, An introduction to Korean architecture Vol. 1 (Seoul, Korea : Jungwoo Sa Pub. Co.1991), 204. 5
(Figure 3) was chosen for the roof support.7 The bottommost level of the roof support was composed of a typical bracket structure. Round wooden sticks that laid in a plane on top of the bracket structure acted as the second layer of the support system. For the third layer of the roof support, laminated wooden slabs were employed. The sense of flatness reached its climax at the roof of the Korean pavilion. A slab rested above the supporting elements for the roof. The geometric protuberance on the roof echoed the finial of a pagoda. Instead of continuing the practice of erecting a pointy finial, the protuberant part had a flat upper surface which corresponded to the sense of flatness.
The traditional stone pagodas (Figure 4) and wooden pagodas (Figure 5) have radiated square plans.8 9 The practice of having multiple layers of square modules Figure 4. Sam Y Park, Figure 5. Sam Y Park, emanating from the center was “First story plan of Tabot’ap “P’alsangjon. Popchusa”, Pagoda”, 1991. 1991. retained in the design of the
Korean pavilion (Figure 6).10 Within the square outer boundary of the Korean pavilion, a
7 Ghislain Bonneau, “Korean Pavilion”,48 - Photos of Expo 67 Montreal, P.Q. (1967) http://gbphotodidactical.com/page-photo-Expo-67.html
8 Sam Y Park, “First story plan of Tabot’ap Pagoda” in Pulguksa Temple, An introduction to Korean architecture Vol.1 (1991), 218.
9 Sam Y Park, “P’alsangjon. Popchusa”, An introduction to Korean architecture, Vol.1, (1991), 197.
10 Won Kim,“Plan of the Korean Pavilion”, in “Architectural History of World Exhibitions: Chronological research,” Space, Vol. 2 (December 1966), 72. 6 smaller square was employed to frame the central space.
The Buddhist pagoda in the East Asian context is believed to derive from the Indian stupa.11 Originally, a stupa is a burial mound consisting of a square base and a dome-like upper Figure 6. Won Kim , “Plan of the Korean Pavilion”, 1966. part (Figure 7). It was later appropriated as the reliquary of the relics of Buddhist saints. The tradition of housing relics has been preserved in the pagodas in East Asian countries. In the same manner, the Korean pavilion was erected as the sacred shelter for the chosen exhibits. Figure 7. Dora P. Crouch and June Gwendolyn Johnson. “Great Stupa”, 2001. Exhibits were placed on the inner wall of the pavilion and in the central square section.12 As Professor Radoslav Zuk recalled from his visit to the Korean pavilion in 1967, “(the) central section received most attention;” it can be inferred that the exhibits placed in the central section were of better quality and significance.13 Among the items on display, there was a replica of Maitreya Buddha statue. (Figure 8).14 Although there is no picture showing that the Maitreya Buddha was
11 Dora P. Crouch and June Gwendolyn Johnson. “Great Stupa,” Sanchi, bird’s-eye view. Traditions in architecture: Africa, America, Asia, and Oceania. (New York: Oxford University, 2001), 13.
12 Professor Radoslav Zuk in discussion with the author, March 2018.
13 Professor Radoslav Zuk in discussion with the author, March 2018.
14 Meredith Dixon, Marilyn Berger, Troye Carrington, and Annmarie Adams. “Maiterya 7 placed in the central exhibition hall, given the importance of the Buddha icon—and the nature of it being a three-dimensional statue—, the central octagonal exhibition hall was the only reasonable Figure 8. Meredith Dixon, “Maiterya place to enshrine the statue. Furthermore, the Buddha”, 2007. central octagonal exhibition section in the Korean pavilion was wrapped three times by the inner square section, the pavilion and the outer wall. The practice of explicit layering indicated the significance of the icon of Maitreya
Buddha, as well as of the other objects displayed in the central section. The placement of the most valuable items in the heart of the Korean pavilion echoed with the erecting of a central axis in wooden pagodas. In a wooden pagoda, the central timber pillar contacts the holy relics of Buddhist saints.15
As soon as people with Korean cultural background spotted the traditional elements of a pagoda that were incorporated in the design of the Korean pavilion, the sacredness and holiness attached to the religion were recalled and transferred onto the Korean pavilion in their eyes. Korean visitors associated their visiting experience in the inner square section of the Korean pavilion with one of the
Buddhist ritual practices. Apart from being the sanctuary of Figure 9. Dora P. Crouch and June Gwendolyn the relics, the stupa is also a venue for contemplative Johnson. “Great Stupa”, 2001.
Buddha”, Expo '67: a photographic journey, 2007.
15 Dietrich Seckel, “Stupa elements surviving in East Asian pagodas” ,in The Stupa : its religious, historical and architectural significance, ed. Anna Libera Dallapiccola in collaboration with Stephanie Zingel-Avé Lallemant, (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1980), 249. 8 walking. Normally, Buddhist believers do circumambulation around the dome-shaped mound
(Figure 9) as a practice of meditation. In stupa, the ritual walking happens outside, whilst the Chaitya hall in
Indian Buddhist cave temples—which houses a stupa— brings the meditative walking inside. 16 17 The stupa in Figure 10. Dora P. Crouch and June Gwendolyn Johnson, “Section and plan of the cave the Chaitya hall is surrounded by columns (Figure 10), temple in Karli”, 2001. and the ritual walking takes place in the outer circulation beyond the columns.18 The idea of having the ritual walking indoor was inherited in the design of wooden pagodas. In a wooden pagoda, a trunk or a wooden pillar is often erected as the central axis with stairs around it as the designated space for the ritual circumambulation.19
Like the meditative walking around the stupa within a Chaitya hall, and inside of a wooden pagoda, visitors in the inner section of the Korean pavilion would move around the octagonal exhibition section while appreciating the presented crystals of Korean culture and history. The Korean pavilion also triggered a meditation practice, which can
16 Dora P. Crouch and June Gwendolyn Johnson. “Great Stupa”, Sanchi. Traditions in architecture: Africa, America, Asia, and Oceania, 12.
17 Dora P. Crouch and June Gwendolyn Johnson. “Section and plan of the cave temple in Karli”, India. Traditions in architecture: Africa, America, Asia, and Oceania, 10.
18 David Efurd, “Colonialism and its discontent” in Architecturalized Asia: Mapping a Continent through History, ed. Vimalin Rujivacharakul, H. Hazel Hahn, Ken Tadashi Oashima, Peter Christensen (Hong Kong ; Honolulu, Hawai'i : Hong Kong University Press, University of Hawai'i Press, 2013), 146.
19 Seckel, “Sutpa elements surviving in East Asian pagodas” , 251. 9 be viewed as a continuation of meditative walking. By displaying selected exhibits from the ancient time to the present, the Korean pavilion visiting experience reconstructed the history of Korea. As cultural memory surfaced in Korean visitors, they became lost in the contemplation of ‘what makes Korea Korea.’
The sacredness of the Korean pavilion was enhanced by borrowing symbolism from the Buddhist stupa and pagodas. The dome of a Stupa is conceived of as the head of the Buddha, and the square base as the torso of the Buddha.20 The stupa, in being like a
Buddha, becomes a Buddha to its followers. The idea of being the enlightened Buddha lies intact in Korean pagodas, though the forms varied from a dome-shape mound to a multi-tier tower. There stand two pagodas in the temple of Bulguksa in present-day South
Korea. One is Sokkat’ap (Figure 11) as the Buddha of the present.21 The other is Tabot’ap (Figure 12) as the
Buddha of the past.22 23 Again, without any anthropomorphic form, the pagoda becomes a Buddha. Figure 11. Sam Y Park, Figure 12. Sam Y Park, Applying the Buddhist connotation “Sokkat’ap Pagoda”, 1991. “Tabot’ap Pagoda”, 1991.
20 Dora P. Crouch and June Gwendolyn Johnson. Traditions in architecture: Africa, America, Asia, and Oceania,11.
21 Sam Y Park, “Sokkat’ap Pagoda” in Pulguksa Temple, An introduction to Korean architecture, Vol.1(1991), 215.
22 Emi Hayakawa. “Seokgatap pagoda, symbol of Sakyamuni Buddha” (November 6, 2012) http://www.buddhistchannel.tv/index.php?id=92,11171,0,0,1,0#.Wq6W3GauMWp
23 Sam Y Park, “Tabot’ap Pagoda” in Pulguksa Temple, An introduction to Korean architecture, Vol.1 (1991), 216. 10 to the Korean pavilion, visitors with a related cultural background were not merely circumambulating around exhibited objects, but rather Korea itself.
Korean pavilion as a ritual space in a universal sense
Since the purpose of a world fair is to provide a stage upon which countries can display their culture and achievements to the rest of the world, the Korean pavilion could not be exclusive to a certain group of people. Its function and symbolism should be understandable to all. The following paragraphs elaborate on how the Korean pavilion could also be recognized as a ritual space in a universal sense without any religious implication.
There is no absolute definition for ritual spaces because the concept of rituals vary in different cultural and social contexts. Nevertheless, the similarity between different ritual spaces can be singled out and used as a reference to determine whether the Korean pavilion was truly a ritual space.
To start, a ritual space usually has a drawn boundary between itself and the outside world, which can be exemplified by the architecture.24 For instance, the exterior wall of a basilica is what separates the holy space from the secular world. Moreover, in a ritual space, certain activities are carried out—such as circumambulation around a Buddhist stupa. These rites contain the power of gathering people. Often, in a ritual space, people are all participating in the same activity without even knowing each other, or even
24 Catherine M. Bell, Ritual theory, ritual practice. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 204. 11 without communication. On the spiritual level, communication between a human being in this world with something—or someone—in a different time or space can be realized in a ritual space. For example, in an ancestor temple in the Chinese context, the food offered in front of the spirit seat can be enjoyed by the honored deceased.
By virtue of its architectural design, the Korean pavilion fulfilled the aforementioned criteria. Its exterior gave a strong sense of enclosure. Vertically, the flat roof marked the upper limit of the pavilion. The sense of enclosure also emanated horizontally from the outer wall encircling the Korean pavilion, which drew a definite boundary between the Korean pavilion and the outside world. Together, the Korean pavilion was neither stretching towards the sky nor reaching out to the surroundings; neither welcoming the visitors nor projecting itself. The intentional delimitation of the space achieved by the sudden cut-off in both vertical and horizontal axes gave rise to its solemnity.
Catharine Bell addressed the impact a ritual space had on the human behavior as following:
in seeing itself as responding to an environment, ritualization interprets its own schemes as impressed upon the actors from a more authoritative source…25
It is through the power of a ritual space that the physical environment itself demands people’s reverence. One would be very curious about what was happening inside the
Korean pavilion, yet dare not to enter it recklessly; one could not help but try to cover one’s invasion by holding one’s breath and walking in a slow pace, though there was no instruction or sign asking for such cooperation.
25 Catherine M. Bell, Ritual theory, ritual practice, 110. 12
The movement and visiting experience was highly ritualized by the way the central octagonal exhibition center was placed within the square plane. The only circulation available was the circular movement around it, which spontaneously regulated the tour within the inner square section. Over the six-month exhibition period of Expo 67, every day different people would enter the Korean pavilion, walk around the octagonal section and then leave. Regardless of who they are and where they are from, they were doing the exact same thing in the Korean pavilion without a handbook guiding them. The consistency in the people’s visiting patterns was the manifestation of the silent command the Korean pavilion gave.
Apart from separating the visitors from the modern society, the Korean pavilion also created a liminality between the present and the past. Once the visitor stepped on the threshold of the Korean pavilion, they were presented with objects made at different times. The way the history was presented placed the visitor in a higher human dimension where they had the access to every temporality in Korean history. They were no longer drowned in the flow of history, rather, they were standing on the bank and staring at the flow of time. They were able to walk along the bank and stop at any point they desired.
The detachment from the present time and the ability to escape from the flow of time were made possible by the ritual space created within the Korean pavilion.
The conceptualization of the Korean pavilion as a ritual space accessible to everyone was enabled through its religious connotations and architectural design. During the moment when the visitor’s mind and behavior differed from the ordinary and were formulated in a certain way, the Korean pavilion could be said to have the power of a ritual space. With its exhibits, the Korean pavilion was a voiceless appeal to the Korean 13 people to reflect on their own history and think about how Korean modernization should really be; as well as a spiritual place in which non-Korean visitors were able to appreciate
Korean history from a God-like perspective.
14
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Interview
Professor Radoslav Zuk, interview through emails, March 19, 2018.