The Catalan Bid for Independence
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Constructing Contemporary Nationhood in the Museums and Heritage Centres of Catalonia Colin Breen*, Wes Forsythe**, John Raven***
170 Constructing Contemporary Nationhood in the Museums and Heritage Centres of Catalonia Colin Breen*, Wes Forsythe**, John Raven*** Abstract Geographically, Spain consists of a complex mosaic of cultural identities and regional aspirations for varying degrees of autonomy and independence. Following the end of violent conflict in the Basque country, Catalonia has emerged as the most vocal region pursuing independence from the central Spanish state. Within the Catalan separatist movement, cultural heritage sites and objects have been appropriated to play an intrinsic role in supporting political aims, with a variety of cultural institutions and state-sponsored monumentality playing an active part in the formation and dissemination of particular identity-based narratives. These are centred around the themes of a separate and culturally distinct Catalan nation which has been subject to extended periods of oppression by the varying manifestations of the Spanish state. This study addresses the increasing use of museums and heritage institutions to support the concept of a separate and distinctive Catalan nation over the past decade. At various levels, from the subtle to the blatant, heritage institutions are propagating a message of cultural difference and past injustice against the Catalan people, and perform a more consciously active, overt and supportive role in the independence movement. Key words: Catalonia, museums, heritage, identity, nationhood Across contemporary Europe a range of nationalist and separatist movements are again gaining momentum (Borgen 2010). From calls for independence in Scotland and the divisive politics of the Flemish and Walloon communities in Belgium, to the continually complicated political mosaic of the Balkan states, there are now a myriad of movements striving for either greater or full autonomy for their region or peoples. -
Jordi Pujol Hagi Entrat Amb Gaire Bon Peu a La Presidència De La Generalitat
i %<s>. I ENTT15 vostè té crèdit cada dia a 2.600.000 establiments Una targeta extraordinària per als nostres clients No es tracta només que vostè tingui avantatges si vol anar a Pestranger. El que importa és que la targeta també li sigui útil aquí quan faci les compres habituals en un supermercat, una sabateria o qualsevol establiment comercial, quan hagi de pagar el compte d'un restaurant, comprar una joguina o fer un regal Ja pot fer les coses de cada dia sense haver de dur diners! A cada pas veurà un establiment que té a la porta la reproducció de la nostra targeta. Hi serà ben rebut, perquè vostè s'hi presentarà com una persona de crèdit JL· CAIXA DT5TALVI5 DE CATALUNYA CAÍXA DE TOTS li ofereix gratuïtament la Targeta Master Charge Carta del director En aquest Les primeres passes Amic lector: No es pot dir que el senyor Jordi Pujol hagi entrat amb gaire bon peu a la Presidència de la Generalitat. Cartes a L'HORA. Pàg. 5 El sistema electoral vigent provoca, tant a Catalunya com arreu de l'Estat, que sigui molt difícil per a un partit polític assolir la majoria absoluta. Es pot dir que guanyi qui guanyi, dels resultats electorals es desprèn sempre un poder Pujol, president a la segona, per AL- dèbil que ha de pactar-ho tot, igual que passava a França amb la IV República. BERT GARRIDO. Pàgs. 6 a 8. D'altra part, la victòria electoral de Pujol va ser molt ajustada i es pot dir que. el seu programa ha anat endavant per l'imperatiu que senten els partits cata-* Jordi Pujol, president 115 de la Ge- lans de no frenar el procés institucionalitzador de Catalunya. -
20 Questions and Answers on the Secession of Catalonia © 2014
20 Questions and Answers on the Secession of Catalonia © 2014. FAES Foundation for Social Studies and Analysis ISBN: 978-84-92561-32-2 Legal deposit: M-4316-2014 Cover design and layout by: Paloma Cuesta Translated by: Estefanía Pipino [email protected] www.fundacionfaes.org This activity has been subsidised by the Ministry of Education, Culture and Sport of Spain Contents Prologue by Javier Zarzalejos, Secretary-General of FAES Foundation...................... 5 Why? The Reasons for Secession.................................................................... 11 1. Can we rightly speak of a history of ‘Spain against Catalonia’? ....................... 13 2. Did the Catalans want the Transition? ............................................................ 15 3. Did the Catalans want the Constitution and the Statute of Autonomy of 1979?. 17 4. Does the 2006 ruling of the Constitutional Court on the 2006 Statute prevent the Catalans from having a satisfactory status in the Spanish constitutional framework?............................................. 20 5. Can we speak in any sense of lack of representation of the Catalans in the constituent process or in the State institutions? ................................... 23 Conclusion: A process without reasons, an invented grievance.............................. 25 How? The Path of Secession ........................................................................... 27 6. Is there a right to decide outside the Constitution and the law? ...................... 33 7. Is the so-called right -
?El Desè President De La Generalitat, Inhabilitat
Punt de vista | Joan Roma | Actualitzat el 12/10/2020 a les 08:23 ?El desè President de la Generalitat, inhabilitat Deixem les coses clares, ja d'entrada, per evitar malentesos posteriors. Quim Torra, ha estat el desè president de la Generalitat de Catalunya i no el número 131, com els independentistes volen fer creure, seguint una nomenclatura que es va inventar l'historiador Josep M. Solé i Sabaté l'any 2003, en una obra per ser inclosa dintre de l'Enciclopèdia Catalana. En un exercici de salt al buit, fent servir un munt de consideracions, va fixar els inicis de la presidència de la Generalitat, en Berenguer de Cruïlles, eclesiàstic , entre els anys 1359 i el 1362, fins acabar amb Josep de Vilamala, 1713 - 1714. Aquests imaginaris ?presidents? tots eren eclesiàstics, formant part d'un dels braços de la Diputació del General de Catalunya, però sense cap de les competències que té un president. Si s'acceptés aquesta relació, resultaria que Catalunya hauria tingut 121 ?presidents? capellans. Quan dic capellans, vull dir eclesiàstics perquè hi podríem trobar des de monjos, a bisbes, i altres càrrecs religiosos, però tots pertanyents a l'església catòlica, i en ple exercici de les seves funcions. Ens hem de creure aquest invent ? La realitat és que el primer president fou Francesc Macià, elegit el 17 d'abril de 1931, i a partir d'aquí, l'han seguit Lluis Companys, Josep Irla ( a l'exili) , Josep Tarradellas ( a l'exili, fins el seu retorn ), Jordi Pujol, Pasqual Maragall, José Montilla, Artur Mas, Carles Puigdemont i Joaquim Torra. -
The Catalan Struggle for Independence
THE CATALAN STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE An analysis of the popular support for Catalonia’s secession from Spain Master Thesis Political Science Specialization: International Relations Date: 24.06.2019 Name: Miquel Caruezo (s1006330) Email: [email protected] Supervisor: Dr. Angela Wigger Image Source: Photo by NOTAVANDAL on Unsplash (Free for commercial or non-commercial use) Table of Contents Abstract ................................................................................................................................................... 1 Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 2 Chapter 1: Theoretical Framework ......................................................................................................... 7 1.1 Resource Mobilization Theory ...................................................................................................... 7 1.1.1 Causal Mechanisms ................................................................................................................ 9 1.1.2 Hypotheses........................................................................................................................... 10 1.2 Norm Life Cycle Theory ............................................................................................................... 11 1.2.1 Causal Mechanisms ............................................................................................................. -
Catalonia, Spain and Europe on the Brink: Background, Facts, And
Catalonia, Spain and Europe on the brink: background, facts, and consequences of the failed independence referendum, the Declaration of Independence, the arrest and jailing of Catalan leaders, the application of art 155 of the Spanish Constitution and the calling for elections on December 21 A series of first in history. Examples of “what is news” • On Sunday, October 1, Football Club Barcelona, world-known as “Barça”, multiple champion in Spanish, European and world competitions in the last decade, played for the first time since its foundation in 1899 at its Camp Nou stadium, • Catalan independence leaders were taken into custody in “sedition and rebellion” probe • Heads of grassroots pro-secession groups ANC and Omnium were investigated over September incidents Results • Imprisonment of Catalan independence leaders gives movement new momentum: • Asamblea Nacional Catalana (Jordi Sànchez) and • Òmnium Cultural (Jordi Cuixart), • Thousands march against decision to jail them • Spain’s Constitutional Court strikes down Catalan referendum law • Key background: • The Catalan Parliament had passed two laws • One would attempt to “disengage” the Catalan political system from Spain’s constitutional order • The second would outline the bases for a “Republican Constitution” of an independent Catalonia The Catalan Parliament factions • In the Parliament of Catalonia, parties explicitly supporting independence are: • Partit Demòcrata Europeu Català (Catalan European Democratic Party; PDeCAT), formerly named Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya -
What Catalans Want 1 During the Republic, the Main Catalan Bank Was Taken Over by the State
“Catalonia is a nation which in synthesis is based on its medieval history and the economic revolution of the 18th and 19th centuries”. That’s how former president Jordi Pujol i Soley describes his country. A moderate nationalist, Pujol was the surprise winner of the 1980 Catalan parliamentary elections, the first after the dictatorship fizzled out with the placid death of Franco in 1975. Two years later, at the first Spanish Parliament elections, Madrid-based socialists, communists and the Spanish right had obtained the most votes in Catalonia. It seemed as if forty years of Franco, plus decades of immigration from southern and central Spain, had got the better of nationalist sentiment. In historical terms, it was certainly a contrast to the election results registered during the Republic (1931-1939), when Catalan nationalist parties had swept the board. Indeed, the first Catalan president in the Republican period, Francesc Macià, had been an outspoken advocate of separatism. Now, in the late 70s, the political control of Catalonia seemed poised to fall into the hands of a Catalan Socialist Party that was clearly subservient to the Spanish Socialists. It was Jordi Pujol who prevented that. Jordi Pujol qualified as a doctor though he never practiced medicine. From an early age, he saw Catalanist activism as a way of protesting against Franco. His group used the mysterious initials “CC” in slogans painted on the roads, apparently with the idea of putting across a joint “Catalanist” and “Christian” message. In 1960 he was arrested for having instigated a protest in Barcelona’s Palau de la Música, where a patriotic song was song in the presence of the Francoist authorities. -
Play It Again, Artur O Per a Aquells Que Els Viuen Com a Períodes Parlamentaris
Editorial La Veu Un pas per davant Butlletí de Reagrupament Independentista L’arribada de les vacances d’estiu és una època que convida a fer balanç -especialment per a aquells que vivim els anys repartits en cursos escolars Play it again, Artur o per a aquells que els viuen com a períodes parlamentaris. El balanç El president de la Generalitat vol tornar a començar amb de com ens ha anat personalment l’eterna cançó de l’enfadós de regenerar Espanya per feina, família, amistats o salut, o el balanç, per a aquells que estem més preocupats per la política i les llibertats, de com ha anat tot plegat des d’un punt de vista polític. I, en aquest aspecte, ara que ha fet un any de la gran manifestació del 10 de juliol, he de dir que ha estat un any on els ciutadans col·lectivament han crescut i s’han fet sentir de moltes formes diferents a part de manifestar-se. Hem demostrat que, de forma pacífica, valenta i organitzada, es poden canviar les coses. El procés de les consultes per L’actual president de la Generalitat premi com a espanyol de l’any per la independència ha tingut un fort de Catalunya, Artur Mas, ha part d’un diari més que conservador impacte cívic i ha estat un èxit a aconseguit allò tan provincià i, espanyol. Barcelona i també el debat per la alhora, tan preuat a les nostres En el darrers temps, el mateix Jordi regeneració democràtica ha arribat al Pujol ha fet avinent que els seus contrades, que és fer una entrevista carrer, especialment entre els joves. -
Social Structure of Catalonia
THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF CATALONIA By SALVADOR GINER 1984 THE ANGLO-CATALAN SOCIETY THE ANGLO-CATALAN SOCIETY OCCASIONAL PUBLICATIONS No 1. Salvador Giner. The Social Structure of Catalonia. No 2. J Salvat-Papasseit. Selected Poems. Translated with an Introduction by D. Keown and T. Owen. © Salvador Giner, 1980. Printed by The University of Sheffield Printing Unit. Cover design by Joan Gili. ISSN No. 0144-5863 ISBN No. 09507137 08 IN MEMORIAM JOSEP MARIA BATISTA I ROCA (1895-1978) Dr. J. M. Batista i Roca, founder member of the Anglo-Catalan Society and its first Honorary Life President, always hoped that the Society would at some stage be able to publish some of the work of its members and guest speakers. Unfortunately this was never possible during his lifetime, but now that the Society, with the help of a grant from Omnium Cultural, is undertaking the publication of Occasional Papers it seems appropriate that this Series as a whole should be dedicated to the fond memory which the Society holds of him. CONTENTS Foreword 1 I. The historical roots of an open society. 4 II. Social classes and the rise of Catalan industrial capitalism. 15 III. A broken progress. 28 IV. The structure and change of Catalan society, 1939-1980. 38 V. The reconquest of democracy. 54 VI. The future of the Catalans. 65 Appendices. Maps. 75 A Select Bibliography. 77 FOREWORD A la memòria de Josep Maria Sariola i Bosch, català com cal The following essay is based on a lecture given at a meeting of the Anglo- Catalan Society in November 1979* Members of the Society's Committee kindly suggested that I write up the ideas presented at that meeting so that they could be published under its auspices in a series of Occasional Papers then being planned. -
The Curious Case of Carles Puigdemont—The European Arrest Warrant As an Inadequate Means with Regard to Political Offenses
German Law Journal (2021), 22, pp. 256–275 doi:10.1017/glj.2021.6 ARTICLE Special Section: Developments in German Criminal Law The Curious Case of Carles Puigdemont—The European Arrest Warrant as an Inadequate Means with Regard to Political Offenses Julia König1,*, Paulina Meichelbeck2,** and Miriam Puchta3,*** 1Graduate Student of Law, Friedrich-Alexander University Erlangen-Nürnberg, Nürnberg, Germany, 2Chair of Civil Law, Intellectual Property and Technology Law, Friedrich-Alexander University Erlangen-Nürnberg, Nürnberg, Germany and 3Institute for German, European and Public International Law, Friedrich-Alexander University Erlangen-Nürnberg, Nürnberg, Germany Corresponding author: Julia König, Email: [email protected] (Received 28 November 2019; revised 06 August 2020; accepted 17 December 2020) Abstract In contrast to traditional extradition law, the political offense exemption has been abolished within the frame- work of the European Arrest Warrant (EAW). Notwithstanding its overall success, the EAW does not constitute an adequate instrument with regard to political offenses. In light of the recent case of the former Catalan President, Carles Puigdemont, the abolition has proven to be too hasty and the justificatory force behind the principles of mutual trust and recognition is, with respect hereto, rather limited. The damage caused to these principles by upholding the exemption would be negligible, given the small number of cases— Puigdemont being the first political offender requested under the aegis of the EAW. However, the potential benefits are substantial, given that the exemption provides for a higher level of human rights protection—analo- gous to the values of European Union (EU). Solely relying on the double criminality requirement in order to properly take into account the specificities of the Member States’ legal systems essentially positions the judges at the forefront of where mutual trust and constitutional identity collide. -
Explaining Variation in the Salience of Catalan Nationalism Across the Spain/France Border
Explaining Variation in the Salience of Catalan Nationalism across the Spain/France Border Laia Balcells i Ventura Yale University (June 2009) 1. Introduction In 1659, the kingdoms of France and Spain signed a peace treaty by which a part of the Spanish territory inhabited by ethnic Catalans became part of France (the Treaty of Pyrenees). Since then, Catalan identity persisted on both sides of the France-Spain border. During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries this identity was politicised and was converted into the basis of a nationalist movement that aimed at the political sovereignty of the Catalan nation; in other words, a national identity was created. However, neither in its origins nor today is the salience of this Catalan national identity homogeneous across the boundary: while Catalan national identity is politically and socially relevant in Spanish Catalonia, it is almost non-existent in French Catalonia. In this paper I analyse the historical evolution of the Catalan identity in these two territories, focusing on the pattern of incorporation of this identity into a political ideology: nationalism. My aim is to use this comparison in order to provide new insights in the large debate about the factors explaining Catalan nationalism, which has involved historians, sociologists, political scientists, and anthropologists during decades (e.g. Solé-Tura 1967, Vicen-Vives 1970, Linz 1973, Balcells 1991, Sahlins 1989, Termes 2000, Boix 2002), but where contributions can still be made. This is especially the case given recent theoretical developments in the study of nationalism. The main argument defended in this paper is that the variation in the salience of Catalan national identity in these two regions is explained by the characteristics of the historical processes of spread of mass literacy in France and Spain, namely by the characteristics of the ‘scholastic revolution’ (Darden 2007). -
Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
___________________________________________________________________ Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Application against Spain by Carles Puigdemont, President-Elect of Catalonia Lodged 1 March 2018 __________________________________________________________________ PUIGDEMONT -v- SPAIN SUMMARY: In this application Mr. Carles PUIGDEMONT alleges that Spain is guilty of violating its international treaty obligations through the cumulative imposition of disproportionate and unjustified restrictions with the exercise of his political rights under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (“UDHR”), and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“ICCPR”). Spain is a State Party to both treaties. It is also a signatory, without relevant reservations, to the Optional Protocol to the ICCPR, which provides for the right of individual petition. Spain has not notified any relevant derogation to the provisions of the ICCPR which thus remain fully in force. It is legally bound by treaty obligation to secure the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the ICCPR, throughout the territory of Spain, and to all those who fall within its jurisdiction. Mr. PUIGDEMONT brings this individual petition to the United Nations Human Rights Committee in order to vindicate his right to stand for elections (article 25, ICCPR); his right to freedom of association with other secessionist politicians and political parties in pursuit of a common goal of securing independence from Spain for Catalonia (article 22, ICCPR); and his right to freedom of peaceful political expression in support of the cause of independence for Catalonia (article 19, ICCPR). He invites the Committee to hold that these rights have been violated by cumulative and continuing conduct of the Kingdom of Spain.