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Morrell 1999 Housing RADAR Research Archive and Digital Asset Repository Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/ or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder(s). The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Published paper after page 391 has been removed. When referring to this work, the full bibliographic details must be given as follows: Morrell, C. (1999). Housing and the women's movement, 1860-1914. PhD thesis. Oxford Brookes University. WWW.BROOKES.AC.UK/GO/RADAR HOUSING AND THE WOMEN'S MOVEMENT, 1860-1914 Caroline Morrell A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of Oxford Brookes University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy March 1999 Published papers not copied on instruction from the university ABSTRACT This thesis sets out to explore the links between the women's movement and the housing reform movement in Britain in the period 1860 to 1914. Both these movements have been well-documented, but the role which women played in housing has received little attention from historians of housing, and conversely, the issue of housing has largely been overlooked by historians of the women's movement. Definitions of home and housing are explored, together with the way in which the dominant ideology of the home, and women's role within it, was constructed in the period. The Victorian housing problem, and the housing reform movement which arose in response to this, are outlined in order to set the context within which women activists worked. A statistical analysis is made, on a national scale, of the types of accommodation in which single working women lived and a description given of their living conditions. The extent of women's homelessness, and the provision made for this group, are also discussed. Three groups of women active in housing are investigated: Octavia Hill and her fellow workers who managed housing schemes for the working-classes, the Girls' Friendly Society which provided a national network of accommodation lodges for single women, and the National Association for Women's Lodging Homes, which campaigned for the provision of municipal lodging houses for women. Among the questions investigated are the extent of the work of the women involved in these areas, the different ways in which they perceived, and responded to, the housing needs of women, and how this may have changed over time. The feminist dimensions of women's work in housing are also explored: The work carried out has shown that women were active in housing on a scale which has not previously been recognised, and that the women involved exemplified many of the traits of the early women's movement. CONTENTS page List of figures and tables iii Acknowledgements iv Chapter 1 Introduction: housing and the early women's movement 1 Chapter 2 Housing and home - ideology and meaning 26 Chapter 3 Housing conditions and housing reform 66 Chapter 4 Octavia Hill 112 Chapter 5 Where women lived - the housing of single working 164 women Chapter 6 The Girls' Friendly Society 214 Chapter 7 Women and homelessness 255 Chapter 8 Mary Higgs and the National Association for Women's 293 Lodging Homes Chapter 9 Conclusions 332 Appendices 1 Housing schemes in London associated with Octavia Hill 355 2i) Octavia Hill's fellow workers ii) Analysis 357 3 Octavia Hill's benefactors 365 4 Public positions achieved by housing workers 367 5 Female population by marital status and age, 1861 & 1911 368 6 Major categories of women's housing, 1861 & 1911 368 7 Living-in occupations by age, 1861 369 8 Living-in occupations by age, 1911 369 9 Classes of work and average wages of female 370 domestic servants at selected age periods, 1899 10 Girls' Friendly Society Lodges, 1913 371 11 Cost of beds in common lodging houses and shelters 373 in London, 1906 12 LCC censuses of homeless people, 1904-1913 373 13 Deaths (female) from starvation in London, 1884 374 Bibliography 375 A copy of a previously published chapter relating to the subject matter of the thesis is included at the end of the thesis in accordance with Research Degree Regulations: Caroline Morrell, Octavia Hill and women's networks in housing, in Anne Digby and John Stewart (eds. ), Gender, health and welfare, Routledge, 1996 LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES page Figure 1 Where women lived, 1861 and 1911 174 Figure 2 Percentage of population employed in living-in 175 occupations by age, 1861 Figure 3 Percentage of unmarried female population employed 175 in living-in occupations by age, 1861 Figure 4 Percentage of total female population employed in 176 living-in occupations by age, 1911 Figure 5 Percentage of unmarried female population employed 176 in living-in occupations by age, 1911 Table 1 Female live-in workers as a proportion of the female 177 population, 1861 & 1911 Table 2 DCV census of 1905 of persons without settled homes 263 or visible means of subsistence on the night of 7/7/1905 and count of persons present in casual wards on the night of 1/7/1905 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I gratefully acknowledge the help of a number of people in the completion of this thesis. Special thanks go to Anne Digby who has supervised the project throughout and given me consistent support and timely advice. I am particularly grateful to Anne for making me draw to a halt. Glen McDougall, who was my Director of Studies until her retirement, gave me a great deal of help in the early stages and instilled much needed rigour into my first drafts. Viv Peto, Biddy Hudson, Joanna Huyg and Maureen Pether helped me with the complexities of computing, graphics and tables, and I am very grateful to them for their expertise and their generosity with their time. Thanks to Viv too for listening to some of my ideas and providing the corrective of common sense. I particularly want to acknowledge the help of Maggie Lloyd who painstakingly read my work and encouraged me in the bleaker moments. I also wish to thank the staff at the Girls' Friendly Society, Oldham Local Studies Library, and Girton College Library for giving me access to their archives and help in locating sources. iv Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION - HOUSING AND THE EARLY WOMEN'S MOVEMENT Oxford, at the end of the nineteenth century, had three charitable societies which provided accommodation for single women in varying degrees of housing need': the Young Women's Christian Association, the Girls' Friendly Society, and the Oxford Ladies' Association for the Care of Friendless Girls. These three organizations were run by women, members of the middle and upper classes of Oxford, and there was considerable overlap of membership between them. There were also two organizations in the city whose purpose was the reclamation of 'fallen women': the Oxford Female Penitentiary and the Oxford House of Refuge. These were managed by male committees, but run on a day-to-day basis by Anglican sisters and groups of lady visitors. Between them these five hostels or lodges housed some ninety women, they were always full and recorded that they had to turn women away. In 1865 we hear of destitute girls 'begging for admission' to the Penitentiary, 2 and in 1883 it was said that for some of the young women, it was 'the first and only home they have ever known'. 3 A small group of Oxford women was also active in the city in the management of working-class dwellings, 4 along the lines pioneered by Octavia Hill in London. These activities were not unique to Oxford. Many towns had Ladies' Associations which befriended young working women, the Girls' Friendly Society and the Young Women's Christian Association were large national organizations, penitentiaries and refuges for fallen women existed all over the country and groups of lady rent collectors were at work in other towns. Oxford was no large industrial town, but a small university city with a population of some 50,000 in 1901,5yet it illustrates on a local 1 scale the housing problems of late Victorian Britain and the way in which middle and upper-class women were organizing to meet them. The aim of this thesis is to explore the connections which existed between the housing reform movement and the women's movement in Britain in the period 1860-1914. The period has been chosen because it broadly corresponds with the emergence during this time of the first women's movement, from the campaign for married women' property rights which began in the 1850s to the militant suffragette campaign of the Edwardian period. 6 Women came together in this period to work for change in many for areas - for access to education, the professions and political representation - and better social conditions. It is also the period in which Octavia Hill began her pioneering work in housing and in which a number of national women's societies were formed which provided accommodation for young single women. Historiographically, few links have been made between the women's movement and the involvement of women activists in the field of housing, ' and indeed the question of women's housing has received little academic or critical attention in the historical record. There is a gap in our knowledge of this area and the reasons for this neglect are among the questions which this thesis seeks to answer.
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