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PEACE Info (March 14-16, 2020)

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PEACE Info (March 14-16, 2020) PEACE Info (March 14-16, 2020) − BURMA’S LOPSIDED POLITICAL ARENA: Lack of tripartite dialogue and level playing field main obstacles to peace-making − COVID-19 causes venue problem of meeting with Northern Alliance Army − AA mine-blasts a bridge in Buthidaung: army − Fighting kills 23 civilians in Myanmar’s Rakhine, Chin − 21 Killed, Many More Injured as Myanmar Military Jets Strafe Villages in Chin State − Two Women Injured by Myanmar Military in Rakhine Die in Hospital − Chin Families Flee Fighting In Rakhine, Arrive In Hakha − Thousands of residents in Kyauktaw flee artillery fire − Panse militia and TNLA fights in Nantkham − TNLA, Militia Clash During Anti-Drug Campaign in Northern Shan State − TNLA Attacks Five Poppy-Growing Hubs in Northern Myanmar − Gov’t Offers Villagers Pittance After Tatmadaw Loots Homes − Kachin Locals Demand Halt to Mega-Development Projects − Police seize heroin and amphetamine tablets from two men in Phaungpyin − With Failed Myanmar Charter Reform, Military Still Controls Amnesty for Political Prisoners − Will the Myanmar Military Ever Allow Charter Reform? − NCA လက�မ�တ�မထ���ရ�သ�သည�� တ��င��ရင��သ�� လက�နက�က��င�အဖ���မ��� အ�န�ဖင�� �စ��တ�က�တ�က��နသည�� သ�ဘ�ရ����က�င�� �င�မ��ခ�မ���ရ� လ�ပ�ငန��စ�� ဦ��ဆ�င�အဖ��� (PPST) အဖ���ဝင� ဗ��လ�မ���က��ခ�န�ဥက�� ��ပ��က�� − RCSS/SSA ��င�� အစ���ရ တပ�မ�တ�� �တ��ဆ�ံ − နယ���မသတ�မ�တ��ရ��ဆ������ရန� တပ�မ�တ����င�� RCSS သ�ဘ�တ� − ဒ�မ��က�ရစ���င�� �င�မ��ခ�မ���ရ�အမ����သမ��အဖ����ခ�င���ဆ�င��န��အ�န��လ� �ပန�လည�လ�တ���မ�က� − မ��ယစ��ဆ� ဖ�က�ဆ��စ�� တအ�င��တပ���င�� �ပည�သ��စစ� တ��က�ပ���ဖစ� − နမ��ခမ���မ ���နယ� ပန��ဆ��ဒသရ�� �နရ� ၅ ခ�က�� TNLA ဝင�တ��က� − TNLA န�� �ပည�သ��စစ�တ��က�ပ��မ�� �ပည�သ��စစ� ��စ�ဦ� �သဆ�ံ� − နမ��ခမ���မ ���နယ� အတ�င�� တ��က�ပ���ပင��ထန� ၂ ဦ��သဆ�ံ� − �ပည�သ��စစ�တပ�ဖ���ဝင� ရ�စ�ဦ�က�� တအ�င��တပ�ဖ��� ဖမ��ဆ�� − ဗ�ံ�မ���ရ���န တ��အခ��န�မ���တ��တ��က�ပ�� �လ���ခ� ဖ���ဆ��တ� ဆန��က�င�ဘက� လ���ဖစ��နပ�တယ�။ − သ�ံ�ပန���တ�ထ�က ဒဏ�ရ��ပင��ထန�သ� �လ�ဦ�က�� AA �ပန�လ�တ��ပ�လ�� − �လ��က�င��ပစ�ခတ�မ���က�င�� ပလက�ဝတ�င� ၁၂ ဦ� �သဆ�ံ�၊၁၅ဦ� ဒဏ�ရ�ရ − လက�နက�က�ည�သင��၍ ပလက�ဝ�မ ���နယ�အတ�င�� ��ခ�က�ဦ��သ၊ ၁၂ ဦ� ဒဏ�ရ�ရ − ခ�င���ပည�နယ� ပလက�ဝ�မ ���နယ�ရ���က��ရ��အခ���� လက�နက�က�ည�သင��၍ �ဒသခံ�သဆ�ံ�မ� ၁၂ဦ�ရ��လ� − �က��က��တ�� က�လ��တန� �မစ���က�င��အန�� ရ��မ��� လက�နက��က��က�၊ ၉ ဦ� ထ�ခ��က�ဒဏ�ရ�ရ − �က��က��တ�� တ��က�ပ�� အရပ�သ�� ၁၀ ဦ�ဒဏ�ရ�ရ − ပလက�ဝရ�� �က��ရ��အခ����တ�င� တ��က�ပ��မ��� �ပင��ထန��န�ခင����က�င�� �ဒသခံ�ထ�င�ခ���ပ��ထ�က���ပ�တ�မ���ရ��င��နရ − ��မ�က�ဦ�က စစ��ရ��င�စခန�� ပစ�ခတ�မ�အတ�င�� �သဆ�ံ�သ� ၆ ဦ�ရ��လ� Page 1 of 68 − ဆ�ဆ��င��မ ���နယ�တ�င� ပ�တ�ထ���သ� �က��ရ��လမ��က�� ဖ�က�သ�ဖင�� အ�ပ�ခ��ပ��ရ�မ�� တစ�ဦ���င�� �ဒသခံ ၅၀ ခန��က�� တပ�မ�တ��က တရ��စ��ဆ�� − ပလက�ဝ �လ��က�င��တ��က�ခ��က�မ� ��စ�ရက�အတ�င�� အရပ�သ�� ၂၀ �က����သဆ�ံ� − အ����ယရ�� မဟ�ဗ��ဟ���မ�က� က�လ��တန� စ�မံက�န��မ�� အ�ရ�ပ�လ�မယ�� AA (၁) − အ����ယရ�� မဟ�ဗ��ဟ���မ�က� က�လ��တန� စ�မံက�န��မ�� အ�ရ�ပ�လ�မယ�� AA (၂) − �မစ�ဆ�ံစ�မံက�န�� အ�ပ��တ��င�ရပ�န��ဖ��� ကခ�င��ဒသခံ�တ� �တ�င��ဆ�� − �ရက�တ�စ�မံက�န���က��မ���ရ���နသ၍ စစ�မ�န�သည�� �င�မ��ခ�မ���ရ�မရ���င�ဟ� �ဒသခံတ��င��ရင��သ��မ��� ��ပ�ဆ�� − �ပည�သ��ဘဝ��င�� သဘ�၀ ပ�က�စ���စ�သ� စ�မံက�န��မ��� မလ�ပ�ရန� ကခ�င��ဒသခံမ��� �တ�င��ဆ�� -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Page 2 of 68 BURMA’S LOPSIDED POLITICAL ARENA: Lack of tripartite dialogue and level playing field main obstacles to peace-making By Sai Wansai - March 16, 2020 While most are consumed by the recent unsuccessful National League for Democracy (NLD)- led constitutional amendment going on within the parliament, which could be portrayed as a power struggle between the NLD-led regime and the Burma army, Bamar military or Tatmadaw, the role and concern of the third party namely, the ethnic nationalities made up of ethnic political parties (EPPs) and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), was conveniently been overlooked or sidelined. https://www.facebook.com/ncasignatoryeaooff icial/ It is all the more ludicrous as the non-Bamar ethnic nationalities occupy some 70% of the landmass of the country and have a population of 40% according to conservative estimate. In addition, some 100,000 EAOs are pitted against the government’s Burma army or Tatmadaw troops of 300,000 to 350,000 in the ongoing civil or ethnic conflict war. Moreover, the EPPs which were being suppressed during the military rule from 1962 to 2011 are now making their voice of reinstating their rights of self- determination heard in media and parliamentary space. The NLD main concern is to dilute the military power and understandably its amendment clauses were only aimed to achieve this end, with no mention to strengthen the making of federal union in its recent constitutional amendment deliberations within the parliament, to the dismay of the EPPs. On March 12, Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) Joint-Secretary Sai Leik in a recent interview regarding the NLD’s 114 constitutional amendment proposal points with The Voice Weekly Journal said: “They (NLD) have changed 114 points and we (SNLD) have changed some paragraphs that they dared not touch. Since they didn’t give their opinion, the paragraphs were left untouched in original forms. In this case it meant that other democratic parties’ change proposals were not endorsed. This can be taken if the proposals are not the same as the NLD they won’t support them and won’t work with them (other parties).” “That’s why if we talk about amendment, the NLD 114 arranged points and the proposed result (stemming from majority decision of 45-person constitutional amendment joint- committee made up of several parties of which NLD has the majority) was also the same (which was tabled in the parliament for debate and later voting). I see that the NLD is too greedy and very weak in cooperation, with the ethnic parties,” he added sarcastically. But the conflict in Burma isn’t just the two Bamar stakeholders’ power struggle, as the ongoing civil war in form of ethnic conflict is the main obstacle in achieving reconciliation Page 3 of 68 and political settlement, without which there will be no peace and development in the country, much less the projected democratic federal union professed by all stakeholders to be their main goal. Thus, the present game plan involving only the two Bamar decision-makers, NLD and Tatmadaw, is not going to work and totally unrealistic, as the third party ethnic nationalities place has to be determined in a new game plan, if earnest peaceful political settlement for the whole country is to be pursued. For the time being, the two Bamar players seem to be convinced that the ethnic nationalities are unimportant minor players and have to be satisfied with subordinate role, accepting their fate as determined by any of the Bamar player for them. But let us look at first the existing two games that we are now in play. NCA-based peace negotiation process The NCA was signed on 15 October 2015 under the Union Solidarity and Development Party government led by Thein Sein. The incoming NLD government took over the NCA-based peace process but haven’t been able to make progress much over the past years, which has been halted for more than a year without much hope to continue and make a difference it in a sensible way. As it is the NCA remains deeply problematic with the Karen National Union (KNU) and Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) having armed clashes with the Tatmadaw on and off. Tatmadaw road-building into KNU controlled territories and accusation of the Tatmadaw against RCSS for encroaching in territories that it is not entitled, even though there has never been area demarcation between the two, have caused the on and off armed conflicts. Besides, both the KNU and RCSS are also of the opinion that the Ceasefire Joint Monitoring Committee (JMC) is dominated by the Tatmadaw and so do the NCA-based peace process by the NLD government, which actually is supposed to be jointly owned agreement. In process, the Tatmadaw blocked the RCSS convening Shan national political dialogue repeatedly and even prohibited the RCSS boss Sao Yawd Serk travel to Naypyitaw by land route from Thai border in December last year, which almost derailed the Joint Implementation Coordinating Meeting (JICM), the highest organ in NCA-based peace process. As for the KNU, the Tatmadaw road-building into KNU areas become a constant friction, which pushed the KNU to withdraw from the peace process since more than a year ago.
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