2 Ideology and the Nature of the State
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Revolutionary Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War: A
Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Darlington, RR http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2012.731834 Title Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Authors Darlington, RR Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/19226/ Published Date 2012 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Re-evaluating Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War Abstract It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ of the ‘national interest’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture. -
Youth, Gender, and Education in Fascist Italy, 1922-1939 Jennifer L
James Madison University JMU Scholarly Commons Senior Honors Projects, 2010-current Honors College Spring 2015 The model of masculinity: Youth, gender, and education in Fascist Italy, 1922-1939 Jennifer L. Nehrt James Madison University Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/honors201019 Part of the European History Commons, History of Gender Commons, and the Social History Commons Recommended Citation Nehrt, Jennifer L., "The model of masculinity: Youth, gender, and education in Fascist Italy, 1922-1939" (2015). Senior Honors Projects, 2010-current. 66. https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/honors201019/66 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College at JMU Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Honors Projects, 2010-current by an authorized administrator of JMU Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Model of Masculinity: Youth, Gender, and Education in Fascist Italy, 1922-1939 _______________________ An Honors Program Project Presented to the Faculty of the Undergraduate College of Arts and Letters James Madison University _______________________ by Jennifer Lynn Nehrt May 2015 Accepted by the faculty of the Department of History, James Madison University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Honors Program. FACULTY COMMITTEE: HONORS PROGRAM APPROVAL: Project Advisor: Jessica Davis, Ph.D. Philip Frana, Ph.D., Associate Professor, History Interim Director, Honors Program Reader: Emily Westkaemper, Ph.D. Assistant Professor, History Reader: Christian Davis, Ph.D. Assistant Professor, History PUBLIC PRESENTATION This work is accepted for presentation, in part or in full, at Honors Symposium on April 24, 2015. -
Mussolini's Ambiguous and Opportunistic Conception of Romanità
“A Mysterious Revival of Roman Passion”: Mussolini’s Ambiguous and Opportunistic Conception of Romanità Benjamin Barron Senior Honors Thesis in History HIST-409-02 Georgetown University Mentored by Professor Foss May 4, 2009 “A Mysterious Revival of Roman Passion”: Mussolini’s Ambiguous and Opportunistic Conception of Romanità CONTENTS Preface and Acknowledgments ii List of Illustrations iii Introduction 1 I. Mussolini and the Power of Words 7 II. The Restrained Side of Mussolini’s Romanità 28 III. The Shift to Imperialism: The Second Italo-Ethiopian War 1935 – 1936 49 IV. Romanità in Mussolini’s New Roman Empire 58 Conclusion 90 Bibliography 95 i PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I first came up with the topic for this thesis when I visited Rome for the first time in March of 2008. I was studying abroad for the spring semester in Milan, and my six-month experience in Italy undoubtedly influenced the outcome of this thesis. In Milan, I grew to love everything about Italy – the language, the culture, the food, the people, and the history. During this time, I traveled throughout all of Italian peninsula and, without the support of my parents, this tremendous experience would not have been possible. For that, I thank them sincerely. This thesis would not have been possible without a few others whom I would like to thank. First and foremost, thank you, Professor Astarita, for all the time you put into our Honors Seminar class during the semester. I cannot imagine how hard it must have been to read all of our drafts so intently. Your effort has not gone unnoticed. -
The “Land of the Free”? the United States in the Eyes of Italian American Radicals
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by OpenstarTs The “Land of the Free”? The United States in the Eyes of Italian American Radicals stefano luconi This short essay examines how Italian American radicals perceived American in- stitutions and political environment between the late nineteenth century and the mid nineteen-twenties. It argues that, after an early fascination with the United States, whose liberties seemed to offer a fitting context for the establish- ment of a socialist society, disillusionment eventually set in and even made some of the subversives receptive to nationalistic feelings. To many Italians, America had been a promised land since William Penn’s suc- cessors promoted Pennsylvania as the epitome of religious tolerance and self-gov- ernment to attract settlers from the Venetian Republic in the eighteenth century (Del Negro). The image of the United States as a free nation gained momentum following independence from Great Britain and, more especially, after the eman- cipation of the slaves in the wake of the Civil War because it had been precisely the legality of human bondage that had previously stood out as detrimental to the ide- ological appeal of the country (Gemme 31-32). As Gianfausto Rosoli has remarked, a long tradition rooted in the enlightenment and the Risorgimento in Italy made America seem “an absolute model of liberty” in the eyes of the Italians (223). The identification of the United States with freedom was so entrenched that it also lured a few Italian anarchists and socialists into making their way across the Atlantic and pursuing an American dream of their own at the turn of the twentieth century. -
Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)
UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society. -
Primary Sources
Primary Sources Pluralism James Madison (1751-1836). Although aspects of pluralist public philosophy can be traced back to the ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle (384-322 BCE), Madison’s contributions to the Federalist Papers, written to urge ratification of the American Constitution, are now regarded as an initial anticipation and contribution to pluralist public philosophy. Madison was one of the principal authors of the American Constitution, including the Bill of Rights, and the fourth President of the United States (1809-17). The Federalist Papers with John Jay and Alexander Hamilton (1787-1788) William James (1842-1910), a leading formulator of American pragmatism, was professor of psychology and philosophy at Harvard between 1873 and 1907. His philosophical work stressed the importance of a plurality of values as an intermediate ontological “kingdom” between monistic idealism and atomistic materialism. His Varieties of Religious Experience, written in 1902, is regarded as one of the most important works in non-fiction during the10th century. Pragmatism and Other Essays, edited by Giles Gunn (Penguin, 2000) A Pluralistic Universe (Harvard University Press, 1975) Robert Dahl (1915 - ) is often described as “the Dean” of American Political Science. He was Sterling Professor of Politics at Yale University, and continues to publish prolifically on democracy since his retirement. His analysis of community power in New Haven (Who Governs?) and his widely adopted American government text (Pluralist Democracy) led to his being regarded as the chief (orthodox) pluralist, during the famous pluralist-elitist debates of the 1960s and 1970s. According to elite theorists, Dahl’s pluralism was a naïve account of a politics that claimed that power was widely dispersed among many groups and thus democracy was approximated, at least in America. -
La Guerra È Perduta Ma Mussolini Temporeggia, Mentre Il Re E Gli Industriali Si Defilano Nazionalsocialista
30 commenti giovedì 25 luglio 2002 Enrico Manera tazione scomposta. Di lì in poi si susse- guivano le riunioni in cui si affacciava, più o meno chiaramente, l’ipotesi di pro- el tardo pomeriggio del 24 lu- porre a Mussolini di «mettersi da parte». glio 1943 si apre la lunga riunio- Mentre Roma subiva un pesante Nne del Gran Consiglio del fasci- bombardamento, Mussolini incontrava smo protrattasi fino a notte fonda, che Hitler a Feltre, il 19 luglio. L'intenzione decreta la caduta di Benito Mussolini. È del duce di convincere l’alleato tedesco a un crollo impietoso, l’atto definitivo di sciogliere il patto di alleanza per condur- un sistema di potere durato vent’anni le re l’Italia fuori dal conflitto, non veniva cui fondamenta, pregne del sangue degli nemmeno prospettata. Il Führer, deciso oppositori, della violenza delle guerre co- a mantenere fino all’ultimo la sua linea loniali, della vergo- politico-militare, gna delle leggi raz- si impegnava a in- ziali e del sostegno viare in Italia altre dei poteri forti, truppe: una minac- hanno incomincia- cia - appena velata to a sgretolarsi da - di occupazione. tempo, dall’inter- A questo pun- no. to, allo stallo del- Dalla fine del l’iniziativa di Mus- 1942 le condizioni solini si contrappo- della popolazione ne l’azione cospira- erano state messe toria dei gerarchi. a dura prova dalla Il 22 luglio Dino guerra e dai bom- Grandi, presidente bardamenti; svaria- della Camera dei ti segnali indicava- fasci e delle corpo- no che la rottura razioni, incontra di un legame di fi- Mussolini e gli pro- ducia con il regi- spetta i contenuti me si era ormai dell’ordine del completamente giorno che segnerà consumata. -
The Doctrine of Fascism Benito Mussolini (1932)
THE DOCTRINE OF FASCISM BENITO MUSSOLINI (1932) (ONLY COMPLETE OFFICIAL TEXT ON THE INTERNET) (This article, co-written by Giovanni Gentile, is considered to be the most complete articulation of Mussolini's political views. This is the only complete official translation we know of on the web, copied directly from an official Fascist government publication of 1935, Fascism Doctrine and Institutions, by Benito Mussolini, Ardita Publishers, Rome, pages 7-42. This translation includes all the footnotes from the original.) NOTE: BRIEF STATEMENT OF PUBLICATIONS PRINCIPLES The World Future Fund serves as a source of documentary material, reading lists and internet links from different points of view that we believe have historical significance. The publication of this material is in no way whatsoever an endorsement of these viewpoints by the World Future Fund, unless explicitly stated by us. As our web site makes very clear, we are totally opposed to ideas such as racism, religious intolerance and communism. However, in order to combat such evils, it is necessary to understand them by means of the study of key documentary material. For a more detailed statement of our publications standards click here . Like all sound political conceptions, Fascism is action and it is thought; action in which doctrine is immanent, and doctrine arising from a given system of historical forces in which it is inserted, and working on them from within (1) . It has therefore a form correlated to contingencies of time and space; but it has also an ideal content which makes it an expression of truth in the higher region of the history of thought (2) . -
The Startling Rise to Power of Benito Mussolini
The Journal of Values-Based Leadership Volume 11 Article 3 Issue 2 Summer/Fall 2018 July 2018 Lessons from History: The tS artling Rise to Power of Benito Mussolini Emilio F. Iodice [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.valpo.edu/jvbl Part of the Business Commons Recommended Citation Iodice, Emilio F. (2018) "Lessons from History: The tS artling Rise to Power of Benito Mussolini," The Journal of Values-Based Leadership: Vol. 11 : Iss. 2 , Article 3. Available at: http://dx.doi.org/10.22543/0733.62.1241 Available at: https://scholar.valpo.edu/jvbl/vol11/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Business at ValpoScholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in The ourJ nal of Values-Based Leadership by an authorized administrator of ValpoScholar. For more information, please contact a ValpoScholar staff member at [email protected]. Lessons from History: The Startling Rise to Power of Benito Mussolini EMILIO IODICE, ROME, ITALY Democracy is beautiful in theory; in practice it is a fallacy. All within the state, nothing outside the state, nothing against the state. Yes, a dictator can be loved. Provided that the masses fear him at the same time. The crowd loves strong men. The crowd is like a woman. If only we can give them faith that mountains can be moved, they will accept the illusion that mountains are moveable, and thus an illusion may become reality. Italian journalism is free because it serves one cause and one purpose…mine! Better to live a day as a lion than 100 years as a sheep. -
Giuseppe Terragni, Mario Radice and the Casa Del Fascio
history Building, furniture design and the decorative arts collaborate to embody Fascist political values and mass identity in an icon of modern architecture. Furnishing the Fascist interior: Giuseppe Terragni, Mario Radice and the Casa del Fascio David Rifkind ‘The struggles, conquests, and responsibility for victory the scales of furniture and urbanism – and by contributed a mystical beauty to the humble collaborating artists, for whom constructs and headquarters, where enthusiasm for the Duce and the installations utilising photomontage acted as heroic blood sacrificed by the enlisted were often the modernist interpretations of the traditional media greatest source of comfort and the most poetic of fresco, bas-relief and mosaic. Furnishings – “furnishing”.’1 including furniture, installations and plastic arts – played an integral role in fostering three recurrent The political values of Benito Mussolini’s Fascist themes throughout Terragni’s project: establishing regime resonated throughout the architecture and the symbolic presence of the Duce; representing the furnishings of Giuseppe Terragni’s Casa del Fascio political values of the Party through the use of (1932-36) in Como [1].2 Every physical detail and materials and formal relationships; and spatial relationship in this building is invested with constructing a uniquely Fascist identity, stressing political symbolism. The building represents an national (rather than regional) allegiances and example of interwar modernism in which emphasising the formation and exploitation of a architecture and furnishings were considered as an mass identity for the public. This essay considers how integral whole, both by the architect – whose these three themes are physically manifested in the architecture operated in a middle register between building’s most important interior spaces. -
Nazi Party from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
Create account Log in Article Talk Read View source View history Nazi Party From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia This article is about the German Nazi Party that existed from 1920–1945. For the ideology, see Nazism. For other Nazi Parties, see Nazi Navigation Party (disambiguation). Main page The National Socialist German Workers' Party (German: Contents National Socialist German Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (help·info), abbreviated NSDAP), commonly known Featured content Workers' Party in English as the Nazi Party, was a political party in Germany between 1920 and 1945. Its Current events Nationalsozialistische Deutsche predecessor, the German Workers' Party (DAP), existed from 1919 to 1920. The term Nazi is Random article Arbeiterpartei German and stems from Nationalsozialist,[6] due to the pronunciation of Latin -tion- as -tsion- in Donate to Wikipedia German (rather than -shon- as it is in English), with German Z being pronounced as 'ts'. Interaction Help About Wikipedia Community portal Recent changes Leader Karl Harrer Contact page 1919–1920 Anton Drexler 1920–1921 Toolbox Adolf Hitler What links here 1921–1945 Related changes Martin Bormann 1945 Upload file Special pages Founded 1920 Permanent link Dissolved 1945 Page information Preceded by German Workers' Party (DAP) Data item Succeeded by None (banned) Cite this page Ideologies continued with neo-Nazism Print/export Headquarters Munich, Germany[1] Newspaper Völkischer Beobachter Create a book Youth wing Hitler Youth Download as PDF Paramilitary Sturmabteilung -
Imigração, Sindicalismo Revolucionário E Fascismo Na Trajetória Do
Imigração, sindicalismo revolucionário e fascismo na trajetória do militante italiano Edmondo Rossoni IMIGRAÇÃO, SINDICALISMO REVOLUCIONÁRIO E FASCISMO NA TRAJETÓRIA DO MILITANTE ITALIANO EDMONDO ROSSONI RESUMO Atraído pelo chamado de alguns companheiros exilados no Brasil em virtude da repressão que se seguiu a uma grande greve agrária ocorrida na Itália em 1908, o militante sindicalista revolucionário Edmondo Rossoni, que se tornaria, anos mais tarde, o grande organizador do sindicalismo fascista, deixava, em 1909, o exílio francês para um período de exílio brasileiro. Este artigo analisa alguns aspectos fundamentais de suas idéias e da sua intensa experiência política e sindical e também sua experiência brasileira, que se manifestou através de artigos, conferências, participação em organizações de trabalhadores e greves, além de uma experiência educativa mais formal como professor da Escola Moderna do bairro da Água Branca em São Paulo. Além disso, o artigo apresenta uma reflexão, a partir da trajetória de Rossoni, sobre as fortes ligações entre a experiência da imigração e o amadurecimento de convicções sindicalistas e nacionalistas que explicam, em parte, a trajetória de alguns militantes que, como ele, por caminhos tortuosos, foram parar nos braços do fascismo. Assim, torna-se central no artigo uma reflexão sobre o sindicalismo revolucionário e o fascismo e sobre as relações, reais ou fictícias, que foram estabelecidas entre eles. PALAVRAS-CHAVE Imigração. Sindicalismo Revolucionário. Fascismo. Corporativismo. Edilene Toledo1 IMIGRAÇÃO, SINDICALISMO REVOLUCIONÁRIO E FASCISMO NA TRAJETÓRIA DO MILITANTE ITALIANO EDMONDO ROSSONI Um dos fenômenos mais desconcertantes da história do movimento operário internacional foi a passagem de vários sindicalistas revolucionários ao governo fascista de Mussolini, e a sua participação ativa na idealização e na organização do sindicalismo fascista.