Concrete Progress Ukraine Relations Kuchma Receives 43Rd Freedom
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15 the Party's On
The Party’s On: The Impact of Political Organizations in Russia’s Duma Elections Henry E. Hale Harvard University October 1999 Do political parties matter in Russia? From one perspective, they clearly do. Half of the Russian parliament (the Duma) is elected on the basis of proportional representation (PR), according to which system only registered political movements can compete. Observers frequently charge, however, that political parties1 matter little outside the boundaries of the “all-federation district” in which the PR race takes place. These political organizations are said to be ephemeral, weak and rootless, shifting with the political winds and having little connection to the Russian electorate. At best, they are the political vehicles for specific individuals who have focused little energy on building strong organizations capable of surviving them, and who seek mainly to build up their own personal authority. Only the Communist Party, the argument goes, maintains a “real” political party, and this is only because of the rich institutional heritage bequeathed it by the predecessor organization that ruled the USSR for seven decades. Comparative political science, however, suggests strong reason to believe that political organizations may, in fact, be coming to play an important role in Russian elections since parties can provide candidates with an “instant reputation” and organizational support that are otherwise hard to obtain. 1 Here I use the term “party” very loosely to include all political organizations legally able to compete in elections for seats in Russia’s representative state organs of power. 1 2 The Party’s On This paper tests these hypotheses on data from Russia’s first two multiparty elections since Communist rule, seeking to determine whether Russia’s myriad and multiplying political parties significantly affect the performance of candidates in the single-mandate district (SMD) elections for the State Duma. -
2017-03 Centennial of the Russian Revolution of 1917
International Academic Conference “Centennial of the Russian Revolution of 1917” CONFERENCE PROGRAMME March 29–31, 2017 Moscow, Lomonosov Moscow State University, Shuvalov Building 2 LOMONOSOV MOSCOW STATE UNIVERSITY (FACULTY OF HISTORY, FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE) SAINT PETERSBURG STATE UNIVERSITY (INSTITUTE OF HISTORY, FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE) MOSCOW CITY UNIVERSITY (THE INSTITUTE OF HUMAN SCIENCES AND MANAGEMENT) DEPARTMENT OF HISTORICAL AND PHILOLOGICAL SCIENCES OF THE RUSSIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES INSTITUTE OF RUSSIAN HISTORY OF THE RUSSIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES RUSSIAN HISTORICAL SOCIETY RUSSIAN SOCIETY OF POLITICAL SCIENTISTS STATE HISTORICAL MUSEUM STATE CENTRAL MUSEUM OF CONTEMPORARY HISTORY OF RUSSIA DEPARTMENT OF HUMANITARIAN SCIENCES AND ARTS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES OF BELARUS INSTITUTE OF HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES OF BELARUS MOGILEV STATE A. KULESHOV UNIVERSITY (FACULTY OF HISTORY AND PHILOLOGY) with the participation of MOSCOW HOUSE OF NATIONALITIES 3 Programme Committee Chairman of the Programme Committee: Sadovnichy Viktor Antonovich, Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Rector of Lomonosov Moscow State University Vice-Chairmen of the Programme Committee: Tuchkov Ivan Ivanovich, PhD in Art History, Dr. Habil., Professor, Dean of the Faculty of History, Lomonosov Moscow State University Shutov Andrei Yuryevich, PhD in History, Dr. Habil., Professor, Dean of the Faculty of Political Science, Lomonosov Moscow State University Members of the Programme Committee Borisenko Vladimir Vasilyevich, PhD in History, Associate Professor, Dean of the Faculty of History and Philology, Mogilev State A. Kuleshov University Velikanova Irina Jakovlevna, PhD in Political Science, Director of the State Central Museum of Contemporary History of Russia Danilovich Vyacheslav Viktorovich, PhD in History, Associate Professor, Director of the Institute of History, National Academy of Sciences of Belarus Daudov Abdulla Hamidovich, PhD in History, Dr. -
The Russian Job
The Russian Job The rise to power of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation “We did not reject our past. We said honestly: The history of the Lubyanka in the twentieth century is our history…” ~ Nikolai Platonovich Patrushev, Director of the FSB Between August-September 1999, a series of explosions in Russia killed 293 people: - 1 person dead from a shopping centre explosion in Moscow (31 st August) - 62 people dead from an apartment bombing in Buynaksk (4 th September) - 94 people dead from an apartment bombing in Moscow (9th September) - 119 people dead from an apartment bombing in Moscow (13 th September) - 17 people dead from an apartment bombing in Volgodonsk (16 th September) The FSB (Federal Security Service) which, since the fall of Communism, replaced the defunct KGB (Committee for State Security) laid the blame on Chechen warlords for the blasts; namely on Ibn al-Khattab, Shamil Basayev and Achemez Gochiyaev. None of them has thus far claimed responsibility, nor has any evidence implicating them of any involvement been presented. Russian citizens even cast doubt on the accusations levelled at Chechnya, for various reasons: Not in living memory had Chechen militias pulled off such an elaborated string of bombings, causing so much carnage. A terrorist plot on such a scale would have necessitated several months of thorough planning and preparation to put through. Hence the reason why people suspected it had been carried out by professionals. More unusual was the motive, or lack of, for Chechens to attack Russia. Chechnya’s territorial dispute with Russia predates the Soviet Union to 1858. -
Russian Conventional Armed Forces: on the Verge of Collapse?
Order Code 97-820 F CRS Issue Brief for Congress Received through the CRS Web Russian Conventional Armed Forces: On the Verge of Collapse? September 4, 1997 (name redacted) Specialist in Russian Affairs Foreign Affairs and National Defense Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Russian Conventional Armed Forces: On the Verge of Collapse? Summary All quantitative indicators show a sharp, and in most cases an accelerating, decline in the size of the Russian armed forces. Since 1986, Russian military manpower has decreased by over 70 percent; tanks and other armored vehicles by two-thirds; and artillery, combat aircraft, and surface warships by one-third. Weapons procurement has been plummeting for over a decade. In some key categories, such as aircraft, tanks, and surface warships, procurement has virtually stopped. This has led not only to a decline in present inventory, but implies a long-term crisis of bloc obsolescence in the future. Russian Government decisions and the budget deficit crisis have hit the Ministry of Defense very hard, cutting defense spending drastically and transforming the Defense Ministry into a residual claimant on scarce resources. Many experts believe that if these budgetary constraints continue for 2-3 more years, they must lead either to more drastic force reductions or to military collapse. Military capabilities are also in decline. Reportedly, few, if any, of Russia’s army divisions are combat-ready. Field exercises, flight training, and out-of-area naval deployments have been sharply reduced. Morale is low, partly because of non-payment of servicemen’s salaries. Draft evasion and desertion are rising. -
Annual Report
KENNAN INSTITUTE Annual Report October 1, 2002–September 30, 2003 The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, D.C. 20004-3027 www.wilsoncenter.org KENNAN INSTITUTE Kennan Institute Annual Report October 1, 2002–September 30, 2003 Kennan Institute Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Kennan Moscow Project One Woodrow Wilson Plaza Galina Levina, Alumni Coordinator 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Ekaterina Alekseeva, Project Manager Washington,DC 20004-3027 Irina Petrova, Office Manager Pavel Korolev, Project Officer (Tel.) 202-691-4100;(Fax) 202-691-4247 www.wilsoncenter.org/kennan Kennan Kyiv Project Yaroslav Pylynskyj, Project Manager Kennan Institute Staff Nataliya Samozvanova, Office Manager Blair A. Ruble, Director Nancy Popson, Deputy Director Research Interns 2002-2003 Margaret Paxson, Senior Associate Anita Ackermann, Jeffrey Barnett, Joseph Bould, Jamey Burho, Bram F.Joseph Dresen, Program Associate Caplan, Sapna Desai, Cristen Duncan, Adam Fuss, Anton Ghosh, Jennifer Giglio, Program Associate Andrew Hay,Chris Hrabe, Olga Levitsky,Edward Marshall, Peter Atiq Sarwari, Program Associate Mattocks, Jamie Merriman, Janet Mikhlin, Curtis Murphy,Mikhail Muhitdin Ahunhodjaev, Financial Management Specialist Osipov,Anna Nikolaevsky,Elyssa Palmer, Irina Papkov, Mark Polyak, Edita Krunkaityte, Program Assistant Rachel Roseberry,Assel Rustemova, David Salvo, Scott Shrum, Erin Trouth, Program Assistant Gregory Shtraks, Maria Sonevytsky,Erin Trouth, Gianfranco Varona, Claudia Roberts, Secretary Kimberly Zenz,Viktor Zikas Also employed at the Kennan Institute during the 2002-03 In honor of the city’s 300th anniversary, all photographs in this report program year: were taken in St. Petersburg, Russia.The photographs were provided by Jodi Koehn-Pike, Program Associate William Craft Brumfield and Vladimir Semenov. -
Russian Museums Visit More Than 80 Million Visitors, 1/3 of Who Are Visitors Under 18
Moscow 4 There are more than 3000 museums (and about 72 000 museum workers) in Russian Moscow region 92 Federation, not including school and company museums. Every year Russian museums visit more than 80 million visitors, 1/3 of who are visitors under 18 There are about 650 individual and institutional members in ICOM Russia. During two last St. Petersburg 117 years ICOM Russia membership was rapidly increasing more than 20% (or about 100 new members) a year Northwestern region 160 You will find the information aboutICOM Russia members in this book. All members (individual and institutional) are divided in two big groups – Museums which are institutional members of ICOM or are represented by individual members and Organizations. All the museums in this book are distributed by regional principle. Organizations are structured in profile groups Central region 192 Volga river region 224 Many thanks to all the museums who offered their help and assistance in the making of this collection South of Russia 258 Special thanks to Urals 270 Museum creation and consulting Culture heritage security in Russia with 3M(tm)Novec(tm)1230 Siberia and Far East 284 © ICOM Russia, 2012 Organizations 322 © K. Novokhatko, A. Gnedovsky, N. Kazantseva, O. Guzewska – compiling, translation, editing, 2012 [email protected] www.icom.org.ru © Leo Tolstoy museum-estate “Yasnaya Polyana”, design, 2012 Moscow MOSCOW A. N. SCRiAbiN MEMORiAl Capital of Russia. Major political, economic, cultural, scientific, religious, financial, educational, and transportation center of Russia and the continent MUSEUM Highlights: First reference to Moscow dates from 1147 when Moscow was already a pretty big town. -
UNA Executives Review Finances, Discuss Mergers U.S. Secretary Of
INSIDE:• Ukraine’s Foreign Ministry reacts to Russian Duma resolution — page 2. • Memorial concert to mark Chornobyl anniversary in Toronto — page 8. • Lviv’s Les Kurbas Theater in Metropolitan New York area — page 9. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXIV HE No.KRAINIAN 12 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MARCH 24, 1996 EEKLY$1.25/$2 in Ukraine RussianT Duma UU.S. secretary of state denouncesW Duma resolution negates decision by Marta Kolomayets Kyiv Press Bureau dissolving USSR KYIV – In yet another reaffirmation of the growing relationship between the United States and Ukraine, Secretary of by Marta Kolomayets State Warren Christopher arrived in Kyiv Kyiv Press Bureau on March 19 for a six-hour visit to meet KYIV – The Russian Duma – the with top government officials – includ- lower house of that country’s Parliament ing President Leonid Kuchma, Prime – adopted a resolution on March 15 Minister Yevhen Marchuk, Foreign reversing a Soviet legislative decision Minister Hennadiy Udovenko and made in December 1991 that renounced Parliament Chairman Oleksander Moroz. the 1922 treaty forming the Soviet Union. Mr. Christopher denounced the Russian In effect, this resolution denounces the Duma for its March 15 vote on reconstitut- Belaya Vezha pact of December 1991, ing the Soviet Union, calling it “highly and calls for the rebirth of the USSR – an irresponsible.” He was to travel to action that sent alarming signals through- Moscow on March 21 following a visit to out the former Soviet republics, includ- Prague where he addressed Central and ing Ukraine. East European foreign ministers. -
THE CBW CONVENTIONS BULLETIN News, Background and Comment on Chemical and Biological Weapons Issues
THE CBW CONVENTIONS BULLETIN News, Background and Comment on Chemical and Biological Weapons Issues ISSUE NO. 52 JUNE 2001 Quarterly Journal of the Harvard Sussex Program on CBW Armament and Arms Limitation US POLICY AND THE BWC PROTOCOL Barbara Rosenberg Chair, Federation of American Scientists Working Group on Biological Weapons When President Nixon unilaterally renounced all biological The Politics of the Chairman’s Protocol Text US and toxin weapons, in 1969 and 1970, he also announced US objections to the strong Protocol measures originally support for the British proposal for an international ban. This advocated by US allies centered around the criteria for led to the completion, in 1972, of the Biological Weapons declaration of biological defense facilities. This year, new Convention (BWC). Since that time, under presidents objections were added, including opposition to declaration Reagan, Bush Sr and Clinton, there has been bipartisan US of non-governmental production facilities. Once US objec- support for strengthening the Convention. Under the tions were known, it became impossible to reach consensus previous Bush Administration, the United States on anything stronger. Incorporation of US demands in his participated in a study of potential verification measures compromise text left the Chairman in a weakened position known as VEREX, carried out by experts from the BWC to deal with the opposition of other countries to more parties, which issued a positive report. A series of effective measures. Many US allies consider the Chairman’s international steps, begun in 1986, have brought us close to text to be the best that can now be achieved. At the same the goal of a legally-binding compliance regime for the time, they consider it the bottom line and want no further BWC, as represented by the Chairman’s draft Protocol text compromises. -
Wither the CIS?
Wither the CIS? Vol. 4, No. 113, May 4, 1998 The CIS summit finally took place in Moscow on April 29, but it did not answer the questions about the future of the CIS. The criticism of inadequacy and bureaucracy of the CIS structures voiced at the previous summit in Kishineu in October 1997, and blamed mainly on Russia, indicated that reforms were needed badly to reinvigorate the ailing entity. The dissolution of the CIS would deal a mortal blow to Russia's expectations to establish a post-Soviet union of former republics. As the CIS seems to exist only because nobody has sufficient reasons to initiate the termination process, the member states rely little on it as a vehicle of promoting cooperation on various issues of interest. Without waiting for the CIS to reform, they enter "inner" communities and form international entities like the Russian-Belarusian Union (now with new Russian Prime Minister Sergei Kirienko as chairman of its executive committee), the Central Asian Union, and the so-called GUAM (Georgia- Ukraine-Azerbaijan-Moldova) axis, which has shown little action so far, but continues to be a balance to Russia's domination. Advocates of a closer integration now may quote another example in favor of strengthening ties - the new "inner" Customs Union of Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. The fifth member, Tajikistan, is expected to join the Customs Union soon. Practical implications of this admission may be Russia's continuing involvement in the ongoing civil war in Tajikistan, the increase of illegal migrants who will make use of the excessively "transparent" Tajik borders, in Russia and, eventually, in Ukraine, possible increase in the volume of drugs and illicit weapons smuggled from the Tajik territory to the other member states of the community and beyond. -
A Política Externa Da Rússia Nos Anos 90
TRÉGUA PARA O CONTRA-ATAQUE: A POLÍTICA EXTERNA DA RÚSSIA NOS ANOS 90 RESUMO Este artigo descreve a conduta internacional da Rússia nos anos posteriores à dissolução Revista UNILUS Ensino e Pesquisa da União Soviética. Parte-se da hipótese de que as forças do antigo regime conservaram v. 13, n. 32, jul./set. 2016 sua influência no aparelho de Estado, o que deu-lhes condições para orientar decisões de política externa e preparar a ascensão de Vladimir Putin ao poder, em consonância com a ISSN 2318-2083 (eletrônico) ‘estratégia de longo alcance’ concebida pelo Departamento de Desinformação da KGB em 1958-1960. Palavras-Chave: Inteligência; Forças Armadas; Socialismo; Geopolítica; Movimento Eurasiano. Eduardo Lucas Vasconcelos Cruz Mestre em História e bacharel em Relações Internacionais pela Universidade Estadual Paulista - TRUCE FOR THE COUNTER-ATTACK: RUSSIA'S FOREIGN POLICY UNESP, professor do Centro Universitário Lusíada – IN THE 90S UNILUS ABSTRACT Beatriz Cristine Souza Dias This article describes the actions of Russia in the international arena in the years after the Discente do 4º ano do curso de Relações Internacionais breakup of the Soviet Union. It sustains the hypothesis that the forces of the old regime do Centro Universitário Lusíada e bolsista do Programa de Iniciação Científica da instituição do Centro retained their influence in the State apparatus, which gave them conditions to guide foreign Universitário Lusíada – UNILUS policy decisions and prepare the rise of Vladimir Putin to power, in line with the 'long range strategy' conceived by the Disinformation Department of the KGB in 1958-1960. Artigo recebido em abril de 2016 e Keywords: Intelligence; Armed Forces; Socialism; Geopolitics; Eurasian Movement. -
GARF) and the Gorbachev Foundation Svetlana Savranskaya, Ph
Doing Research at the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF) and the Gorbachev Foundation Svetlana Savranskaya, Ph. D. The National Security Archive GARF is the largest archival repository in Russia open to Russian and international Researchers. To obtain the researcher pass and request materials, send a letter with your information to [email protected] three weeks in advance of your visit. Main site of the archive: www.statearchive.ru Telephone: +7 (495) 580-88-61 GARF collections contain numerous fonds of documents of Soviet legislative, state, and judicial organs, as well as documents from Russian state institutions after the dissolution of the USSR. Fond 10026—Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation 1990-1993 Fond 10100—State Duma of the Russian Federation 1994- GARF has an extensive and user-friendly system of electronic finding aids that allows a researcher to prepare for his or her visit remotely. Take time to familiarize yourself with the collections and the search engine. One can see which new collections and folders were added to GARF since the last visit. Also, if you used an electronic request system, your previous requests and the list of the documents you have already seen, will be saved in your “notebook” GARF search function allows a researcher to search for terms, names, dates down to individual file names. You can also scroll down a particular list of files in a folder to get a better understanding of files for a particular government agency, such as a Duma committee. You can save results of your search and -
The Struggle for Bureaucratic and Economic Control in Russia
This report relates to the FOI report Managing Elections in Russia: Mechanisms and The struggle for bureaucratic and Problems (FOI-R—2474--SE), which showed that the formal political system is managed by the power elite. The struggle within that elite for control over the state bureaucracy economic control in Russia and the economic key sectors is treated in the present report. A proper understanding of str The this struggle is essential since Russian politics do not reflect an open political process. The mechanisms described in this report are not primarily dependent on individuals such Russia in control economic and bureaucratic for uggle CARL HOLMBERG as Putin or Medvedev but rather derive from basic structures, which do not change at the same pace as individuals in the power elite come and go. Carl Holmberg FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency, is a mainly assignment-funded agency under the Ministry of Defence. The core activities are research, method and technology development, as well as studies conducted in the interests of Swedish defence and the safety and security of society. The organisation employs approximately 1000 personnel of whom about 800 are scientists. This makes FOI Sweden’s largest research institute. FOI gives its customers access to leading-edge expertise in a large number of fields such as security policy studies, defence and security related analyses, the assessment of various types of threat, systems for control and management of crises, protection against and management of hazardous substances, IT security and