The Struggle for Bureaucratic and Economic Control in Russia
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15 the Party's On
The Party’s On: The Impact of Political Organizations in Russia’s Duma Elections Henry E. Hale Harvard University October 1999 Do political parties matter in Russia? From one perspective, they clearly do. Half of the Russian parliament (the Duma) is elected on the basis of proportional representation (PR), according to which system only registered political movements can compete. Observers frequently charge, however, that political parties1 matter little outside the boundaries of the “all-federation district” in which the PR race takes place. These political organizations are said to be ephemeral, weak and rootless, shifting with the political winds and having little connection to the Russian electorate. At best, they are the political vehicles for specific individuals who have focused little energy on building strong organizations capable of surviving them, and who seek mainly to build up their own personal authority. Only the Communist Party, the argument goes, maintains a “real” political party, and this is only because of the rich institutional heritage bequeathed it by the predecessor organization that ruled the USSR for seven decades. Comparative political science, however, suggests strong reason to believe that political organizations may, in fact, be coming to play an important role in Russian elections since parties can provide candidates with an “instant reputation” and organizational support that are otherwise hard to obtain. 1 Here I use the term “party” very loosely to include all political organizations legally able to compete in elections for seats in Russia’s representative state organs of power. 1 2 The Party’s On This paper tests these hypotheses on data from Russia’s first two multiparty elections since Communist rule, seeking to determine whether Russia’s myriad and multiplying political parties significantly affect the performance of candidates in the single-mandate district (SMD) elections for the State Duma. -
Putin's Energy Agenda
EXCERPTED FROM Putin’s Energy Agenda: The Contradictions of Russia’s Resource Wealth Stefan Hedlund Copyright © 2014 ISBN: 978-1-62637-069-2 hc 1800 30th Street, Suite 314 Boulder, CO 80301 USA telephone 303.444.6684 fax 303.444.0824 This excerpt was downloaded from the Lynne Rienner Publishers website www.rienner.com Contents Preface ix 1 Russia Emerges out of Chaos 1 2 An Energy Superpower? 19 3 Energy Assets 41 4 Assembling the Powerhouse 61 5 Gazprom and the Peculiarities of Gas 93 6 Counterreactions 121 7 Global Financial Crisis 145 8 Picking Up the Pieces 165 9 Backward into the Future 197 Appendixes 1: Russian Economic Performance 221 2: Russian Oil in Perspective 225 3: Russian Gas in Perspective 227 4: Developments of Liquefied Natural Gas 229 5: Developments of Shale Gas 231 vii 1 Russia Emerges out of Chaos The collapse of the Soviet order in Europe was a momentous event. It had been predicted by some, but such predictions had been made for the wrong reasons, such as armed conflict or rebellion by national mi - norities. 1 The way in which it finally did unravel was both highly unex - pected and deeply revealing of the inherent fragility of the system. Mikhail Gorbachev’s policies of glasnost, perestroika, and new political thinking were designed to rejuvenate the Soviet Union. But in the end, they brought about its dissolution. The outcome could not fail to bring to mind Alexis de Tocqueville’s classic dictum that the most dangerous moment for a bad government is when it begins to reform. -
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— Extensions of Remarks E2636 HON
E2636 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks December 19, 2007 well known in the U.S. and Europe for his RUSSIA’S NEW OLIGARCHY was the real owner of Russian telecommuni- leadership in helping Russia make the transi- FOR PUTIN AND FRIENDS, A GUSHER OF cations assets currently valued at on less tion to a market economy. QUESTIONABLE DEALS than $6 billion. Reiman has amassed this ex- (By Antlers Aslund) traordinary fortune as a state official, partly But the Yukos Company’s vast energy re- through beneficial privatizations, partly The news that Dmitry Medvedev, Vladimir sources and Mr. Khodorkovsky’s Western through privileged licenses issued to his Putin’s nominee to succeed him as president, leanings proved too much for Kremlin companies. A government with any stand- wants Putin to become prime minister of ards would fire such an official, but Putin operatives eager to assert state control over Russia next year opens one option for Putin suppressed this negative information within the energy sector and discipline Russian busi- to retain power after his term ends. Putin Russia and kept Reiman on, showing that he nessmen who supported opposition parties. has little choice but to stay in power as long accepts corruption. In what was widely reported by major news as he can. The Russian daily Kommersant published a A year ago, a famous Russian journalist publications at the time, Russian authorities long interview with Russian businessman asked me: Is it true that Putin has a net for- Oleg Shvartsman on the eve of the recent used arbitrary and possibly extralegal means tune of $35 to 40 billion?’’ (This journalist, of Duma elections. -
Russian Conventional Armed Forces: on the Verge of Collapse?
Order Code 97-820 F CRS Issue Brief for Congress Received through the CRS Web Russian Conventional Armed Forces: On the Verge of Collapse? September 4, 1997 (name redacted) Specialist in Russian Affairs Foreign Affairs and National Defense Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Russian Conventional Armed Forces: On the Verge of Collapse? Summary All quantitative indicators show a sharp, and in most cases an accelerating, decline in the size of the Russian armed forces. Since 1986, Russian military manpower has decreased by over 70 percent; tanks and other armored vehicles by two-thirds; and artillery, combat aircraft, and surface warships by one-third. Weapons procurement has been plummeting for over a decade. In some key categories, such as aircraft, tanks, and surface warships, procurement has virtually stopped. This has led not only to a decline in present inventory, but implies a long-term crisis of bloc obsolescence in the future. Russian Government decisions and the budget deficit crisis have hit the Ministry of Defense very hard, cutting defense spending drastically and transforming the Defense Ministry into a residual claimant on scarce resources. Many experts believe that if these budgetary constraints continue for 2-3 more years, they must lead either to more drastic force reductions or to military collapse. Military capabilities are also in decline. Reportedly, few, if any, of Russia’s army divisions are combat-ready. Field exercises, flight training, and out-of-area naval deployments have been sharply reduced. Morale is low, partly because of non-payment of servicemen’s salaries. Draft evasion and desertion are rising. -
The Russian Vertikal: the Tandem, Power and the Elections
Russia and Eurasia Programme Paper REP 2011/01 The Russian Vertikal: the Tandem, Power and the Elections Andrew Monaghan Nato Defence College June 2011 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/ speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication. REP Programme Paper. The Russian Vertikal: the Tandem, Power and the Elections Introduction From among many important potential questions about developments in Russian politics and in Russia more broadly, one has emerged to dominate public policy and media discussion: who will be Russian president in 2012? This is the central point from which a series of other questions and debates cascade – the extent of differences between President Dmitry Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and how long their ‘Tandem’ can last, whether the presidential election campaign has already begun and whether they will run against each other being only the most prominent. Such questions are typically debated against a wider conceptual canvas – the prospects for change in Russia. Some believe that 2012 offers a potential turning point for Russia and its relations with the international community: leading to either the return of a more ‘reactionary’ Putin to the Kremlin, and the maintenance of ‘stability’, or another term for the more ‘modernizing’ and ‘liberal’ Medvedev. -
Medvedev Succession
BR POLIC IEF MEETING MEDVEDEV: Y THE POLITICS OF THE PUTIN SUCCESSION Andrew Wilson SU On 2 March, Russians will in all probability elect Dmitry Dmitry Medvedev’s election on 2 March 2008 offers EU leaders a new chance to overcome their disunity and Medvedev as their new president. A 42 year-old, English- put their uncertain Russia policy on a better foundation. speaking, economically literate lawyer, often described as a Whatever his personal inclinations, Medvedev will be “liberal”, the ex-chairman of Gazprom cuts a different figure unable to behave like a democrat in his first years in office. MMARY from Putin and his political mentor’s KGB acolytes. Will his EU leaders should cautiously welcome the new president’s election bring a new start for EU-Russian relations? Or will election, but must wait and see whether Medvedev proves a willing interlocutor who can deliver. They should refrain it be more of the same - “Putinism without Putin”? Does from the foolish enthusiasm they displayed when the Medvedev represent a new opportunity, or false hope? sober and coherent Putin succeeded the ailing Yeltsin in 2000. Instead they should test Medvedev with specific This policy brief addresses four questions, each prompted demands over energy policy, Kosovo, and Iran. by one of the salient features of the system developed Medvedev, a lawyer by training, has often been depicted by Putin in Russia: Will Medvedev act like a democrat? as a “liberal”. Considering the alternatives and his own How will the proposed cohabitation with Putin work? record, he may well be one of the better options to succeed Will Medvedev eventually be his own man? And will Vladimir Putin, the outgoing autocratic president. -
Russia's Looming Crisis
FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE Russia’s Looming Crisis By David Satter Russia’s Looming Crisis By David Satter March 2012 About FPRI - - - Founded in 1955 by Ambassador Robert Strausz Hupé, FPRI is a non partisan,- non profit organization devoted to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the development of policies that advance U.S. national interests. In the tradition of Strausz Hupé, FPRI embraces history and geography to illuminate foreign policy challenges facing the United States. In 1990, FPRI established the Wachman Center to foster civic and international literacy in the community and in the classroom. FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE 19102-3684 Tel. 215-732- -732-4401 1528 Walnut Street, Suite 610 • Philadelphia, PA 3774 • Fax 215 Email [email protected] • Website: www.fpri.org Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 1 1. The Political Situation ........................................................................................................ 3 The Control of the Election Process ............................................................................................ 4 The Economic Key to Putin’s Political Success ....................................................................... 5 A Political Charade ............................................................................................................................ 6 An Election Fraud ............................................................................................................................. -
Wither the CIS?
Wither the CIS? Vol. 4, No. 113, May 4, 1998 The CIS summit finally took place in Moscow on April 29, but it did not answer the questions about the future of the CIS. The criticism of inadequacy and bureaucracy of the CIS structures voiced at the previous summit in Kishineu in October 1997, and blamed mainly on Russia, indicated that reforms were needed badly to reinvigorate the ailing entity. The dissolution of the CIS would deal a mortal blow to Russia's expectations to establish a post-Soviet union of former republics. As the CIS seems to exist only because nobody has sufficient reasons to initiate the termination process, the member states rely little on it as a vehicle of promoting cooperation on various issues of interest. Without waiting for the CIS to reform, they enter "inner" communities and form international entities like the Russian-Belarusian Union (now with new Russian Prime Minister Sergei Kirienko as chairman of its executive committee), the Central Asian Union, and the so-called GUAM (Georgia- Ukraine-Azerbaijan-Moldova) axis, which has shown little action so far, but continues to be a balance to Russia's domination. Advocates of a closer integration now may quote another example in favor of strengthening ties - the new "inner" Customs Union of Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. The fifth member, Tajikistan, is expected to join the Customs Union soon. Practical implications of this admission may be Russia's continuing involvement in the ongoing civil war in Tajikistan, the increase of illegal migrants who will make use of the excessively "transparent" Tajik borders, in Russia and, eventually, in Ukraine, possible increase in the volume of drugs and illicit weapons smuggled from the Tajik territory to the other member states of the community and beyond. -
BASEES Sampler
R O U T L E D G E . TAYLOR & FRANCIS Slavonic & East European Studies A Chapter and Journal Article Sampler www.routledge.com/carees3 Contents Art and Protest in Putin's Russia by Laurien 1 Crump Introduction Freedom of Speech in Russia edited by Piotr 21 Dutkiewicz, Sakwa Richard, Kulikov Vladimir Chapter 8: The Putin regime: patrimonial media The Capitalist Transformation of State 103 Socialism by David Lane Chapter 11: The move to capitalism and the alternatives Europe-Asia Studies 115 Identity in transformation: Russian speakers in Post- Soviet Ukrane by Volodymyr Kulyk Post-Soviet Affairs 138 The logic of competitive influence-seeking: Russia, Ukraine, and the conflict in Donbas by Tatyana Malyarenko and Stefan Wolff 20% Discount Available Enjoy a 20% discount across our entire portfolio of books. Simply add the discount code FGT07 at the checkout. Please note: This discount code cannot be combined with any other discount or offer and is only valid on print titles purchased directly from www.routledge.com. www.routledge.com/carees4 Copyright Taylor & Francis Group. Not for distribution. 1 Introduction It was freezing cold in Moscow on 24 December 2011 – the day of the largest mass protest in Russia since 1993. A crowd of about 100 000 people had gathered to protest against electoral fraud in the Russian parliamentary elections, which had taken place nearly three weeks before. As more and more people joined the demonstration, their euphoria grew to fever pitch. Although the 24 December demonstration changed Russia, the period of euphoria was tolerated only until Vladimir Putin was once again installed as president in May 2012. -
Defining and Identifying Russia's Elite Groups
Defining and identifying Russia’s elite groups Siloviki representation during Putin’s third term Master’s Thesis Russian and Eurasian Studies Leiden University, The Netherlands 23 January 2017 Sam Broekman Student Number: 1605062 Word Count: 18,005 Supervisor: Dr. M. Frear Table of contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 2 Introducing the siloviki ......................................................................................................................... 2 General research gaps ......................................................................................................................... 2 Research question ............................................................................................................................... 3 Methodology ....................................................................................................................................... 4 Chapter overview ................................................................................................................................. 4 Section 1: Rise of the siloviki..................................................................................................................... 6 1.1 The Politburo 2.0 ........................................................................................................................... 6 1.2 Putin’s return to the presidency ................................................................................................. -
Russia Selective Capitalism and Kleptocracy
21st Century Authoritarians Freedom House Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Radio Free Asia JUNE 2009 FFH_UD7.inddH_UD7.indd iiiiii 55/22/09/22/09 111:221:22 AAMM RUSSIA SELECTIVE CAPITALISM AND KLEPTOCRACY Daniel Kimmage The Kremlin deploys the conceptual vocabulary of the new Russia—national renewal, anti-Western xenophobia, sovereign democracy—through a sophis- ticated domestic communications strategy that marshals both the traditional state resources and much-expanded control over virtually all mainstream mass media. This one-two punch, coming amid a period of rising prosperity, has had a signifi cant impact on popular opinion, and the Kremlin’s message has resonated with its intended recipients. introduction When Russian tanks halted their advance a few kilometers from Tbilisi in August 2008, with the Georgian army in full fl ight and Georgia’s allies in Europe and the United States reduced to fulmination, the global consensus on the meaning of the invasion was swift and bracing: Russia was back, a force to be reckoned with, and intent on reclaiming its lost share of import and infl uence among nations. This consensus is as wrongheaded and simplistic as the previous incarnations of con- ventional wisdom it has replaced: fi rst, that Russia was engaged in a rollicking, rollercoaster transition from communist torpor to liberal democracy and a free-market economy, and then, when that fi ne vision foundered in fi nancial crisis and sundry misadventures toward the end of the 1990s, that Russia had become mired in some intermediary phase of its supposed transition and might soon slink off history’s grand stage altogether. -
Putin's Youth
Putin’s Youth: Nashi and the Pro-Regime Youth Movement in Russia, 2000-2012 Angela Lee Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Prerequisite for Honors in History May 2013 © 2013 Angela Lee Table of Contents page I. Acknowledgments……………………………………………………………………………iii II. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………1 III. Background: The Komsomol, 1918-1991 ……………………….………………...…………4 IV. Chapter 1: Idushchie Vmeste, 2000-2005……………………………………...……………17 V. Chapter 2: Nashi Emerges, 2005-2008………………………………….…………………..31 VI. Chapter 3: Nashi Recedes, 2008-2012…………………………….………………………...55 VII. Conclusion.…………………………………………………………………………………..66 VIII. Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………69 ii Acknowledgments I would like to thank my advisor, Professor Nina Tumarkin for her patience, sound guidance, and endlessly good humor. I would also like to thank all my History professors at Wellesley for their dedication to teaching and their passion for the subject, and also to the Russian Language Department for making the process of learning Russian a joy during this past year. I am grateful to those who were part of the History Honors Thesis Seminar for the rich discussions and thought-provoking questions. I am thankful to Professors Mark Kramer, Ivan Kurilla, Valerie Sperling, and Elizabeth Wood for their willingness to direct me to the right sources for my research. And finally, I am indebted to the love and support of my parents and siblings for all these years. iii Introduction “The question for Russia now is what to do next. How can we make the new, market