The Keegstra Affair
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Interpreting Social Credit System in Eight Dimensions
Interpreting Social Credit System in Eight Dimensions 2 | 八个维度 解读社会信用体系 As 2020 is the last year of the five-year plan for the construction of a social credit system (SCS) under the Plan for Establishing a Social Credit System (2014– 2020) (the "Plan") issued by the State Council, 2019 has become a crucial year to achieve the goals of the Plan. Looking back, a series of policy documents and their consultation drafts that focus on top-level design and operational practices have been introduced intensively this year, proposing methodologies and roadmaps for social credit-based market monitoring modes and a governance model from multiple dimensions, such as collection and sharing of credit information, use of credit reports, joint rewards for compliance, joint sanctions on non-compliance, identification of sanctioned targets, management of joint sanction list, market and industry access prohibition, credit restoration mechanisms, credit information security and the protection of market players’ rights. In the meantime, the impact of the SCS as a new type of social governance tool for enterprises has gradually attracted a high level of attention. 3 | 八个维度 解读社会信用体系 What is SCS? • A key component of the socialist • Credit records and databases from market economic system regulatory authorities, financial Infrastruc- institutions, credit information Nature • A key component of the social governance system tures services, etc. • Connection and data sharing among credit databases • Improve the integrity awareness • Government integrity: mainly -
209E7a36e95cfc54395aebf73c1
\\server05\productn\G\GHS\5-1\GHS103.txt unknown Seq: 1 17-MAY-07 7:54 Where Do Universal Human Rights Begin? The following talk was given by George Critchlow on April 25, 2006 at Temple Beth Shalom in Spokane, Washington in honor of Yom Hashoah, the annual remembrance of the Holocaust. Critchlow, an associate pro- fessor at Gonzaga University School of Law and a founder and former director of the Gonzaga Institute for Action Against Hate, was selected by the congregation to represent the “righteous gentile.” Professor Critchlow would like to acknowledge the helpful ideas and background information presented at the Amnesty International USA Lawyers’ Conference at the University of Washington School of Law on February 17-18, 2006. In particular, he was inspired by John Shattuck’s presentation titled “The Legacy of Nuremberg: Confronting Genocide and Terrorism Through the Rule of Law.” I have enormous respect for Temple Beth Shalom, what it stands for, its congregation, and those individuals whom I have come to know and count as friends. I am deeply honored and privileged to be invited to speak to you on this Day of Remembrance–especially in light of the occasion to recognize the 60 years that have now passed since the establishment of a new rule of law and accountability regarding war crimes and crimes against humanity at the Nuremberg Military Tribunal in 1946. I have a poster hanging in my office that frequently catches my eye and reminds me to connect my heart with my head. It is a picture of a small child of uncertain ethnicity, running happily, arms out, into the smiling face and open arms of his mother. -
MAJOR DOUGLAS and the BANKS JM Pullen and GO Smith
MAJOR DOUGLAS AND THE BANKS J. M. Pullen and G. O. Smith March 1994 UNE Working Papers in Economics No. 6 Editor John Pullen Department of Economics University of New England Armidale New South Wales 2351 Australia ISBN: 1 86389 164 1 MAJOR DOUGLAS AND THE BANKS by J.M. Pullen and G.O. Smith Clifford Hugh Douglas (1879-1952), more commonly known as Major Douglas, is not regarded highly by most economists. Although he was given half a column in The New Palgrave (Clark 1987a), the standard texts in the history of economics usually either ignore him completely, or give him only a passing mention (often critical and condescending), or dismiss him as a crank, a "funny money" man, a monetary heretic, or "a religious rather than a scientific reformer" (Gaitskell 1933, p.375). There was a time, however, when Douglas’s ideas were actively discussed and enjoyed widespread popular support. His theories were propagated through his many books and articles, by his public lectures in various countries (including Australia in 1934), by his submissions to government enquiries in Canada, New Zealand and England; and by the activities of his followers in the Social Credit Movement. If Douglas is remembered at all by academic economists today, it is probably because he received two brief mentions from Keynes in the General Theory. The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether Douglas’s ideas are merely a curious aberration in the history of economics and deserve to be ignored, or whether they might have some relevance to the economic problems of today. -
T. S. Eliot's Neo-Medieval Economics Michael R. Stevens Assistant
234Journal of T.Markets S. Eliot’s & Morality Neo-Medieval 2, no. 2 (Fall 1999), Economics 234-246 Markets & Morality 235 Copyright © 1999 Center for Economic Personalism repatriate himself to Europe; like Auden, a skeptic drawn into the mystery of Christianity and the Anglican confession. What sets Eliot apart, however, is that his treatment of many socio-political issues, and especially economic issues, appears not absurd but rather, in retrospect, profound. Eliot’s thread of devel- T. S. Eliot’s Neo-Medieval Economics opment as a social commentator is also intriguing because, though his poetry remains a rather abstruse source for following his thought, another source does exist: The Criterion. This was the journal—actually subtitled A Quarterly Review— Michael R. Stevens that Eliot founded in 1922 and edited, through various permutations and cri- Assistant Professor of English ses, until he closed it down with the final issue in January 1939. Based on the Cornerstone University assumption that an editor, during this period, kept fairly strict control over choices ranging from contributors, to foreign periodicals reviewed, to the the- matic direction for the journal at large, The Criterion can be seen to serve as a progressive chronicle of Eliot’s primary concerns—both before, during, and af- ter his conversion. This becomes an unusual opportunity for exploration, and it Introduction bears much fruit. Whether poets have ever made good economists is debatable, but one would By way of preface to an investigation of the economic themes in The Crite- certainly not turn to the milieu of the 1930s if one wanted to make an argu- rion, it is important to note that Eliot’s concerns, as expressed in the journal, ment for the affirmative. -
Digital Dystopia∗
forthcoming, American Economic Review Digital Dystopia∗ Jean Tirole† December 17, 2020 Abstract: Autocratic regimes, democratic majorities, private platforms and religious or professional organizations can achieve social control by managing the flow of information about individuals' behavior. Bundling the agents' political, organizational or religious attitudes with information about their prosocial conduct makes them care about behaviors that they otherwise would not. The incorporation of the individuals' social graph in their social score further promotes soft control but destroys the social fabric. Both bundling and guilt by association are most effective in a society that has weak ties and is politically docile. Keywords: Social behavior, social score, platforms, strong and weak ties, social graph, mass surveillance, divisive issues, community enforcement. JEL numbers: D64, D80, K38. ∗This project received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (grant agreement no. 669217 - ERC MARK- LIM). Jean Tirole acknowledges funding from the French National Research Agency (ANR) under the Investments for the Future (Investissements d'Avenir) program, grant ANR-17-EURE-0010. The author gratefully acknowledges the financial support of the TSE Digital Center (the list of sponsors is available at https://www.tse-fr.eu/digital). Daron Acemoglu, Amirreza Ahmadzadeh, Roland B´enabou, Aim´e Bierdel, Erik Brynjolfsson, Sylvain Chassang, Bin Cheng, Johannes H¨orner,Paul-Henri Moisson, Charles P´ebereau, two anonymous referees, and participants at conferences (Luohan Academy conference on pri- vacy and data governance, IT & digitization and IO groups at NBER summer institute, 13th Toulouse conference on the digital economy, privacy conference at Princeton University), and at seminars at MIT, Northwestern, Tehran IAS, TSE and University of Auckland provided helpful comments. -
Transnational Neo-Nazism in the Usa, United Kingdom and Australia
TRANSNATIONAL NEO-NAZISM IN THE USA, UNITED KINGDOM AND AUSTRALIA PAUL JACKSON February 2020 JACKSON | PROGRAM ON EXTREMISM About the Program on About the Author Extremism Dr Paul Jackson is a historian of twentieth century and contemporary history, and his main teaching The Program on Extremism at George and research interests focus on understanding the Washington University provides impact of radical and extreme ideologies on wider analysis on issues related to violent and societies. Dr. Jackson’s research currently focuses non-violent extremism. The Program on the dynamics of neo-Nazi, and other, extreme spearheads innovative and thoughtful right ideologies, in Britain and Europe in the post- academic inquiry, producing empirical war period. He is also interested in researching the work that strengthens extremism longer history of radical ideologies and cultures in research as a distinct field of study. The Britain too, especially those linked in some way to Program aims to develop pragmatic the extreme right. policy solutions that resonate with Dr. Jackson’s teaching engages with wider themes policymakers, civic leaders, and the related to the history of fascism, genocide, general public. totalitarian politics and revolutionary ideologies. Dr. Jackson teaches modules on the Holocaust, as well as the history of Communism and fascism. Dr. Jackson regularly writes for the magazine Searchlight on issues related to contemporary extreme right politics. He is a co-editor of the Wiley- Blackwell journal Religion Compass: Modern Ideologies and Faith. Dr. Jackson is also the Editor of the Bloomsbury book series A Modern History of Politics and Violence. The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the author, and not necessarily those of the Program on Extremism or the George Washington University. -
“Individualism in Modern China: the Social Credit Issue”
Department of Political Science Chair of Sociology “Individualism in Modern China: The Social Credit Issue” THESIS SUPERVISOR CANDIDATE PROF. Antonio La Spina Valentino Grassi Student No. 078402 Politics, Philosophy and Economics B.A. 2017/2018 Academic Year 1 Index 1. Introduction 2. The concept of Individualism and its Importance for Social Management and SCS System 2.1. Western Individualistic Theories: Modernist, Interactionist and Discourse Approach 2.1.1. Modernist theorists. 2.1.2. Interactionist theorists. 2.1.3. Discourse theorists. 2.2. Alexis de Tocqueville’s conception of Individualism 2.3. Chinese Individualism 3. Social Management and Forms of Social Control 3.1. Social Management: the key concept to improve people’s livelihood 3.2. Xi Jinping reform process as a key tool to consolidate the operational capacity of the CCP 3.3. Neo-socialist approach to social management 3.4. Previous Social Engineering Programs 3.4.1. People’s Commune 3.4.2. Dang’an: the predecessor of Social Credit System? 3.4.3. Hukou - Housing Registration System 4. Social Credit System 4.1. Origins of Credit Score System 4.2. Private and Governmental Data Sources 4.3. The Core of China’s Social Credit System: Companies Regulations 4.4. SCS Implementation: Media Communication and Criticisms 4.5. SCS Implementation: The Rongcheng Case 5. Conclusions 2 1. Introduction The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the current and future implementation of a new and unique system of social and market control: the Social Credit Score system (heretofore referred to as SCS). Especially in the last decade, China represented the most interesting actor on the global scenario for many reasons. -
The Title for This Paper Comes from a Story That David Rome Tells As Part
ICJS WORKING PAPER Sharon Gubbay Helfer 2012-08-27 Rome Among the Bishops: a reflection on David Rome and his contributions to dialogue1 INTRODUCTION Born in Vilnius, Lithuania, in 1910, David Rome arrived with his parents in Vancouver, Canada, at the age of 11. He settled in Montréal in the late 1930s. In 1942 he was hired as press officer by the Canadian Jewish Congress (CJC). From 1953 to 1972, he was Director of the Jewish Public Library; thereafter he served as archivist at the CJC. David Rome died Montréal in 1996. Rome was designated Chevalier de l’Ordre national du Québec, the Quebec government’s highest honour, in 1987. In 1991 the Quebec ministry of immigration and cultural communities awarded him their Prix d’excellence and in the same year he received a doctorate honoris causa from Montreal’s Concordia University. Historians of Quebec Jewry including Pierre Anctil, Ira Robinson and others, continue to refer to Rome as an inspiration for their work.2 And yet, with the exception of one excellent, short article by Robinson that focuses on Rome as historian of Canadian Jewish life, next to nothing has been published about him.3 One possible explanation for the paucity of published work on David Rome may be that he is not someone easily categorized. As well, as I argue here, an important part of his impact was felt behind the scenes, in private, through person-to-person dialogue. The material that I present in this article is based on my reading of a part of the voluminous material on Rome preserved at the Canadian Jewish Congress Charities Committee (CJCCC ) archives and at the archives of the Jewish Public Library of Montreal, as well as on archival material at the BAnQ, Centres d’archives de Québec, having to do with Quebec’s first Arts Council. -
Fascism and Settler Colonialism in Canada
Fascism and Settler Colonialism in Canada by Dallas Jokic A thesis submitted to the Department of Philosophy In conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada September 2019 Copyright © Dallas Jokic, 2019 Abstract This thesis aims to map out the relationship between fascism and settler colonialism in Canada. In the first chapter, I go through a number of theories of fascism, including by contemporary historians and 20th century Marxists. I draw on the work of Deleuze and Guattari and their distinction between molar and molecular (or micro) fascism. In the context in a country like Canada, in which fascism has not taken on a molar form on the state level, I argue that we need an account of fascism that is sensitive to its molecular expressions. I highlight three tendencies of fascism that we should keep an eye on if we are concerned about its emergence. In the second chapter, I explore the role of the settler state in cultivating and producing microfascist affects, feelings, and beliefs. I examine the deputization of settlers by the Canadian state in order to expand and protect territory and the way this cultivates racist affect and encourages (often fatal) acts of violence. Finally, I consider the way whiteness in Canada becomes a territorializing force, and sketch out a model of private property I call settler whitespace. In the third chapter, I consider the fascist rhetoric around “the great replacement” and “white genocide” in relation to the structure of settler colonialism. I consider the logic of replacement in Canada as not just a territorial project, but one that also creates a racially exclusionary idea of Canadian nationalism. -
La Shoah Dans La Littérature Québécoise De Langue Française
La Shoah dans la littérature québécoise de langue française par Christine POIRIER Mémoire soumis à l'Université McGill en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maître ès arts (M.A.) Département de langue et littérature françaises Université McGill Montréal, Québec Août 2004 © Christine Poirier, 2004 Library and Bibliothèque et 1+1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de l'édition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada Your file Votre référence ISBN: 0-494-12757-0 Our file Notre référence ISBN: 0-494-12757-0 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant à la Bibliothèque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par télécommunication ou par l'Internet, prêter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des thèses partout dans loan, distribute and sell th es es le monde, à des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non sur support microforme, papier, électronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriété du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protège cette thèse. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation. -
The Bogey of Fascism in Quebec
THE BOGEY OF FASCISM IN QUEBEC H. F. QUINN JT is a common belief in many sections of Canada and the United States that the Province of Quebec is advancing rapidly along the road to Fascism, and is only awaiting the appearance of a Fuhrer who will set up a totalitarian dictatorship on the banks of the St. Lawrence, dissolve all political parties, crush the labour unions, regiment industry, liquidate all Communists, Socialists and Liberals, and establish a Corporative State, all with the approval if not the actual support of the Roman Catholic hierarchy in the province. From an intimate acquaintance with the political situation in this province, however, I am quite convinced that this belief in the ultimate triumph of Fascism in Quebec is quite unfounded, and is due to a lack of knowledge of the political and economic situation, and a misconception of the role the Catholic Church desires to play in provincial affairs. It is true that the most significant feature of Quebec politics to-day is the re-birth of the spirit of French-Canadian Nationalism, which has appeared at different intervals in the past with varying intensity, and which is characterized by an emphasis upon the strengthening of the bonds of French-Canadian culture, a re sistance to Americanization, and a policy of Quebec for the French-Canadians. This policy, be it noted, does not nec essarily imply Separatism, and secession from the Dominion of Canada, much less the setting up of a Fascist State in Quebec, for it must be remembered that Quebec Nationalism was an important factor in the political life of the Dominion long before Fascism was ever heard of. -
1 Antisemitism, Anti-Israelism and Canada in Context Robert Bryma and Rhonda Lentonb Auniversity of Toronto, [email protected]
Antisemitism, Anti-Israelism and Canada in Context Robert Bryma and Rhonda Lentonb aUniversity of Toronto, [email protected] bYork University, [email protected] To be published in Robert Kenedy, Uzi Rebhun and Carl Stephan Ehrlich, eds. Critical Perspectives on Jewish Identity, Israel-Diaspora Relations, and Antisemitism (New York: Springer, 2021). Introduction Some researchers contend that antisemitism is composed of an historically invariant set of core ideas (Wistrich 2010). Others hold that antisemitism varies widely over time and place in form, intensity and effect, depending on a variety of social, political and economic circumstances (Judaken 2018; Urry 2018). Recent discussions reflect this disagreement. On the one hand, some analysts maintain that, especially over the past two decades, an historically unique “new antisemitism” has crystallized. It supposedly conflates negative sentiment toward Israel with antipathy toward Jews, using ancient and medieval antisemitic tropes to vilify the Jewish state. From this point of view, anti-Israelism and antisemitism are typically highly correlated (e.g., Stephens 2019). Critics of the new antisemitism thesis acknowledge the efflorescence of negative sentiment toward Israel in recent decades. However, they claim that anti-Israelism is distinct from antipathy toward Jews. In other words, anti-Israelism and antisemitism are typically weakly correlated, making it possible for one to go so far as to reject the legitimacy of the Jewish state while having nothing against Jews per se (e.g., Gordon 2018).1 In this paper we take issue with both the new antisemitism thesis and its most ardent critics. We argue that a correlation exists between antisemitism and anti-Israelism, but the correlation varies widely in strength by social context.