2020 Report to Congress on China's WTO Compliance
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Interpreting Social Credit System in Eight Dimensions
Interpreting Social Credit System in Eight Dimensions 2 | 八个维度 解读社会信用体系 As 2020 is the last year of the five-year plan for the construction of a social credit system (SCS) under the Plan for Establishing a Social Credit System (2014– 2020) (the "Plan") issued by the State Council, 2019 has become a crucial year to achieve the goals of the Plan. Looking back, a series of policy documents and their consultation drafts that focus on top-level design and operational practices have been introduced intensively this year, proposing methodologies and roadmaps for social credit-based market monitoring modes and a governance model from multiple dimensions, such as collection and sharing of credit information, use of credit reports, joint rewards for compliance, joint sanctions on non-compliance, identification of sanctioned targets, management of joint sanction list, market and industry access prohibition, credit restoration mechanisms, credit information security and the protection of market players’ rights. In the meantime, the impact of the SCS as a new type of social governance tool for enterprises has gradually attracted a high level of attention. 3 | 八个维度 解读社会信用体系 What is SCS? • A key component of the socialist • Credit records and databases from market economic system regulatory authorities, financial Infrastruc- institutions, credit information Nature • A key component of the social governance system tures services, etc. • Connection and data sharing among credit databases • Improve the integrity awareness • Government integrity: mainly -
China's Global Media Footprint
February 2021 SHARP POWER AND DEMOCRATIC RESILIENCE SERIES China’s Global Media Footprint Democratic Responses to Expanding Authoritarian Influence by Sarah Cook ABOUT THE SHARP POWER AND DEMOCRATIC RESILIENCE SERIES As globalization deepens integration between democracies and autocracies, the compromising effects of sharp power—which impairs free expression, neutralizes independent institutions, and distorts the political environment—have grown apparent across crucial sectors of open societies. The Sharp Power and Democratic Resilience series is an effort to systematically analyze the ways in which leading authoritarian regimes seek to manipulate the political landscape and censor independent expression within democratic settings, and to highlight potential civil society responses. This initiative examines emerging issues in four crucial arenas relating to the integrity and vibrancy of democratic systems: • Challenges to free expression and the integrity of the media and information space • Threats to intellectual inquiry • Contestation over the principles that govern technology • Leverage of state-driven capital for political and often corrosive purposes The present era of authoritarian resurgence is taking place during a protracted global democratic downturn that has degraded the confidence of democracies. The leading authoritarians are ABOUT THE AUTHOR challenging democracy at the level of ideas, principles, and Sarah Cook is research director for China, Hong Kong, and standards, but only one side seems to be seriously competing Taiwan at Freedom House. She directs the China Media in the contest. Bulletin, a monthly digest in English and Chinese providing news and analysis on media freedom developments related Global interdependence has presented complications distinct to China. Cook is the author of several Asian country from those of the Cold War era, which did not afford authoritarian reports for Freedom House’s annual publications, as regimes so many opportunities for action within democracies. -
Introduction Historical Context
INTRODUCTION China-Africa ties have expanded beyond trade and investment in extractive industries to engagement in telecommunications, infrastructure, manufacturing, finance, media, agriculture and peace and security issues. HISTORICAL CONTEXT While not as well documented as Africa’s links with Europe, China-Africa relations date back to the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) when a series of expeditions reached East Africa under the command of Admiral Zheng He, at roughly the same time as the Portuguese were exploring Africa’s Atlantic coast. However, formal political relations were only forged during the early years of the founding of the People’s Republic of China (1949), which intersected with the first wave of African independence. The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence were originally established in 1954 by India’s prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, and the Chinese premier, Zhou Enlai. These principles rose to popularity during the 1955 Bandung Conference – which paved the way for the founding of the Non-Aligned Movement – and have become an important basis for China’s foreign policy and its relations with Africa and Asia. China’s support for Africa’s liberation also played an influential role in shaping the outcomes of newly independent states. 2015 is also 60 years since the 1955 Bandung Asian-African conference, a turning point of world history when for the first time representatives of the former colonised nations united and proposed alternatives to a world order dominated by superpowers. - Remarks by African Union Commission Chairperson, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, 30 January 2015. …The relationship between ourselves and China is founded, as the Prime Minister reminded us recently, on four basic principles: treating each other sincerely and equally; consolidating solidarity and mutual trust; jointly pursuing inclusive development; and promoting inventive practical cooperation between our countries. -
Religion in China BKGA 85 Religion Inchina and Bernhard Scheid Edited by Max Deeg Major Concepts and Minority Positions MAX DEEG, BERNHARD SCHEID (EDS.)
Religions of foreign origin have shaped Chinese cultural history much stronger than generally assumed and continue to have impact on Chinese society in varying regional degrees. The essays collected in the present volume put a special emphasis on these “foreign” and less familiar aspects of Chinese religion. Apart from an introductory article on Daoism (the BKGA 85 BKGA Religion in China prototypical autochthonous religion of China), the volume reflects China’s encounter with religions of the so-called Western Regions, starting from the adoption of Indian Buddhism to early settlements of religious minorities from the Near East (Islam, Christianity, and Judaism) and the early modern debates between Confucians and Christian missionaries. Contemporary Major Concepts and religious minorities, their specific social problems, and their regional diversities are discussed in the cases of Abrahamitic traditions in China. The volume therefore contributes to our understanding of most recent and Minority Positions potentially violent religio-political phenomena such as, for instance, Islamist movements in the People’s Republic of China. Religion in China Religion ∙ Max DEEG is Professor of Buddhist Studies at the University of Cardiff. His research interests include in particular Buddhist narratives and their roles for the construction of identity in premodern Buddhist communities. Bernhard SCHEID is a senior research fellow at the Austrian Academy of Sciences. His research focuses on the history of Japanese religions and the interaction of Buddhism with local religions, in particular with Japanese Shintō. Max Deeg, Bernhard Scheid (eds.) Deeg, Max Bernhard ISBN 978-3-7001-7759-3 Edited by Max Deeg and Bernhard Scheid Printed and bound in the EU SBph 862 MAX DEEG, BERNHARD SCHEID (EDS.) RELIGION IN CHINA: MAJOR CONCEPTS AND MINORITY POSITIONS ÖSTERREICHISCHE AKADEMIE DER WISSENSCHAFTEN PHILOSOPHISCH-HISTORISCHE KLASSE SITZUNGSBERICHTE, 862. -
Turkey and China
TURKEY AND CHINA MEHMET ÖGÜTÇÜ I. INTRODUCTION The world is waking up to the fact that China is becoming a new economic superpower. In just one and a half decades, China has transformed itself from a dormant, introspective giant into a dynamic powerhouse of major significance to the world economy. It currently provides the only major, rapidly growing economy in an otherwise recession-hit world. Western exporters, multinationals and emerging market investors are looking to China almost as if it were a new El Dorado. The strategic centre of gravity is also shifting towards China and other dynamic Asia-Pacific nations, bringing about fundamental changes in traditional balance-of-power equations. Geographically, this 'Rising East'1 encompasses a vast triangle that extends from the Russian far east and Korea in the northeast, to Australia in the south and Pakistan in the west. It seems that the twenty-first century will be shaped by new racial and cultural forces. For several hundred years, the world has been dominated by white Europeans and Americans who hold to Judaeo-Christian traditions and they will soon be obliged to accept as equals yellow and brown Asians who adhere to the tenets of Buddhism, Confucianism, Hinduism and Islam. In the next twenty years, Asia, currently home to more than half the world population, will most likely have five of the world's six largest economies, the US being the other. China has emerged as the rising star of the entire region, economically and politically. In ancient times, so strong was China that its people became accustomed to thinking of their country as the Middle Kingdom or Zhungguo, the centre around which all else revolved. -
U.S.-China Relations: the Search for a New Equilibrium Ryan Hass
U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS: THE SEARCH FOR A NEW EQUILIBRIUM RYAN HASS FEBRUARY 2020 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY it did not actively seek to change the existing order on a magnitude corresponding to China’s ambitions For over 40 years following President Richard Nixon’s today, nor did it have the capabilities to do so.) Third, first tentative steps in China in 1972, the relationship China’s rise from a low-wage manufacturing hub to between the United States and the People’s Republic a technology power has introduced friction into the of China (PRC) navigated many ups and downs, but economic relationship, as both economies increasingly generally developed along a trajectory of deepening move from being complementary to competitive with social, economic, people-to-people, and diplomatic one another. And fourth, unresolved questions about ties. In recent years, that trajectory has been broken. the nature of ideological or systems competition are Now, the relationship has reached what respected fueling tensions. China scholar David M. Lampton describes as a “tipping point.”1 This paper will explore how the relationship Looking ahead, the paper argues that Washington and reached its current moment, why the relationship has Beijing each will need to take steps to allow conditions been nose-diving, and what steps the United States to emerge over time that would make possible the could take to protect its interests in its relationship emergence of a new equilibrium for the relationship. with China going forward. Such an outcome would bolster each side’s confidence in their ability to protect their own vital interests, This paper argues that neither the United States prevent a mutually harmful deterioration in relations, nor China own a monopoly of responsibility for the and enable both sides to focus more on improving downturn in relations. -
Rapprochement Between America and China During the Nixon
Bilge Strateji,Bilge Cilt Strateji, 9, Sayı Cilt16, Bahar9, Sayı 2017, 16, Bahar ss.131-147 2017 Rapprochement between America and China during the Nixon Era: A Product of Timing or the Leadership? Nixon Dönemi Amerika ve Çin Arasındaki Uzlaşma: Zamanın bir Ürünü mü yoksa Liderlik mi? Teslim: 31 Mayıs 2016 Onay: 23 Mart 2017 Ali Onur ÖZÇELİK* Abstract This article explores the rapprochement between America and China in the 1970s. By ending two-decade old antagonism and realizing the most impor- tant strategic shift of the Cold War era, both states have changed the course of the world politics since the middle of the Cold War. In elaborating one of the historical events in American foreign policy, the article seeks to find an answer for one big question: Was Nixon a unique leader to initiate the U.S. opening to China or was it purely a product of timing? The findings suggest that although timing provided important motivation for rapprochement, this had not been possible if Nixon did not show his determination. Keywords: : Rapprochement between America and China, Leadership, Re- alpolitik, American Foreign Policy. Öz Bu makale, Amerika ve Çin arasında 1970’lerdeki uzlaşmayı incelemekte- dir. Yirmi yıllık düşmanlığı sonlandıran ve Soğuk Savaş’ın en önemli strate- jik kayışını gerçekleştiren iki devlet, Soğuk Savaş’ın ortasından itibaren dünya politikasının gidişatını değiştirmiştir. Amerikan dış politikasındaki en önemli tarihi olaylardan bir tanesini ele alan bu makele, büyük bir so- ruya: Amerikanın Çin’e açılması için Nixon eşsiz bir lider miydi yoksa bu süreç tamamen zamanın bir ürünü müydü? cevap aramaktadır. Bulgular, za- manlama uzlaşma için önemli bir motivasyon sağlamasına rağmen, Nixon’ın kararlılığı olmasa bu uzlaşmanın imkansız olduğunu önermektedir. -
MAJOR DOUGLAS and the BANKS JM Pullen and GO Smith
MAJOR DOUGLAS AND THE BANKS J. M. Pullen and G. O. Smith March 1994 UNE Working Papers in Economics No. 6 Editor John Pullen Department of Economics University of New England Armidale New South Wales 2351 Australia ISBN: 1 86389 164 1 MAJOR DOUGLAS AND THE BANKS by J.M. Pullen and G.O. Smith Clifford Hugh Douglas (1879-1952), more commonly known as Major Douglas, is not regarded highly by most economists. Although he was given half a column in The New Palgrave (Clark 1987a), the standard texts in the history of economics usually either ignore him completely, or give him only a passing mention (often critical and condescending), or dismiss him as a crank, a "funny money" man, a monetary heretic, or "a religious rather than a scientific reformer" (Gaitskell 1933, p.375). There was a time, however, when Douglas’s ideas were actively discussed and enjoyed widespread popular support. His theories were propagated through his many books and articles, by his public lectures in various countries (including Australia in 1934), by his submissions to government enquiries in Canada, New Zealand and England; and by the activities of his followers in the Social Credit Movement. If Douglas is remembered at all by academic economists today, it is probably because he received two brief mentions from Keynes in the General Theory. The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether Douglas’s ideas are merely a curious aberration in the history of economics and deserve to be ignored, or whether they might have some relevance to the economic problems of today. -
T. S. Eliot's Neo-Medieval Economics Michael R. Stevens Assistant
234Journal of T.Markets S. Eliot’s & Morality Neo-Medieval 2, no. 2 (Fall 1999), Economics 234-246 Markets & Morality 235 Copyright © 1999 Center for Economic Personalism repatriate himself to Europe; like Auden, a skeptic drawn into the mystery of Christianity and the Anglican confession. What sets Eliot apart, however, is that his treatment of many socio-political issues, and especially economic issues, appears not absurd but rather, in retrospect, profound. Eliot’s thread of devel- T. S. Eliot’s Neo-Medieval Economics opment as a social commentator is also intriguing because, though his poetry remains a rather abstruse source for following his thought, another source does exist: The Criterion. This was the journal—actually subtitled A Quarterly Review— Michael R. Stevens that Eliot founded in 1922 and edited, through various permutations and cri- Assistant Professor of English ses, until he closed it down with the final issue in January 1939. Based on the Cornerstone University assumption that an editor, during this period, kept fairly strict control over choices ranging from contributors, to foreign periodicals reviewed, to the the- matic direction for the journal at large, The Criterion can be seen to serve as a progressive chronicle of Eliot’s primary concerns—both before, during, and af- ter his conversion. This becomes an unusual opportunity for exploration, and it Introduction bears much fruit. Whether poets have ever made good economists is debatable, but one would By way of preface to an investigation of the economic themes in The Crite- certainly not turn to the milieu of the 1930s if one wanted to make an argu- rion, it is important to note that Eliot’s concerns, as expressed in the journal, ment for the affirmative. -
Digital Dystopia∗
forthcoming, American Economic Review Digital Dystopia∗ Jean Tirole† December 17, 2020 Abstract: Autocratic regimes, democratic majorities, private platforms and religious or professional organizations can achieve social control by managing the flow of information about individuals' behavior. Bundling the agents' political, organizational or religious attitudes with information about their prosocial conduct makes them care about behaviors that they otherwise would not. The incorporation of the individuals' social graph in their social score further promotes soft control but destroys the social fabric. Both bundling and guilt by association are most effective in a society that has weak ties and is politically docile. Keywords: Social behavior, social score, platforms, strong and weak ties, social graph, mass surveillance, divisive issues, community enforcement. JEL numbers: D64, D80, K38. ∗This project received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (grant agreement no. 669217 - ERC MARK- LIM). Jean Tirole acknowledges funding from the French National Research Agency (ANR) under the Investments for the Future (Investissements d'Avenir) program, grant ANR-17-EURE-0010. The author gratefully acknowledges the financial support of the TSE Digital Center (the list of sponsors is available at https://www.tse-fr.eu/digital). Daron Acemoglu, Amirreza Ahmadzadeh, Roland B´enabou, Aim´e Bierdel, Erik Brynjolfsson, Sylvain Chassang, Bin Cheng, Johannes H¨orner,Paul-Henri Moisson, Charles P´ebereau, two anonymous referees, and participants at conferences (Luohan Academy conference on pri- vacy and data governance, IT & digitization and IO groups at NBER summer institute, 13th Toulouse conference on the digital economy, privacy conference at Princeton University), and at seminars at MIT, Northwestern, Tehran IAS, TSE and University of Auckland provided helpful comments. -
Transnational Neo-Nazism in the Usa, United Kingdom and Australia
TRANSNATIONAL NEO-NAZISM IN THE USA, UNITED KINGDOM AND AUSTRALIA PAUL JACKSON February 2020 JACKSON | PROGRAM ON EXTREMISM About the Program on About the Author Extremism Dr Paul Jackson is a historian of twentieth century and contemporary history, and his main teaching The Program on Extremism at George and research interests focus on understanding the Washington University provides impact of radical and extreme ideologies on wider analysis on issues related to violent and societies. Dr. Jackson’s research currently focuses non-violent extremism. The Program on the dynamics of neo-Nazi, and other, extreme spearheads innovative and thoughtful right ideologies, in Britain and Europe in the post- academic inquiry, producing empirical war period. He is also interested in researching the work that strengthens extremism longer history of radical ideologies and cultures in research as a distinct field of study. The Britain too, especially those linked in some way to Program aims to develop pragmatic the extreme right. policy solutions that resonate with Dr. Jackson’s teaching engages with wider themes policymakers, civic leaders, and the related to the history of fascism, genocide, general public. totalitarian politics and revolutionary ideologies. Dr. Jackson teaches modules on the Holocaust, as well as the history of Communism and fascism. Dr. Jackson regularly writes for the magazine Searchlight on issues related to contemporary extreme right politics. He is a co-editor of the Wiley- Blackwell journal Religion Compass: Modern Ideologies and Faith. Dr. Jackson is also the Editor of the Bloomsbury book series A Modern History of Politics and Violence. The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the author, and not necessarily those of the Program on Extremism or the George Washington University. -
Religious Beliefs and Environmental Behaviors in China
religions Article Religious Beliefs and Environmental Behaviors in China Yu Yang 1,* and Shizhi Huang 2 1 Department of Public Administration and Moral Development Institute, Southeast University, Nanjing 210096, China 2 School of Public Administration, Hohai University, Nanjing 210098, China; yzfl[email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] Received: 3 January 2018; Accepted: 5 March 2018; Published: 7 March 2018 Abstract: The role of religion in the environment has yet to be empirically investigated in the country with the largest atheist population across the globe. Using data from the Chinese General Social Survey 2013, we examined the effects of religious beliefs on environmental behaviors in China. Dependent variables of private and public environmental behaviors were identified by factor analysis. The estimation revealed a contradictory result that most religious beliefs had negative effects on private environmental behaviors while having positive effects on public environmental behaviors. The findings suggest a religion–politics interactive mechanism to enhance pro-environmental behavior in China. Keywords: private and public environmental behaviors; Chinese religions; ecological civilization; government 1. Introduction Scholarly interest in studying the role of religion in the environment has received substantial attention for the past half-century. Since historian Lynn White(1967) argued that Judeo-Christianity with a domination ethic over nature had caused the ecological crisis, the consequences of the interactions between religions and the environment have been debated quite extensively in the literature (Berry 2013). With different perspectives and technical details as well as the multidimensional nature of environmental attitudes and actions, researchers have stimulated divergent results. Some researchers have provided empirical support for White’s argument (Dunlap and Van Liere 1984; Eckberg and Blocker 1989; Sherkat and Ellison 2007), while others held evidence with contrasting results (Boyd 1999; Shibley and Wiggins 1997).