DOCSLIB.ORG

Introduction Historical Context

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Introduction Historical Context INTRODUCTION China-Africa ties have expanded beyond trade and investment in extractive industries to engagement in telecommunications, infrastructure, manufacturing, finance, media, agriculture and peace and security issues. HISTORICAL CONTEXT While not as well documented as Africa’s links with Europe, China-Africa relations date back to the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) when a series of expeditions reached East Africa under the command of Admiral Zheng He, at roughly the same time as the Portuguese were exploring Africa’s Atlantic coast. However, formal political relations were only forged during the early years of the founding of the People’s Republic of China (1949), which intersected with the first wave of African independence. The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence were originally established in 1954 by India’s prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, and the Chinese premier, Zhou Enlai. These principles rose to popularity during the 1955 Bandung Conference – which paved the way for the founding of the Non-Aligned Movement – and have become an important basis for China’s foreign policy and its relations with Africa and Asia. China’s support for Africa’s liberation also played an influential role in shaping the outcomes of newly independent states. 2015 is also 60 years since the 1955 Bandung Asian-African conference, a turning point of world history when for the first time representatives of the former colonised nations united and proposed alternatives to a world order dominated by superpowers. - Remarks by African Union Commission Chairperson, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, 30 January 2015. …The relationship between ourselves and China is founded, as the Prime Minister reminded us recently, on four basic principles: treating each other sincerely and equally; consolidating solidarity and mutual trust; jointly pursuing inclusive development; and promoting inventive practical cooperation between our countries. The Standard Gauge Railway is an especially clear application of these principles… - Remarks made by Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta during the signing of the Standard Gauge Railway Agreements, 11 May 2014 Historical Highlights 1956: Egypt was the first African country to establish official diplomatic relations with China. China currently maintains diplomatic relations with 54 African states, with Sao Tome e Principe (2016) and South Sudan (2011) being the most recent. 1971: China secured a permanent seat on the UN Security Council with support of 26 African states (34% of the General Assembly votes). 1970-75: The most celebrated Chinese development assistance project in Africa was the Tazara railway, requested by the previous Zambian president Kenneth Kuanda and his Tanzanian counterpart, Julius Nyerere. China’s ‘Opening Up and Reforms Policy’ under Deng Xiaoping was launched in late 1978, beginning a period of incremental change towards its domestic economy and producing massive development gains over the next three decades. This was followed by an African tour under Premier Zhao Ziyang during December 1982-January 1983, where the ‘Four Principles on Sino-African Economic and Technical Co-operation’ was announced, re- formulating solidarity aid to ‘mutual interest’ as the basis for economic co-operation. China’s economic involvement in Africa remained miniscule up to the mid-1990s, but this began to change with CNPC’s investment in Sudan’s oil sector in 1995. For more on historical relations see SAIIA’s 2009 China-Africa Toolkit: http://www.saiia.org.za/images/stories/research/chap/chap_toolkit_200909.pdf. CONTEMPORARY RELATIONS The Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (2000-present) The Forum on China Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) was launched in October 2000 in Beijing as a tri-annual collective dialogue platform for co-operation between China and Africa. In many ways it is an exemplary form of South-South co-operation, demonstrating the strengths of utilising an incremental and practical approach to tackling development issues of mutual concern. FOCAC has been hosted in: o 2000 – FOCAC I, Beijing, China o 2003 – FOCAC II, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia o 2006 – FOCAC III, Beijing, China (China’s first Africa Policy published) o 2009 – FOCAC IV, Sharm El Sheikh, Egypt o 2012 – FOCAC V, Beijing, China o 2015 – FOCAC VI, South Africa (China’s second Africa Policy published) o 2018 –- FOCAC VII, Beijing, China (forthcoming) Page 2 The 2012 FOCAC, convening against the backdrop of the ‘Arab Spring’ and regime change in Libya, brought home the risks to growing Chinese economic interests operating in Africa. The ministerial meeting was most notable for its promotion of a China Africa Cooperative Partnership for Peace and Security, which sought to provide financial assistance, capacity building and other forms of institutionalised support for Africa’s efforts at fostering peace and security on the continent. It reflects new thinking within Beijing, despite its official ‘non- interference’ policy, about the necessity of engaging more deeply in stability and peace building in Africa in light of difficulties experienced in a range of countries. Significantly, the African Union (AU) was made an observer of the FOCAC process during the ministerial meeting, paving the way for closer forms of collaboration across all sectors. It is Africa’s challenge to take advantage of China’s willingness to engage the continent on a range of political and economic issues. Creative interventions and creating appropriate regulatory frameworks on Africa’s part can expand and consolidate the…partnership… - China, Africa and South Africa by Garth le Pere and Garth Shelton (2007), p. 159. The most recent iteration, the sixth FOCAC, took place in Johannesburg on 4-5 December 2015, as the first summit of its kind to be hosted on African soil. It convened against the backdrop of China’s slowing economic growth and the concurrent fall in commodity prices, which have impacted negatively on bilateral trade and investment. These new realities, termed ‘the New Normal’ by President Xi Jinping, also put the tspotlight on other areas and opportunities for collaboration as opposed to the commodity fuelled growth of the past two decades. The current action plan covers a range of areas (including retained focus on energy, transport infrastructure development and trade). Interestingly, social concerns have also featured more prominently such as industrialisation, health, agriculture, people-to-people links and habitat protection and issues surrounding wildlife (see more on SAIIA’s work on the ivory trade in 2016). Still it remains to be seen the extent this recognition will translate into action. Another important landmark in South Africa-China relations was the assumption by South Africa of the Co-Chair position of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) at its 5th Ministerial Conference in Beijing in July 2012. South Africa sees China as a key partner in the implementation of some of the grandiose infrastructure and other development plans on the continent. - Media briefing remarks by Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, South Africa’s Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, 27 November 2014. The most reported outcome has been the $60 billion (R861 billion) development package pledged by President Xi to the continent. Importantly, this pledge needs to be further unpacked as it includes various kinds of support (for more on the breakdown see: Brautigam and Xue). Much of this is likely to be implemented at a bilateral level – with the particular details announced during high-level visits (like the traditional annual visit to the continent by the Chinese Foreign Minister at the beginning of each year). At the same time, China is strengthening its parallel engagement with the African Union and sub-regional organisations like the East African Community. Page 3 It is likely that FOCAC VI will give reference to new issues and circumstances, such as China’s economy’s “new normal,” the recent Ebola outbreak in parts of Africa, the changing peace and security environment, and the seriousness of the global illegal wildlife trade. Of particular interest are the actual details about how these issues will be approached and what specific links are made between them and China’s broader global initiatives. - Yu-Shan Wu, excerpt from commentary on FOCAC VI, ‘The China Africa Relationship: Crossroads or Cliff?’, China File, 24 November 2015. Read more on FOCAC: Background and 2015 Focus Priorities; China-Africa: a maturing relationship? Growth, change and resilience. China’s Evolving Engagement: the global financial crisis and beyond For Africa, an important marker of the transformation from a ‘Northern’ dominated world to the rise of emerging powers was the global financial crisis which began in late 2008. The ability of the Chinese economy to weather the crisis, in contrast with the negative impact on the European and US economies, marked a fundamental shift in favour of leading developing countries like China. African countries have sought to emulate China’s ‘development lessons’ and integrate these ideas into their own national planning programmes. China is increasingly replacing the West as the new face of globalisation in Africa. - China in Africa (2007), Chris Alden p. 129. With the onset of a new generation of Chinese leadership in 2012, Xi Jinping sought to articulate foreign and economic policies commensurate with China’s global status. This focused initially on the promotion of a ‘China dream’ that would resonate with other, particularly developing-world societies, and was coupled
Load more

Recommended publications
  • China's Global Media Footprint
    February 2021 SHARP POWER AND DEMOCRATIC RESILIENCE SERIES China’s Global Media Footprint Democratic Responses to Expanding Authoritarian Influence by Sarah Cook ABOUT THE SHARP POWER AND DEMOCRATIC RESILIENCE SERIES As globalization deepens integration between democracies and autocracies, the compromising effects of sharp power—which impairs free expression, neutralizes independent institutions, and distorts the political environment—have grown apparent across crucial sectors of open societies. The Sharp Power and Democratic Resilience series is an effort to systematically analyze the ways in which leading authoritarian regimes seek to manipulate the political landscape and censor independent expression within democratic settings, and to highlight potential civil society responses. This initiative examines emerging issues in four crucial arenas relating to the integrity and vibrancy of democratic systems: • Challenges to free expression and the integrity of the media and information space • Threats to intellectual inquiry • Contestation over the principles that govern technology • Leverage of state-driven capital for political and often corrosive purposes The present era of authoritarian resurgence is taking place during a protracted global democratic downturn that has degraded the confidence of democracies. The leading authoritarians are ABOUT THE AUTHOR challenging democracy at the level of ideas, principles, and Sarah Cook is research director for China, Hong Kong, and standards, but only one side seems to be seriously competing Taiwan at Freedom House. She directs the China Media in the contest. Bulletin, a monthly digest in English and Chinese providing news and analysis on media freedom developments related Global interdependence has presented complications distinct to China. Cook is the author of several Asian country from those of the Cold War era, which did not afford authoritarian reports for Freedom House’s annual publications, as regimes so many opportunities for action within democracies.
    [Show full text]
  • Natural Resources and Conflict in Africa: the Rt Agedy of Endowment Nurudeen Akinyemi Kennesaw State University, [email protected]
    Journal of Global Initiatives: Policy, Pedagogy, Perspective Volume 3 Article 10 Number 2 Globalization and the Unending Frontier June 2010 Book Review: Natural Resources and Conflict in Africa: The rT agedy of Endowment Nurudeen Akinyemi Kennesaw State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/jgi This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. Recommended Citation Akinyemi, Nurudeen (2010) "Book Review: Natural Resources and Conflict in Africa: The rT agedy of Endowment," Journal of Global Initiatives: Policy, Pedagogy, Perspective: Vol. 3 : No. 2 , Article 10. Available at: https://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/jgi/vol3/iss2/10 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Global Initiatives: Policy, Pedagogy, Perspective by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Journal for Global Initiatives 3(2) (2008). pp. 219-223 BOOK REVIEW Abiodun Alao, Natural Resources and Conflict in Africa: The Tragedy ofEndowment. Rochester, NY: University ofRochester Press, 2007. Nurudeen Akinyemi, Kennesaw State University In this book, Abiodun Alao explored the relationship between natural resources and conflicts in resource rich African countries. The fact that several domestic conflicts on the African continent have been associated in one way or the other with competition over the control ofnatural resources, have given some credence to the popular notion of a "resource curse" on resource rich African countries. The assumption, specifically, is that the mere existence of a valuable and highly sought after natural resource, is enough to trigger and perpetuate violent conflicts in African countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics and Development of Contemporary China
    Politics and Development of Contemporary China Series Editors Kevin G. Cai University of Waterloo Renison University College Waterloo, ON, Canada Pan Guang Shanghai Center for International Studies Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Shanghai, China Daniel C. Lynch School of International Relations University of Southern California Los Angeles, CA, USA As China’s power grows, the search has begun in earnest for what superpower status will mean for the People’s Republic of China as a nation as well as the impact of its new-found influence on the Asia-Pacific region and the global international order at large. By providing a venue for exciting and ground-breaking titles, the aim of this series is to explore the domestic and international implications of China’s rise and transformation through a number of key areas including politics, development and foreign policy. The series will also give a strong voice to non-western perspectives on China’s rise in order to provide a forum that connects and compares the views of academics from both the east and west reflecting the truly international nature of the discipline. More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14541 Olayiwola Abegunrin • Charity Manyeruke China’s Power in Africa A New Global Order Olayiwola Abegunrin Charity Manyeruke Howard University and University of Zimbabwe University of Maryland Harare, Zimbabwe Hyattsville, MD, USA Politics and Development of Contemporary China ISBN 978-3-030-21993-2 ISBN 978-3-030-21994-9 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21994-9 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 This work is subject to copyright.
    [Show full text]
  • Double Taxation Treaty Between Ireland and the Republic of South Africa
    Double Taxation Treaty between Ireland and South Africa The Government of Ireland and the Government of the Republic of South Africa, desiring to conclude a Convention for the avoidance of double taxation and the prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on income and capital gains and to promote and strengthen the economic relations between the two countries, Have agreed as follows: 1 Article 1 Persons Covered This Convention shall apply to persons who are residents of one or both of the Contracting States. 2 Article 2 Taxes Covered 1. This Convention shall apply to taxes on income and capital gains imposed on behalf of a Contracting State or of its political subdivisions, irrespective of the manner in which they are levied. 2. There shall be regarded as taxes on income and capital gains all taxes imposed on total income, or on elements of income, including taxes on gains from the alienation of movable or immovable property. 3. The existing taxes to which this Convention shall apply are: a. in Ireland: i. the income tax; ii. the corporation tax;and iii. the capital gains tax;(hereinafter referred to as "Irish tax"); and b. in South Africa: i. the normal tax; and ii. the secondary tax on companies;(hereinafter referred to as "South African tax"). 4. The Convention shall apply also to any identical or substantially similar taxes which are imposed by either Contracting State after the date of signature of the Convention in addition to, or in place of, the existing taxes. The competent authorities of the Contracting States shall notify each other of any significant changes which have been made in their respective taxation laws.
    [Show full text]
  • Sierra Leone and Conflict Diamonds: Establshing a Legal Diamond Trade and Ending Rebel Control Over the Country's Diamond Resources
    SIERRA LEONE AND CONFLICT DIAMONDS: ESTABLSHING A LEGAL DIAMOND TRADE AND ENDING REBEL CONTROL OVER THE COUNTRY'S DIAMOND RESOURCES "Controlof resourceshas greaterweight than uniform administrativecontrol over one's entire comer of the world, especially in places such as Sierra Leone where valuable resources are concentratedand portable.' I. INTRODUCTION Sierra Leone2 is in the midst of a civil war that began in 1991, when the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) invaded the country from neighboring Liberia.3 RUF rebels immediately sought control over one of the country's richest resources--diamonds.4 Since gaining control over the most productive diamond fields, the rebels have at their fingertips an endless supply of wealth with which to fund their insurgencies against the Government of Sierra Leone.' The RUF rebels illicitly trade diamonds for arms in open smuggling operations. 6 Diamonds sold by the RUF, in order to fund the rebel group's military action in opposition to Sierra Leone's legitimate and internationally recognized government, are called "conflict diamonds."7 1. WIulIAM RENO, WARLORD POLITICS AND AFRICAN STATES 140 (1998). 2. Sierra Leone is located on the west coast of Africa north of Liberia and south of Guinea. The country has 4,900,000 residents, almost all of whom belong to one of 13 native African tribes. Country: Sierra Leone, Sept. 3,2000, availableat LEXIS, Kaleidoscope File. One of the primary economic activities in Sierra Leone is mining of its large diamond deposits that are a major source of hard currency. Countries that predominantly import goods from Sierra Leone include Belgium, the United States, and India.
    [Show full text]
  • Religion in China BKGA 85 Religion Inchina and Bernhard Scheid Edited by Max Deeg Major Concepts and Minority Positions MAX DEEG, BERNHARD SCHEID (EDS.)
    Religions of foreign origin have shaped Chinese cultural history much stronger than generally assumed and continue to have impact on Chinese society in varying regional degrees. The essays collected in the present volume put a special emphasis on these “foreign” and less familiar aspects of Chinese religion. Apart from an introductory article on Daoism (the BKGA 85 BKGA Religion in China proto­typical autochthonous religion of China), the volume reflects China’s encounter with religions of the so-called Western Regions, starting from the adoption of Indian Buddhism to early settlements of religious minorities from the Near East (Islam, Christianity, and Judaism) and the early modern debates between Confucians and Christian missionaries. Contemporary Major Concepts and religious minorities, their specific social problems, and their regional diversities are discussed in the cases of Abrahamitic traditions in China. The volume therefore contributes to our understanding of most recent and Minority Positions potentially violent religio-political phenomena such as, for instance, Islamist movements in the People’s Republic of China. Religion in China Religion ∙ Max DEEG is Professor of Buddhist Studies at the University of Cardiff. His research interests include in particular Buddhist narratives and their roles for the construction of identity in premodern Buddhist communities. Bernhard SCHEID is a senior research fellow at the Austrian Academy of Sciences. His research focuses on the history of Japanese religions and the interaction of Buddhism with local religions, in particular with Japanese Shintō. Max Deeg, Bernhard Scheid (eds.) Deeg, Max Bernhard ISBN 978-3-7001-7759-3 Edited by Max Deeg and Bernhard Scheid Printed and bound in the EU SBph 862 MAX DEEG, BERNHARD SCHEID (EDS.) RELIGION IN CHINA: MAJOR CONCEPTS AND MINORITY POSITIONS ÖSTERREICHISCHE AKADEMIE DER WISSENSCHAFTEN PHILOSOPHISCH-HISTORISCHE KLASSE SITZUNGSBERICHTE, 862.
    [Show full text]
  • A Report on the Mapping Study of Peace & Security Engagement In
    A Report on the Mapping Study of Peace & Security Engagement in African Tertiary Institutions Written by Funmi E. Vogt This project was funded through the support of the Carnegie Corporation About the African Leadership Centre In July 2008, King’s College London through the Conflict, Security and Development group (CSDG), established the African Leadership Centre (ALC). In June 2010, the ALC was officially launched in Nairobi, Kenya, as a joint initiative of King’s College London and the University of Nairobi. The ALC aims to build the next generation of scholars and analysts on peace, security and development. The idea of an African Leadership Centre was conceived to generate innovative ways to address some of the challenges faced on the African continent, by a new generation of “home‐grown” talent. The ALC provides mentoring to the next generation of African leaders and facilitates their participation in national, regional and international efforts to achieve transformative change in Africa, and is guided by the following principles: a) To foster African‐led ideas and processes of change b) To encourage diversity in terms of gender, region, class and beliefs c) To provide the right environment for independent thinking d) Recognition of youth agency e) Pursuit of excellence f) Integrity The African Leadership Centre mentors young Africans with the potential to lead innovative change in their communities, countries and across the continent. The Centre links academia and the real world of policy and practice, and aims to build a network of people who are committed to the issue of Peace and Security on the continent of Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • ICS South Africa
    Integrated Country Strategy South Africa FOR PUBLIC RELEASE FOR PUBLIC RELEASE Table of Contents 1. Chief of Mission Priorities ................................................................................................................ 2 2. Mission Strategic Framework .......................................................................................................... 4 3. Mission Goals and Objectives .......................................................................................................... 6 4. Management Objectives ................................................................................................................ 12 FOR PUBLIC RELEASE Approved: August 22, 2018 1 FOR PUBLIC RELEASE 1. Chief of Mission Priorities There are tremendous opportunities to broaden U.S. engagement in South Africa which stand to benefit both countries. Over 600 U.S. companies already operate in South Africa, some for over 100 years; furthermore, many of them use South Africa as a platform for operations and a springboard for expansion into the rest of Africa. South Africa is therefore the single most critical market hub to a population expecting to double to two billion people in the next 30 years. While some resentment of the United States continues from the apartheid era, there is also recognition of American activism that helped end apartheid. In polls, the United States is seen very favorably by every day South Africans, who respond positively to American politics, culture, and goods. South Africa’s economy is the most
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey and China
    TURKEY AND CHINA MEHMET ÖGÜTÇÜ I. INTRODUCTION The world is waking up to the fact that China is becoming a new economic superpower. In just one and a half decades, China has transformed itself from a dormant, introspective giant into a dynamic powerhouse of major significance to the world economy. It currently provides the only major, rapidly growing economy in an otherwise recession-hit world. Western exporters, multinationals and emerging market investors are looking to China almost as if it were a new El Dorado. The strategic centre of gravity is also shifting towards China and other dynamic Asia-Pacific nations, bringing about fundamental changes in traditional balance-of-power equations. Geographically, this 'Rising East'1 encompasses a vast triangle that extends from the Russian far east and Korea in the northeast, to Australia in the south and Pakistan in the west. It seems that the twenty-first century will be shaped by new racial and cultural forces. For several hundred years, the world has been dominated by white Europeans and Americans who hold to Judaeo-Christian traditions and they will soon be obliged to accept as equals yellow and brown Asians who adhere to the tenets of Buddhism, Confucianism, Hinduism and Islam. In the next twenty years, Asia, currently home to more than half the world population, will most likely have five of the world's six largest economies, the US being the other. China has emerged as the rising star of the entire region, economically and politically. In ancient times, so strong was China that its people became accustomed to thinking of their country as the Middle Kingdom or Zhungguo, the centre around which all else revolved.
    [Show full text]
  • A Truth Commission for East Timor: Lessons from South Africa?
    04 Jenkins (JG/d) 6/11/02 11:41 am Page 233 © 2002 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS A TRUTH COMMISSION FOR EAST TIMOR: LESSONS FROM SOUTH AFRICA? Catherine Jenkins* ABSTRACT East Timor finally became an independent state on 20 May this year. In its continuing quest for justice for the victims of the many human rights violations that took place during the period of the Indonesian occupation, it has pressed its claim for an inter- national criminal tribunal and for criminal trials both in Indonesia and in East Timor itself. It has also established a Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation, which has recently begun work. This paper considers what the East Timorese Com- mission can hope to achieve and examines whether any lessons should be drawn by it from the experience of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission. 1 INTRODUCTION At the end of May 2001, Thabo Mbeki, President of the Republic of South Africa, announced that the South African Truth & Reconciliation Commission [‘TRC’], established in 1995, would finally close its doors.1 A few days later, the results of a survey of 3,727 South Africans carried out by a Cape Town NGO2 revealed that 81 per cent of black South Africans had never eaten a meal with a white person; that 56 per cent of black South Africans thought whites were untrustworthy; and that just over half of black South Africans found it hard to imagine being friends with a white person. Truth and reconciliation commissions are now often proposed in con- nection with ‘nation-building’ projects, yet the results of this South African survey seem to suggest that some caution or circumspection may be appropriate.
    [Show full text]
  • Residence and Visa Program
    Malta Residence and Visa Program Malta has been a member of the European Union (EU) The Malta Residence and Visa Program (MRVP) was since 2004 and is a stable, neutral and highly respected implemented in 2015 under the Immigration Act (Cap. 217). country. Located in the middle of the Mediterranean Sea, The legal basis regarding the MRVP is contained in the the Maltese archipelago has risen to be one of Europe’s Malta Residence and Visa Program Regulations, 2015. leading investment locations, driven by its reputation for These Regulations allow duly qualified, reputable third stability, predictability and security. This has made Malta country nationals (non EU, EEA or Swiss nationals) and stand out among other global business and financial their families, who make a contribution to the economic centers. The island nation comprises of three islands: development of Malta, to be granted a Maltese Residence Malta, Gozo and Comino, with a total population of over Permit, allowing the individuals the right to reside, settle 400,000 inhabitants occupying an area of 316 km2. The and stay indefinitely in Malta, with free movement of travel national language is Maltese but the official languages of within the Schengen area. the country are both Maltese and English. Malta boasts an excellent climate, friendly people and a low crime rate. Requirements and are not married. Additionally, parents or grandparents of the main applicant or their spouse may also be included The main applicant must be at least 18 years of age to qualify in the application as dependents if they are not economically and must provide an affidavit declaring that from the date active and are principally dependent on the main applicant.
    [Show full text]
  • Militancy and Violence in West Africa: Reflecting on Radicalisation, Comparing Contexts and Evaluating Effectiveness of Preventive Policies
    1 Militancy and violence in West Africa: reflecting on radicalisation, comparing contexts and evaluating effectiveness of preventive policies ’Funmi Olonisakin, Ismail Rashid and James Gow By 2000, ‘radicalisation’ had become a major global issue. Although ‘9/11’ was still a year away, the American Embassies in East Africa had been bombed in 1998 and violent conflicts simmered in many parts of the world. At just about the same time, bitter civil wars, resource-centred conflicts and intra- ethnic strife raged in West Africa. Against the background of research being undertaken at King’s College London,1 the mutually reinforcing links between ‘radicalisation’ and ‘violence’ (potentially sensitive terms, discussed below) in West Africa became clearly obvious and a successful application to investigate this was submitted to the UK Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC).2 This Special Issue contains articles emerging from that work, with a set of country studies complemented by overarching synthetic analysis. ’Funmi Olonisakin is Director of the African Leadership Centre and Conflict, Security and Development Group, King’s College London. She is Research Associate with the Department of Political Science, University of Pretoria. She previously worked in the Office of the UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Children and Armed Conflict. Ismail Rashid, a Sierra Leonean, is a Professor of History at Vassar College. He received his PhD in African History from McGill University. He is currently completing an anthology (with Sylvia Macaulay) tentatively titled, The ‘Province of Freedom’ at Fifty: Paradoxes of History and Memory in Post-colonial Sierra Leone (forthcoming 2013). James Gow is Professor of International Peace and Security and Co-Director of the War Crimes Research Group, King’s College London.
    [Show full text]