Appendix 1 Timeline

I cite here key dates in Jane Eyre (in bold type) and of events and texts referred to in my reading.

1790 publication of Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France; Mary Wollstonecraft, A Vindication of the Rightsof Men;and Thomas Paine, The Rightsof Man 1791 Declaration of the Rights of Man and of Citizens by the National Assembly of France 1792 birth of Bertha Mason 1797 birth of Edward Fairfax Rochester 1804 birth of St John Rivers Republic of Haiti established after protracted revolutionary struggle (1791–1804) 1807 abolition of the British slave trade 1808 birth of Blanche Ingram 1810 birth of John Reed 1813 missionary work in India authorisedbyBritishparliament 1814 birth of Jane Eyre 1816 birth of Charlotte Brontë 1819 Rochester and Bertha Mason marry 1821/2 Miss Cooke establishes female schools in Calcutta May 1823 British parliamentary debate on the abolition of slavery, a debate blamed by planters and the West India lobby for West Indian slave rebellions in 1823–24 amelioration measures recommended to colonies using slave labour July 1823 rebellious conspiracy Jamaica August 1823 Demerara rebellion December 1823 rebellious conspiracy Jamaica 1824 Rochester imprisons Bertha October 1824 Jane locked in red room 19 January 1825 Jane arrives at Lowood 1824/25 birth of Adèle Varens 1825 publication of William Thompson, Appeal of One Half the Human Race, Women, Againstthe Pretensions of the Other Half, Men, toRetain Them in Political, and Thence in Civil and DomesticSlavery 1826 an Act to alter and amend the Slave Law passed in Jamaica

127 128 Appendix 1

1827 the Act is disallowedby GeorgeIV 1830 revolution in Paris proclamation of Belgian independence 1831 revolution in Brazil October 1831 Bristol riots c. 27 December 1831–5 Sam Sharpe’s Rebellion, Jamaica (also known as January 1832 the Baptist War) 3 January 1832 Baptist missionary William Knibb arrested 7 February 1832William Knibb’schapel at Falmouthburned chapels burned this day and the next 1832 planter rebellion, Jamaica insurrection in Italy successful passageof the Reform Act in Britain October 1832 Jane arrives at Thornfield Hall December 1832 Sir George Lynn elected member for Millcote in first reform parliament 14 December 1832 Sheffield Massacre January 1833 Jane meets Rochester in the lane assembly of first reform parliament in Britain April 1833 Richard Mason visits Thornfield Hall 1 May 1833 Jane returns to Gateshead 12 June 1833 British House of Commons passes a bill for the abolition of slavery in the West Indies and Mauritius July 1833 Jane leaves Thornfield Hall after Rochester’s bigamous plan is exposed India Charter Act renewedbyBritishparliament Autumn 1833 Bertha Mason dies late October/early November 1833 posthumous publication of Sir Walter Scott’s Marmion in The Poetical Works of Sir Walter Scottt, editedbyJ.G. Lockhart. 5 November 1833 St John gives Jane a copy of Marmion 1 June 1834 Jane returns to Thornfield Hall 1834slavery abolished in Antigua and Bermuda slavery replacedby an apprenticeship system in other West Indian colonies and Mauritius 1 August 1838 emancipation of apprentices in the West Indies and Mauritius 1839 publication of Sarah Lewis, Woman’s Mission 1844 publication of Ann Richelieu Lamb, Can Woman Regenerate Society? 1847 publication of Jane Eyre February 1848 Jane Eyre or The Secrets of Thornfield Manorr,by John Courtney, performed at the Victoria Theatre, London revolution in France Appendix 1 129

10April 1848 Chartist march in London December 1848 Elizabeth Rigby reviews Jane Eyre in the Quarterly Review 1859 publication of Cousin Stella; or Conflictt, by Henrietta Camilla Jenkin centenary of the birth of William Wilberforce twenty-fifth anniversary of the coming into effect of the Emancipation Act Notes

Introduction

1. Williams worked for the novel’s publisher, Smith, Elder, and Company. 2. The blurb for a new book, in press at the time of my writing, The Worlding Project promises to entrench a different concept of worlding again. Rob Wilson and Christopher Lee Connery announce the edited collection as a ‘manifesto that aims to redefine the aesthetics and politics of postcolonial globalization with alternative forms and frames of global becoming’. ‘The book posits that world literature, cultural studies, anddisciplinary practices must be “worlded” into expressions from disparate critical angles of vision, multiple frameworks, and field practices as yet emerging or unidentified.’ 3. Parry cites scholarship by Jenny Sharpe, Suvendrini Perera, Susan Meyer, Carl Plasa, and Marcus Wood, all of whom have worked in the wake of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s essay ‘Three Women’s Texts and a Critique of Imperi- alism’.In Culture and Imperialism, Said urges a contrapuntal reading practice which involves ‘a simultaneous awareness both of the metropolitan history that is narrated and of those other histories against which (and together with which) the dominating discourse acts’(59). 4. In a very recent edition of Jane Eyre Shuttleworth comments that an 1808 date ‘would seem to be out of keeping with other evidence for textual dating which would place the novel more in the 1820s and 1830s’(Explanatory Notes 483). 5. One contemporary reviewer, the critic for the church magazine the Guardian, comments on the likely date of the gift:

We learn in vol. iii, p.143,that ‘Marmion’has just been published—this fixes the date of our story at the year 1808—and in vol. i, p. 30, (ten years before that date) we have a recollection of a nursemaid singing, ‘In the dayswhen we went gipsying,along time ago,’ which makes a considerable impression on little Jane. We had no idea that this song was a child of the last century. And in vol. ii, p. 170, (about 1808 again) we hear of an empty- headed,cold-hearted, uncharitable young lady,whoregardstherubric as the ‘great attraction’ of the Prayer book, and is a ‘rigid formalist in matters of religion,’ and afterwards turns Romanist. We should have thought that, in those days, such mindsashers would have taken an opposite course. We fear, too, that a ‘Saints-day service at the New Church’ (p. 175) was not then to be met with. (717)

6. A 2003 stoush in the premier journal Victorian Studies attests to what is at stake for some in readings of racialization in Jane Eyre. Erin O’Connor pathologizes, indeed pillories, the emergence and scope of postcolonial literary history, what she terms an ‘ethnohistory’ (243,n.4)‘predicated on the fantastic reach of marginal details’ (227). This ethnohistory characteristically inflates ‘a

130 Notes 131

minor, undevelopedplot line’(225), ‘marginal ethnic characters or passing mentions of imported things’ (226) which in the interest of scholarly rigour and proper professional training need to be put back in their place, shrunk to their true scale within the text. O’Connor’s polemical mapping of the reach of postcolonial literary history is roundly and cogently criticized by Patrick Brantlinger and Deirdre David in a later issue of Victorian Studies. 7. FleemingJenkin (1833–1885) was the inventor of telpherage and advances in underwater telegraph technology. At his death he was Professor of Engin- eering at Edinburgh University.Fleeming Jenkin’s recent biographers Gillian Cookson and Colin A. Hempstead note that

Stevenson, in an uncharacteristically critical passagewhere he tried to account for the tendency towards liberalism [in Fleeming Jenkin] which he, Stevenson, considered illogical, placed the blame for this and other short- comingsonJenkin’s mother, ‘an imperious drawing-room queen’.Thus Jenkin inherited her faults: ‘generous, excessive, enthusiastic, external; catching ideas, brandishing them when caught ready at fifteen to correct a consul, ready at fifty to explain to any artist his own art’. And while Jenkin was meticulous in his work, ‘his thoroughness was not that of the patient scholar, but of an untrained woman with fits of passionate study’. (144)

Shirley Foster argues that Gaskell ‘was always anxious to helpother women writers’(3). With Gaskell’s help Jenkin placed two stories (‘Coralie’ and‘The Child-Seer’) with Household Words in 1855 and Cousin Stella with Smith,Elder, in 1859. Vineta Colby describes Jenkin as one of Lee’s ‘surrogate mother figures’ (14). She gives some detail of Jenkin’s relationships with Giovanni Ruffini and his brother Agostino Ruffini (15). Shafquat Towheed provides the fullest account of Jenkin’s relationship with Lee (203–12). In the entry on Jenkin in The Longman Companion toVictorian Fiction John Sutherland conflates her output with that of Cecilia G. Jenkin. The error was revealed by my consulting TheArchives of Richard Bentley and Son, 1829–1898. 8. Henrietta Camilla Jackson married Charles Jenkin,amidshipman in the British navy,in1832. In the mid-1840s he rose to the rank of Commander, but was ‘superseded,and could never again obtain employment’(Stevenson).

1 Christianity and the state of slavery

1. Editors of Jane Eyre typically suggest that Jane is referring to the reformist Chartist Movement, whose People’sCharter was published in 1838and presented as a petition to the House of Commons in 1839. That the charter is spelled with a capital C in the manuscript is taken as confirmation of this interpretation (see, for instance, Ian Jack 328 and Shuttleworth 475). Charters are also, however, legal instruments of imperial governance. In debates over West Indian slavery in the early 1830s, Peter Borthwick, a pro- slavery speaker, urged that ‘the planters are bound by the charter of King GeorgeIIof 1754 to cultivate their land with slaves’ (‘First Meeting’). Here 132 Notes

Ipursue the implications of a dating I first outlined in 1999 in ‘Tropical Extravagance’ 8–9. 2. Catherine Hall has recently highlightedhis missionary work in White, Male and MiddleClass and in Civilising Subjects. 3. Secretary Stanley, Circular despatch to the Governors of his Majesty’s Colo- nial Possessions, 13June1833, Great Britain, Papers Relating to the Abolition of Slavery 15. 4. Great Britain, Hansard (17 July1833): 799. The term ‘domestic slavery’ was usedbyCharles Grant. 5. Hansard (17 July1833): 798. 6. Great Britain, Minutes of Evidence ,Appendix K: 579. 7. Great Britain, An Act for effecting an Arrangement with the East India Company [28 Aug.1833], Statutes 444. 8. Hansard (17 July 1833): 799. 9. See, for instance, Sutherland 427–37. 10. Jane Jack and Margaret Smith, for instance, concur with this view, attrib- uting Brontë’sapparent inconsistencies to historical‘allusions to whose chronological significance she is unlikely to have given thought’ (610), and commenting that ‘it is clear that the action is set thirty or fortyyears before the time of publication, and that further precision is no part of Charlotte Brontë’s purpose’(611).Shuttleworth,who has recently revised Smith’s notes to the Oxford World’s Classics edition of Jane Eyre, notes that the 1808 publication date of Marmion ‘would seem to be out of keeping with other evidence for textual dating which would place the novel more in the 1820s and 1830s. There was, however, a new edition, with an introduction by Scott in 1830’ (Explanatory Notes 483). The evidence for an 1820s and 1830s setting which she cites is not drawn from imperial or colonial history. 11. Jane’s intervention in the debate over Scott is more fully evident in the passageasawhole: she describes the ‘new publication’ as

one of those genuine productions so often vouchsafed to the fortu- nate public of those days—the golden age of modern literature. Alas! the readers of our era are less favoured. But, courage! I will not pause either to accrue or repine. I know poetry is not dead, nor genius lost; nor has Mammon gainedpower over either, to bind or slay; they will both assert their existence, their presence, their liberty, and strength again one day. Powerful angels, safe in heaven! they smile when sordid souls triumph, and feeble ones weep over their destruc- tion. Poetry destroyed. Genius banished? No! Mediocrity, no: donot let envyprompt you to the thought. No; they not only live, but reign, and redeem: and without their divine influence spread every- where, you would be in hell—the hell of your own meanness. (370; vol. 3, ch. 6)

Jane alludes here to Lord Byron’s attack on Scott in ‘English Bardsand Scotch Reviewers’ (1809), in which he complains that contemporary taste favours ‘Pseudo-bards’ idolized by ‘[e]ach country Book-club’ after ‘lawful Genius’ had been hurled ‘from the throne’. He represents Scott’s receipt of 1000 Notes 133

pounds for Marmion from his publishers as symptomatic ‘[of] prostituted Muse andhireling bard’:

When the sons of song descend to trade, Their bays are sear, their former laurels fade. Let such forego the poet’s sacred name, Who rack their brains for lucre, not for fame, Still for stern Mammon may they toil in vain! And sadly gaze on Gold they cannot gain! Suchbetheir meed, such still the just reward Of prostituted Muse and hireling bard! For this we spurn Apollo’s venal son, Andbid a long, ‘Good-night to Marmion.’(Complete Poetical Works, Vol. 1:233–34)

Jane counters Byron’snegativity about Scott, Marmion, and the general decline of poetic genius since the days of Milton, Dryden, and Pope. Lock- hart’s edition of the poem for Cadell includes Scott’s 1830 Introduction to Marmion in which he defends himself against Byron’s charges. Lockhart includes a footnote in which Byron’s characterization of Scott in ‘English Bardsand Scotch Reviewers’ is cited at length. On 10 November 1833 the recent publication of Marmion in the Poetical Works series was announced in the ‘Literary Notices and Varieties’ column of the LeedsIntelligencer and Yorkshire General Advertiser.‘[S]ocheap an edition’,thecolumn noted, ‘places the work within the reach of very moderate means’ (‘Literary Notices’ 4). Jane’s praise of this edition as a ‘genuine’ production extends to the quality of Cadell’s publishing enterprise and its commemoration of Scott’s genius. 12. ‘Mr Thompson’s Anti-Slavery Lectures’, LeedsIntelligencer (24 January 1833): 3. 13. Great Britain, Parliamentary Debates, n.s., 9, 274–5. 14. Great Britain, Parliamentary Debates, n.s., 9, 279. 15.Inaddition to the Demerara rebellion in 1823, there were three small rebellions in Jamaica in 1823–24; slave unrest in Trinidad and Dominica was reported in the British press (‘Foreign Intelligence’, LeedsIntelligencer 1 January 1824: 2–3, 12 February 1824: 2). The declaration of martial law in Dominica was mentioned. 16. The quotation is from a letter to the editor, John Bull (13 April 1823): 118. 17. See the letters to theeditor of JohnBull on 24 August 1823:269and 5 October 1823: 317. 18. Mirabeau’s question was cited by George Canning in the House of Commons. Parliamentary Debates n.s., 11, 1286. (British writers of the period usually termed St Domingo the island divided as St Domingue – Haiti – and the Spanish colony of St Domingo.) 19. Lockhart comments on the controversy in Review 515–17. The ‘conspiracies’ were discovered in the parishes of St Mary,StJames, St George, and Hanover. No white people were physically harmed; some of the charges made reference to slaves ‘imagining the death’ of white Jamaicans. See, for instance, Great Britain, Papers Relating to Slaves in the West Indies 1822–24, 128. 134 Notes

20. Susan L. Meyer notes that tropical storms are usedbywriters like Monk Lewis, Harriet Martineau, and Charlotte Brontë (in ‘Well, hereIamatRoe Head’ and Villette, rather than Jane Eyre) to figure rebellion by or among black people( Imperialism at Home 60–1). 21. Knibb was reported in the LeedsIntelligencer on7February 1833 as having posed the ‘question, whether the banner of Christianity should be struck to the Moloch of slavery, or that accursed system should be overwhelmed’ (‘Baptist Missions’).Christopher Heywoodhas shown how Charlotte Brontë in Jane Eyre and Emily Brontë in Wuthering Heights worked, like many abol- itionist writers, to identify ‘the names and localities of the English families withplantation links’(‘Yorkshire Slavery’ 187),whose wealth was based on the use of slave labour in the colonies. In a later article he points out that they ‘were constrained partly by the confidentiality expected of the clergy and their families, partly by their contrasted temperaments, and partly by the difficulty that by the time they wrote their novels, the problems they exploredhadbeen resolved at Parliamentary level.Intheir hands, slavery became a metaphor for disorders of mind and society’ (‘Yorkshire Landscapes’ 24–5). 22. Marcus Wood asserts that ‘Rochester must finally assume the role of the widow as voluntarily sacrificial victim at the novel’s close, in order to pass into the form of suffering slave surrogate.’ To sustain this line of argument, however, herepresents Rochester’s attempt to save Berthaasachoice ‘to dive into the conflagration’, an attempted ‘self-immolation’, a reading not supported by the text (342). The innkeeper who tells Jane about the fire mentions that Rochester personally ‘helped’ the servants sleeping in the ‘attics’ escape the fire, and then ‘went back to get his mad wife out of her cell’( JE 428; vol. 3,ch.10). Wood also reads Rochester’s ‘cicatrized visage’ (436; vol. 3, ch. 11) as a sign that he is now ‘a generalized African slave victim’ with features comparable to ‘any other African or Caribbean slave with tribal markings’(344).The OED reference for ‘cicatrice’ that Wood gives in support of this view is not contemporaneous with the novel, however; it is from Livingstone’s 1865 Narrative of an Expedition to the Zambesi and its Tributaries. 23. See, for instance, editorials on 23 October 1823, 22 April 1824, 10 June 1824, 1 March 1832, and 8 March 1832. 24. Lockhart was one of Charlotte Brontë’s favourite authors, but his political commentary which I discuss in this chapter was published anonymously. The attributions of authorship of anonymouslypublished articles in Blackwood’s Magazine and Quarterly Review to Lockhart are made in the Wellesley Index to Victorian Periodicals, Vol. 1, ed.Walter Houghton. 25. John Bull, November 1824, 364. George Stephen remembers of the anti- slavery campaign: ‘The pulpits, too, were closed, the clergy, excepting those of the evangelical class, taking their cue from the episcopal bench’ (117). 26.Editorial, Leeds Intelligencer and Yorkshire General Advertiserr, 23 October 1823: 3. 27. The quotation is from a speech Knibb gave at Exeter Hall in London on 15 August 1832. 28. The quotation is from a speech Knibb gave on 21 June 1832, as reported in the Patriot. Notes 135

29. In a breezy summary of Jane Eyre in an 1847 letterhe does not fulminate against Brontë’s representation of Bertha as a colonial monster. He writes of her as ‘a concealed mad wife’, and of Jane taking ‘that awful lady’s place’ in marrying Rochester (qtd.inAllott 82). 30. Parliamentary Debates, n.s., 11, 998. 31. On his political career see Sue Thomas, ‘James Potter Lockhart and the “Letter of the Law”’. 32. Ellen Nussey reminisces about Charlotte Brontë at Roe Head School: ‘I must not forget to state that no girl in the school was equal to Charlotte in Sunday lessons. Her acquaintance with Holy Writ surpassed all others in this as in everything else. She was very familiar with all the sublimest passages, especially those in Isaiah,inwhich she took great delight’(qtd. in Wise and Symington 99; vol. 1). These reminiscences were first published in Scribner’s Monthly in 1871. 33. ‘Foreignand Domestic. TheSlave Insurrection in Jamaica’, LeedsIntelligencer (1 March 1832):2. 34. See, for instance, Lockhart 71, pt. 3; 653, pt. 2; Bryant vi; JohnBull 27Oct. 1823: 340; Edwards2:82. 35. ‘Indian’ in this context is a general term, applicabletoeither the West or the East Indies, not a reference to the colony of India (OED).InVillette Brontë has Lucy Snowe refer to Guadelope as ‘an Indian isle’ (594). Not recognizing this usage, Marcus Wood urges that Bertha ‘is not simply like Messalina but, in a strange conflation of classical Roman debauchery and fantastic Asian sexual appetite, an “Indian Messalina”’ (326). 36. On his speaking tour of Britain in 1833 Knibb represented himself as having told Jamaican planters that he ‘was coming home to expose their cruelty as far as his voice would reach’ (‘Baptist Missions’ 3). 37. This point is also made by Wood 336. ‘It was a commonplace of the literature of slavery’, notes H.L. Malchow, ‘that the recently enslaved experienced deep depression and were prone to either rebellion or suicide’(30). 38. Wood suggests that ‘Jane’s destructive fury, and just indignation, are examined in the context of Helen Burns’s explicitly Christian “Doctrine of endurance”. While neither view is morally satisfactory, Brontë does endorse the inevitability of Jane’s outrage’ (339). 39. Dying of consumption in jail, John Smith, ‘dubbed the “Demerara Martyr” ’ (Walvin 276), drew inspiration from 2 Corinthians 4:

8 We are troubled on every side, yet not distressed, we are perplexed, but not in despair; 9 Persecuted but not forsaken; cast down, but not destroyed

The Biblical reference was cited on an authorization of payment of a bill for his trial. 40. Kaplan, by contrast, formulates Jane’s competing self-identifications as a site of ‘anxiety about national, colonial and imperial imaginaries’, which forces on her a choice between ‘equally frightening “fictive ethnicities” ’ that makes her ill and brings about a ‘melodramatic reversal of affect in Jane’s reader-response’ to Jonathan Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels. This ‘condense[s] and 136 Notes

reprise[s] a narrative version of the history of colonial slavery and its over- throw’(‘Heterogenous’ 184–5).Thewhite identity is not classed in Kaplan’s reading. For her, that Jane identifies with a black slave is indicated when her ‘angry thoughts are described in terms of a psychically saturated and sedimentedblackness: “a darkdeposit in a turgid[sic] well” ’ (183). Kaplan mistranscribes the word ‘turbid’; the error works implicitly to reinforce her reading of the swollen-featured Bertha as a dark, racialized vessel of anger. In Jane’s account, however, the opacity is ‘dense ignorance’ of ‘why I thus suffered’ in the Reed household( JE 16;vol.1,ch.2) that as adult narrator sheisabletoexplain. 41. Politi points out that a ‘moment, when thesubject splits into its double’, as when Jane confronts the spectacle of abject whiteness in the mirror, ‘is a precondition for autobiographical narratives’. She reads Jane’s gaze here as a sign of ‘the novel’s structural rift into two distinct narrative modes – the realist, where rebellion materializes, and the fantasy, where the erotic fable and its sexual-ideological discourse are organised’. The fantasy mode, she argues, renders the mirror image ‘an it de-sexualized and fully de-socialised [sic]’ (62), and, sustained by Rochester in the languageoffairy through which he speaks of his attraction to Jane, produces Jane as a regressive romantic object. In this she displays the kind of materialist critical hesitancy about fantasy and the psychic dimension offemale experience that Cora Kaplan discusses in ‘Pandora’s Box’(153).Tomake her argument, Politi valorizes rebelliousness as being realist, rather than as also being produced through what might be theorized as phantasmatic identification. See Kaplan, ‘Heterogenous’ 171–2. 42. Evidence of A.D. Campbell, Great Britain, Minutes of Evidence , Appendix K 572. 43. Evidence of A.D. Campbell, Great Britain, Minutes of Evidence , Appendix K 572. 44. Great Britain, Minutes of Evidence , Appendix K 573–4. 45. Great Britain, Minutes of Evidence , Appendix K 553. 46. Paxton analyses Byron’s Oriental tales and‘Sardanapalus’. 47. Brontë draws on abolitionist memory, too, in praising the new French republican government’s abolition of slavery in 1848 as ‘acting very nobly’, a‘glorious’ deed( Letters 2:41). 48. The quotation is from a speech Knibb gave at Exeter Hall in London on 15 August 1832. 49. The quotation is from a speech Knibb gave at the Byrom Street Chapel in Liverpool on 24 July 1832. 50. Rochester had thought himself to be Céline’s ‘idol’ (JE 140; vol.1,ch.15). 51. Politi offers a spirited reading of the French/English dichotomy in the novel (61–2). 52. Meyer, by contrast, argues of this passage that Brontë ‘veers away from making a direct parallel with the British enslavement of Africans by associating Rochester’s dominating masculine power over Jane with that not of a British but of an Eastern slave master’ (82). 53. In an essay written at the Pensionnat Heger, ‘Sacrifice of an Indian Widow’, Brontë links the practice of sati to the ‘despotism of an arrogant and cruel Hierarchy’ (Belgian Essays 2). Notes 137

2 The tropical extravagance of Bertha Mason

1. The Encyclopaedia Londinensis was compiledbyJohnWilkes and the London Encyclopaedia by T. Curtis. 2. Sypher rightly observes that Edwards adds ‘but little’ to the ‘character’ of the white creole person (507)drawn byEdward Long in his History of Jamaica (1774), but by 1819 Edwards’s account is far more frequently cited. 3. Don George Juan and Don Antonio deUlloa also note the intellectualpreco- ciousness of white people in Spanish America:

The principal cause of the short duration of such promising beginnings, and of the indolent turn so often seen in these bright geniuses, is doubtless the want of proper objects for exercising their faculties, and the small hopes of being preferred to any post answerable to the pains they have taken. For as there is in this country neither army nor navy, and the civil employments very few, it is not at all surprising that the despair of making their fortunes, by this method, should damp their ardour for excelling in the sciences, and plunge them into idleness, the sure forerunner of vice; where they lose the use of their reason, and stifle those good principles which fired them when young and under proper subjection. (34)

4. A telling indicator of the way nineteenth-century encyclopaedia-makers cobbled together and indiscriminately blended sources is a sentence in the entry on CREOLE in the ninth edition of Encyclopaedia Brittanica (1875– 1889): ‘The creole whites, owing to the enervating influence of the climate, are not a robust race, but exhibit an elegance of gait and a suppleness of joint that are rare among Europeans.’ 5. ‘This is really a most uncomfortable house; the servants awkward and dirty, the children spoiled, and screaming the whole day. As for the ladies, they appear to me to be perfect viragos; they never speak but in the most imperious manner with their servants, and are constantly finding fault. West India houses are so thin, that one hears every word’ (Nugent 107).Shespent a day there ‘crying and reading’ in her room. The ‘incessant noise of the children, not to mention the continual scolding of the servants’ is, she writes, ‘the most distressing thing in the world’ (110). Rochester complains of not having been able ‘to pass a single evening, nor even a single hour of the day’ with Bertha in ‘comfort’, of perceiving he ‘should never have a quiet or settled household, because no servant would bear the continued outbreaks of her violent and unreasonable temper, or the vexations of her absurd, contradictory, exacting orders’( JE 306; vol. 3, ch. 1). Later he mentions the ‘thin partitions of the West Indian house’ through which he can hear the incarcerated Bertha’s ‘wolfish cries’ (308; vol. 3, ch. 1). The Nugents stayed with the Roses a day after Maria visited Mason’s Hall, the home of a Mrs Mason. I give references to the most widely available edition of Nugent’s journal, though I have checked the quoted passages against the original 1839 edition. 6. Atwood notes that ‘the generality of English white women in the West Indies are not so remarkable for that pleasing florid complexion, which is peculiar to the sex in England’ (211). Juan and Ulloa attribute the ‘wan and 138 Notes

livid complexions’ of white people in Spanish America which would ‘make a stranger suspect they were just recovered from some terrible distemper’ to ‘profuse perspiration’ (42). By distemper they mean illness. 7. Rochester’s frustration at Bertha’s conversation accords with Maria Nugent’s comment soon after her arrival in Jamaica: ‘Find a sad want of local matter, or, indeed, any subject of conversation’ with the local ladies and gentlemen (Nugent 21). 8. My thinking about this issue has been informed by Sharpe’s examination of thewaysinwhich Jane Eyre’s ‘voice-agency is predicated on a national and racial splitting offemininity’ (38). She contends that ‘the paradox of being an individual in the domestic sphere is resolved by defining the English woman in relation to other women instead of to men. In Jane Eyre, a domestic form of social agency is established through a national and racial splitting of femininity, with the creole woman serving asafigure of self-indulgence and the Oriental woman, of self-immolation’ (47). Her use of the term ‘national’, however, to describethe contrast between Jane and Berthaistomymind anachronistic. 9. Edwards comments on the ‘incontinency’ offree women of ‘Colour’. ‘The fact’ of young and attractive women of this class being ‘kept mistresses’ of ‘White men of all ranks and conditions’ is, he writes, ‘too notorious to be concealed or controverted; and I trust I have too great an esteem for my fair readers, and too high a respect for myself, to stand forth the advocate of licentiousness and debauchery. [N]o white man of decent appearance, unless urged by the temptation of a considerable fortune, will condescend to give his hand in marriagetoaMulatto! The very idea is shocking’(22). 10. SallyShuttleworth pointed out that masturbation could also have constituted unchastity when I presented a shorter version of this chapter as a paper at ‘The Victorians and Science’, Australasian Victorian Studies Association Conference, University of Adelaide, 7–11 February 1996. 11. See ‘Cruelties PerpetratedbyHenry and Helen Moss, on a FemaleNegro Slave in the Bahamas’ (1829), ‘Illustration of Jamaica Society and Manners’ (1830), and ‘The Review of G.W. Bridges, and His Slave Kitty Hilton’ (1830). I discuss the case of Catherine Whitfield and Ann King more fully in Chapter 6. Thomas Pringle, Secretary of the Anti-Slavery Society, edited and published The History of Mary Prince, A West Indian Slave, Relatedby Herself (1831). Mary Prince recounts many instances of ill-treatment at the hands or on the orders of her mistresses. 12. Diana Paton 183, n. 48. 13. Livingstone is citing Knox’s The Races of Men: A Philosophical Enquiry into the Influenceof Race over the Destinies of Nations (London, 2nd ed., 1862) 107. 14. The formulation was taken up in the Atlas on23 October 1847, the reviewer describing Rochester as a ‘libertine of circumstances, not of a corrupt heart’ (Allott 69). On 20 November 1847 Rochester was characterized in Howitt’s Journal as ‘a man of the world, and a libertine, rather from circumstances than from nature’. In the same month he was depicted in New Monthly Magazine as a ‘libertine of circumstance rather than of a corrupt heart, if such a distinction may beallowed’. 15. Parliamentary Debates, n.s., 14, 1040, 1018. 16. Parliamentary Debates, n.s., 14, 1057. Notes 139

17. Gilbert and Gubar, by contrast, read Berthaas‘Jane’s truest anddarkest double’(360). 18. Sharpe’s quotation is from p. 366 of the Norton edition of Jane Eyre.

3 Monstrous martyrdom and the ‘overshadowing tree’ of philanthropy

1. A character in Patrick Brontë’s The Maid of Killarney, or Albion and Flora; a modern taleinwhich are interwoven some cursory remarksonreligion and politics (1818) comments on a woman’seducation that Providence has not ‘assigned for her the sphere of action, either the cabinet or the field’ (qtd. in Barker 117). 2. Hermione Lee reads the passage as a fine example of Brontë’s use of a ‘deliberate acting-out’ of an ‘elaborate succession of dramatised tropes’ to develop a ‘double allegory’, here ‘of the enslaving warrior’ and ‘the blighted (or trampled) flower, which has already been factually enacted in St John’s trampling of the harmless daisies’ (244). 3. Bewell argues that Brontë undercuts the prelapsarian quality of the garden scene by tropicalizing it with the ‘scents of a tropical New World, the smell of ‘honey-dew’ and tobacco’ (800). ‘Honey-dew’ is not necessarily tropical. It is a name given to ‘[a] sweet sticky substance found on the leaves and stems of trees and plants, held to be excreted by aphides’ (OED). 4. The formulation, of course, accords England primacy over Scotland and Wales. 5. I take up the implications of Jane’s use of the word ‘caste’ to describe rigid class divisions in Chapter 4. 6. He is quoting George Levine, ‘The Landscape of Reality’, The Realistic Imagin- ation (Chicago: Chicago UP, 1981) 204. 7. Patrick Brontë’s financial distress had been brought to the attention of John Sargent by Henry Martyn. Martyn hoped that ‘assistance could be procured for him from any of those societies, whose object is to maintain pious young men designed for the ministry’(qtd. in Barker 11). Sargent referred the request to Thornton. 8. Barker notes that in The Maid of Killarney, or Albion and Flora Patrick Brontë compares the British and ForeignBible Society with theNile River, having ‘countless tributaries, winding its irresistible course through different climates and nations until, “disdaining its prescribed limits”, it floods over the delta andbrings riches to all’ (77). In Haworthhe was a leading member of the non-denominational Haworth Auxiliary Bible Society. 9. In ‘The Politics of Verdopolis’ (1833), centred around an election campaign modelled on cynical observations of 1832 elections, Branwell Brontë intro- duces the character Thomas Babbicome Morley, who stands for the Constitu- tional Party and is elected for the city of Wellingtons Glasstown. In Branwell’s ‘An Historical Narrative of the “War of Encroachment” ’ (1833) Morley has the post of Colonial Secretary (365). Macaulay’s literary career, too, was of interest to the Brontës. In 1845 Branwell, perhaps, Barker suggests, through Mrs Robinson’s family connections, received a letter from Macaulay ‘compli- mentary’ of his poetry. He mentions the letter in correspondence with J.B. 140 Notes

Leyland(Wise and Symington 72; vol.2). Barker notes that Mrs Robinson was a distant relative of Macaulay (464). 10. Evidence of James Hough. 11. My allusion is to Spivak’s ‘Three Women’s Texts’ 244. 12. Chapman suggests that the necessary ‘qualification’ for visiting is ‘tried experience with a demeanour commanding respect’ (116). 13. Linda H. Peterson makes passing reference to Cooke (93). 14. Evidence of James Hough. 15. Mathur mentions a Baptist Mission having opened a school for girls in Calcutta in 1819, and David Hare having opened another soon after (21–2). 16.Elizabeth Dimockpoints out that the Society,which soon changed its name to the Society for the Promotion of Female Education in India, China, and the adjacent countries, was non-denominational, despite its evangelical Anglican origins. The schoolmistresses the Society sent to various parts of Asia and South Africa were termed ‘agents’. Many were single. Sharpe’s assertion, then, that ‘single women are not allowed to join theChristian missions’(53) is too sweeping. 17. Cooke hadbeen sent to India ‘bythe British and ForeignSchool Society, at the request of a local educational body at Calcutta, with a view to her starting a school for Hindu girls’. Because of the financial exigency of the Society she was ‘transferred’ to the Church Missionary Society and began study of Bengali (Stock 199). The account of her opening of schools given by Stock is, like Hough’sand Chapman’s, triumphal in tone. On 25January 1822 she visited a local Boys’ School ‘to observe the pronunciation of the language’. Hearing of a girl in the crowd generated by her visit who had been repeatedlyand vainly ‘begging to beallowed to learn to read with the boys’,she promised to return the next day to commence teaching her. The following day she and a local English woman more fluent in Bengali ‘found fifteen girls assembled, and their mothers standing outside, eagerly peering through the lattice’. Cooke was soon petitionedbylocalstoopen more schools (Stock 199–200).She later became a Plymouth Brother. 18. Minutes of meeting of the Female Education Society,4May 1835, minute 102. For examples of donations see minutes of meetings of the Female Educa- tion Society, 30 June 1837, minute 464; 24 November 1837, minute 537; 29 June 1838, minute 601; Nov. 1838, minute 633 (Church Missionary Society).

4The ferment of restlessness

1. Chase argues that while ‘confinement and exposure’ become ‘dreaded altern- atives for Jane, the spatial figures which dramatize her crises’, there is ‘a third figure: namely, the prospect. And within the set of spatial configurations that inform the novel, that give larger structure to its emotional nuances, the prospect represents a saving alternative. Against the threat of a confined space, it offers the liberation of an open view’ (88). 2. Glen quotes from Can Woman Regenerate Society? but does not pick up the tropological similarities between Lamb’s and Brontë’s prose. Brontë responds to the sublimest passages in Lamb’s text. My reference is to the sublime as a genericregister. Notes 141

3. Jane’s dreams of children have been central to influential interpretations of the novel by Margaret Homans, Mary Poovey, Marianne Hirsch, and Ronald Thomas; their readings, though, do not take cognizance of Brontë’s use of this figural languageof pregnancy to characterize Jane’s fecund and ‘exultant imagination’(109; vol.1,ch.11). Homans traces the origin of Brontë’s ‘complex series of connectives between danger or trouble and figures of childbirth’ to ‘Jane’s recollection of Bessie’s folk belief that “to dream of children was a sure signof trouble, either to one’s self or to one’s kin” (ch. 21 [vol. 2, ch. 6]), and both Bessie’s experience and Jane’s verify the belief’ (89–90). Poovey and Hirsch, too, trace the dreams of children to Jane’s memory of Bessie’s belief. For Homans the ‘dreams of children represent Jane’s unconscious investigation of the state of becoming other than herself or of deferring altogether to projections’ (93); the novel ‘presents the fear of the objectification of self in a variety of ways that make partic- ularly explicit the connection between femininity and objectification’ (85). Poovey argues,

When Jane dreams of children, some disaster follows that is a displaced expression of the anger against kin that the character denies. In the sense that narrative effect is split off from psychological cause, Jane Eyre becomes atthese moments what we mightcall a hysterical text, in which the body of the text symptomatically acts out what cannot make its way into the psychologically realistic narrative. Because there was no permissibleplot in the nineteenth century for a woman’s anger, whenever Brontë explores this form of self-assertion the text splinters hysterically, provoked by and provoking images of dependency and frustration. Dreaming of children, then, is metonymically linked to a rage that remains implicit at the level of character but materializes at the level of plot. What Jane’s dreams of children reveal, then, in their content, their placement, and their form, is that the helplessness enforced by the governess’s dependent position—along with the frustration, self-denial, and maddened,thwarted ragethat accompanies it—marks every middle- class woman’s life because she is not allowed to express (or possess) the emotions that her dependence provokes. (141)

Hirsch suggests that the dreams ‘clarify the violence that resides within familial structures, exposing the mother, in particular, to danger’ (177). 4. JE 364; vol. 3,ch. 6. 5. Reviewers of Jane Eyre who addressed Helen’s style of Christian values exhibit a wider rangeof opinions. The Christian Remembrancer’s critic thoughtHelen ‘[t]he feeblest character in the book who is meant to be a perfect Chris- tian, and is a simple seraph, conscious moreover of her own perfection. In her the Christianity of Jane Eyre is concentrated, and with her it expires, leaving the moral world in a kind of Scandinavian gloom’ (Allott 91). The reviewer for Atlas also suggested that Helen was a type rather than a realistic character, ‘the very incarnation of Christian charity and forbearance’, one of the ‘dream-children, with the unspotted hearts of babyhood and the wisdom of adolescence. Creations such as these are very beautiful, but very untrue’ 142 Notes

(Allott 68).The reviewer in the Guardian , an organ of ‘moderate and liberal- minded High Anglicanism’(qtd. in Smith 573,n.10)‘altogether protest[ed]’ (717) against what Jane calls Helen’s ‘doctrine of the equality of disembodied souls’ in death(237; vol.2,ch. 6),which Helen enunciates as a counterview to Jane’s response to secular injustice. Thormählen glosses the doctrine as the view ‘that a merciful God will not place any creature of his beyond eternal bliss. It is a bold doctrine, very much a minority view in its time; but it was far from being an unprecedented one’ (89). 6. See the1839Chartist Circular. 7. As narrator Jane acknowledges in relation to Rochester that ‘wealth, caste, custom’( JE 251; vol.2,ch.8) and‘rank and wealth sever us widely’ (175; vol.2,ch.2) and that ‘rank and connexions’(186;vol.2,ch. 3) might motivate a marriage between him and Blanche Ingram. She talks of St John’s work in India as a ‘hew[ing] down’ of the ‘prejudices of caste and creed’ (452; vol. 3, ch.12). 8. Ironically, of course, St John does little directly to combat the prejudices of caste in England. He uses his influence to have Jane appointed teacher at Morton. While Jane as narrator is still condescending in speaking about her pupils there, she claims that she came to recognize genuine worth in some of them and in their families. 9.Onthese debates see especially Hancock, ‘Romani Origins and Romani Identity’.

5Playing Jane Eyre atthe Victoria Theatre in 1848

1.The British Library holds Time Tries All.AnOriginal Drama, in Two Acts, etc. (London: Thomas Hailes Lacy[1850?]); The Soldier’s Progress; orr, the Horrors of War.APictorial Drama, in Four Parts, etc. (London: T.H. Lacy[1851]); Eustace Baudin. An Original Drama, inThree Acts (London: Thomas Hailes Lacy [1854]); A Wicked Wife. A Drama in One Act (London: Thomas Hailes Lacy[1857]); DoubleFaced People. A Comedy, inThree Acts (London: Thomas Hailes Lacy [1857]); The Two Polts. An Original Farce, in One Act (London: Thomas Hailes Lacy[1860]); Old Joe and Young Joe. A Comic Drama in Two Acts (London: Thomas Hailes Lacy [1861]); Aged Forty. An Original Petite Comedy in One Act (London: Thomas Hailes Lacy [1864]); and Deeds, not Words.ADrama in Two Acts (London: Samuel French [1875]). Cambridge University Library holds a microfilm of Belphagorr, orr, The Mountebank and His Wife: A Drama in Four Acts. Adapted from the French (London: T.H. Lacy [1851?]). 2. Stoneman gives the title of the pantomime as ‘The Great Pantomime of the Season [–] World of Wonders or Harlequin Caxton and the Origin of Printing’ (Jane Eyre 29). 3. Stoneman is citing Peter Brooks, The Melodramatic Imagination (New York and London: Yale UP, 1976)15,27. 4. I cite the recently published edited text of the play. The original from which I have worked is held in the British Library. 5. In the manuscript, Joe is called Jem for part of the opening scene. The play on gem suggests his status as a rough diamond. Notes 143

6 An 1859 Caribbean perspective on Jane Eyre

1. Elizabeth Gaskell, letter to George Smith,10February 1859, TheLetters of Mrs Gaskell, 527–8. She had not read Cousin Stella herself, but notes that ‘Signor Ruffini (“Doctor Antonio,”) thinks very highly’ of it (527). Unfortunately none of Jenkin’s correspondence with Smith, Elder, has been preserved in The Correspondenceand Recordsof Smith, Elder&Cofrom theNational Library of Scotland. 2. Jenkin also explicitlyalludes to Jane Eyre in her 1861 two-volume novel ‘Who Breaks–Pays’(Italian Proverb), and reworks plot elements from Jane Eyre. The ingénue Lill Tufton, the unsympathetic protagonist, anxious about her impending marriage to Sir Frederick Ponsonby, declares, ‘Ishouldn’t be a bit surprised, if something dreadful were to happen, to put an end to it all. A murder, or a fire, or Sir Frederick turn out to be married, like Mr Rochester. If I had been Jane Eyre, I would have killed him. Iwould forgive anything but being deceived’ (2:191). Sir Frederick’s past does not include marriage, but rather an affair, about which Lill learns after her marriage. Lill insists on a separation. She is killed in the siege of Genoa in 1849 just before a planned reconciliation with her husband was to take place. Her response to the affair is hypocritical as she had broken an engagement with her Italian teacher. Lill had been very offended by her impoverished fiance’s assumption of equality with her. Governess Jane Eyre had declared her equality to Rochester. Stoneman lists ‘Who Breaks–Pays’ among her ‘Jane Eyre derivates listed chronologically’ in Brontë Transformations (258), but is not familiar with Cousin Stella. Jenkin is also the author of Violet Bank and Its Inmates (1858), Skirmishing (1863), Onceand Again: A Novel (1865), Two French Marriages (1868), APsycheof To-day (1868), Within an Ace (1869), Madame de Beauprés (1869), Jupiter’s Daughters; a Novel (1874),and Qui casse paie Roman Anglais traduit par Mme. Léon Georges (1876). 3. John McKelvey in his 1953 adaptation and Brian Tyler in his 1964adapta- tion of Jane Eyre try to integrate a Caribbean perspective through expanding the part of Richard Mason. Robbie Kydd has retold Jane Eyre from the point of view of Richard Mason in The QuietStranger: A Novel (1991); Emma Tennant privileges Adèle Varens’ perspective in Adèle: Jane Eyre’s Hidden Story (2002); and Shady Cosgrove has published instalments of a novel, vari- ously titled TheVarens Obsession or TheGolden Courtesan, a fictional life of Céline Varens ‘in a Rhysian tradition’ (‘From TheVarens Obsession’ 10).In adaptations of Jane Eyre from the 1980s onwards, the influence of Rhys’s novel is readily apparent. Bertha Mason is presented less sensationally,as for instance in Franco Zeffirelli’s film of the novel. In Wide Sargasso Sea Antoinette Cosway Mason’s red dress is emblematic of her gendered and racialized difference from Rochester and of her alleged intemperance by Rochester’s upper-middle-class English standards. Red features prominently asasignofpassion in Debbie Shewell’s More Than One Antoinette (performed 1990), in performances of Polly Teale’s Jane Eyre, and in Susanna White’s recent serialized version of Jane Eyre (screenplay by SandyWelch).Isaw Teale’s playperformed at the Melbourne Festival on 14 October 1999. 4. Jenkin represents therebellion commencing on 22 December 1831, the date on which a proclamation of William IV was released in Jamaica. The proclam- 144 Notes

ation referred to the circulation of erroneous rumours that enslaved people were to be emancipated, rumours whichhad

produced acts of insubordination which have excited Our highest displeasure: We have thought fit, by and with the advice of Our Privy Council, to issue this Our Royal Proclamation; and we do hereby declare and make known, that theslave population in Our said colonies and possessions will forfeit all claim to Our protection if they shall fail to render entire submission to the laws, as well as dutiful obedience to their masters (qtd. in Brathwaite, ‘Rebellion’ 83–84).

The historical rebellion commenced in earnest c. 27 December 1831. 5.Papers relating to the Disallowed Slave Act are collectedbypro-slavery advocate Alexander Barclay 433–72. 6. This is a contrast to the function of the ‘crippled or feminized hero’ in women’s fiction of the 1860s,afigure, Sally Mitchell argues, who ‘is both a manageable object for the heroine’s affections and an alternate persona, who provides the daydreamer with a gender roleinwhich more interesting adventures are possible’(38). 7. Doris Sommer makes the point that the ‘productive sexuality’ of marriage in allegorical foundational fictions of the Americas often projects ideals of ‘national consolidation during periods of internecine conflict’ (76). 8. For the Saturday Review the ‘characters [of Cousin Stella] are displeasing, either from the extreme of exaggeration or the extreme of commonplace. They are either impossiblyideal or too repulsively real’.The author ‘has not attained that delicate touch which can idealize without impairing either probability or nature’(180). Reviewing Cousin Stella anonymously in the Athenaeum, Geraldine Jewsbury writes, though, that ‘the characters are all life-like, and all act according to their own nature, and not by the arbitrary rule of the author’swill’ (113). 9. O’Callaghan comments, ‘If the ideal woman was white, domestic, submissive, virtuous andpious, her embodiment in the Caribbean was the “good” mistress of the West Indian plantation For the mistress in her role as “Angel in the House,” a large part of her duties included ministering to the unfortunate blacks’ (28). She identifies Stella as one of this type. 10. Not recognizing theallusion to Hard Times, O’Callaghan comments that Jamaica is ‘a site invested – at least initially – with magic and potential adventure. In Jenkin’s novel(1859),thechapter detailing Stella’s departure for Jamaica is entitled “Bound for Fairy Land” ’ (93). 11. See, for instance, my discussion of horticultural tropology in Dominican autoethnographyin The Worlding of Jean Rhys,19–22. 12. Robert Louis Stevenson notes the temper of Jenkin’s mother Susan Jackson: ‘a woman of fierce passions; she would tie her house slaves to the bed and lash them with her own hand; and her conduct to her wild and down-going sons, [sic] was a mixture of almost insane self-sacrifice and wholly insane violence of temper’. Of her place in FleemingJenkin’s childhood he writes, ‘The tragic woman was besides from time to time a member of the family she [sic] was in distress of mind and reduced in fortune by the misconduct of her sons; her destitution and solitude made it a recurring duty to receive Notes 145

her, her violence continually enforced fresh separations. In her passion of a disappointed mother, she was a fit object of pity; but her grandson, who heardher loadhis own mother with cruel insults and reproaches, conceived for her an indignant and impatient hatred, for which he blamed himself in laterlife.’ 13. The Catherine Whitfield and Ann King case is discussed briefly by Altink (115–16). 14. In the explanation given for the view that West Indian slave-owners were not as degenerate as US slave-owners, the critic interprets West Indian history through the racial ideas of Robert Knox. As I pointed out in Chapter 2, Robert Knox’s view of the West Indies was that ‘[w]ithout the constant inflow of “fresh European blood”, infertility, sickly offspring, and moral degeneration were the inevitable issue’(Livingstone 418). 15. See David Alan Paterson’s family tree in TheHallsof Jamaica–Allegonda’s Legacy. 16. In the archive the stories of Catherine Whitfield and Ann King are told in three mediated forms: in summaries by magistrate Dr Palmer and Colo- nial Secretary Goderich, and in the abridged report of the evidence the two gave before the Council of Protection, which was empowered to hear the charges against the Jacksons and to admit slave evidence. The Jacksons were acquitted. When a bill of indictment against the Jacksons was referred by the Attorney-General Hugo James to the Grand Jury, Whitfield and King, James reports, ‘although sent into the grand-jury room in order that their complexion and condition might be inspected, were of course not permitted to make any statement’. James suggests that this legal silencing of the women caused the grand jury to ‘ignore the bill’.This court could not admit slave evidence against owners andhence not even the evidence summarized in the recorded proceedings of the Council of Protection could be tendered (‘Jamaica: Correspondence’ 26). Whitfield and King tendered complaints to the Council of Protection. Whitfield was questioned by Council members. Her responses, but not their questions, were recorded. The last section of King’s testimony,beginning with ‘I never gotoprayers of a Sunday; I cannot read;Ido not know prayers’,isdisjointed enough to suggest that it comprises answers to unrecorded questions (Jamaica: Correspondence 18). Her comments about prayers would seem not to be part of a complaint, but rather a response to a question about Christian religious instruction. 17. Papers 17. 18. The phrase ‘spectacle of suffering’ is drawn from the work of Karen Halttunen. 19. Elsewhere he urged that corporal punishments of women ‘must tend to the moral degradation of those who suffer, and of those who inflict them. I know not what more effectual method could be devised for repressing the growth of appropriate virtues of the female character, or for fostering base and unmanly dispositions in the other sex’ (qtd. in Paton 173). 20. The poems have been published in a separate limited edition in 1975,as‘Dais’ and ‘Nights’ in a book-length poetic sequence MotherPoem (1977), and as ‘Days and Nights’ in Ancestors (2001), a reworking of the trilogy Mother Poem, Sun Poem (1982), and X/Self (1987) in his Sycorax video style facilitated by computer software technology. In ‘Remembering Catherine Whitfield, Ann 146 Notes

King and Betty Jackson’ I discuss much more fully Brathwaite’s performance of the poem in ‘A Post-cautionary Tale of the Helen of Our Wars’. In refer- ring to the documents relating to the punishment of Whitfield and King in his 1984 Elsa Goveia Memorial Lecture ‘Caribbean Women during the Period of Slavery’, Brathwaite notes that the slave woman’s ‘general invisibility’asa person in the imperial archive makes her a ‘submerged mother’ (2; pt. 1), but thatinthepaperslaidbeforetheColonialSecretaryWhitfieldandKing‘arevery real, they come to life, their visibility is at last restored’ (14; pt. 2). 21. The stereotypeisperhaps more notable given that Louis’s habit of phreno- logical reading is pilloriedbythe narrative voice, whichdeclares that ‘pride in our penetrating powers is one of the Evil One’s temptations’ (1:299). This judgement offers a pointed contrast to Brontë’s view of phrenology. 22. The Creole languageisalso a reminder that ‘[w]hereas planters usually sent their sons to beeducated in the “home country,”daughters rarely received the benefits of “proper” education’ (Wyrick 44). 23. Curiouslythe entry on Jenkin in The Feminist Companion toLiterature in English notes only ‘graphic scenes of white male brutality’ (Blain et al. 573). 24. Stevenson notes the view that ‘[s]econd sight was hereditary in the house’ of the Campbells of Auchenbreck. Jenkin’s mother was Susan Jackson, née Campbell. 25. In the context of the struggle over amelioration, pro-slavery West Indians threatened to transfer allegiance from Britain to the United States. Jenkin also refers to this at 2: 20. 26. In another plotline concerning assumptions of the innate degeneracy of female performers that, in Nena’s words, they are ‘born to a different morality’ (3:137), signs of Stella’s interest in dancing are viciously repressed. Having seen a girl aroundher own agerope-dancing, a veryyoung Stella had playfully ‘tried to balance herself on the back of a chair’ (1:52). Mrs Joddrell’srebuke was severe and racist, and Stella was never allowed to visit the theatre or circus for fear that her inherited propensity to such display might be encouraged.The16-year-old Stellatells Stapleton Smythethat she would like to learn to dance and that ‘when music is playing, I feel as if I could act out a story to it’ (1:139), a confession which mortifies her because of her grandmother’s admonitions. On his next visit to the Dashwoods he brings an illustrated book of ‘a story told by dancing’, Flore et Zéphyr; the physicality of the performance illustrated disgusts her (165). His intent is monitory, a fact which reflects badly on his mercenary marriage to Nena. Adèle’s performances in Jane Eyre are represented as sexuallyprecocious, a signof poor maternal upbringing. 27. Brathwaite describes plantation slavery culture as ‘race-founded & race- foundered’ (‘Post-Cautionary Tale’ 74). Works Cited

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Adaptation and Appropriation on moral madness, 35 (Sanders), 6 and phrenology, 37, 54, 55, 57, 89, agency, 20, 26, 53,116, 117, 118 146 n. 21 Appeal of One Half the Human Race and slavery, 3, 10, 11, 21, 24, 134 (Thompson),73–4 n. 21, 136 n. 47 Armstrong, Nancy,71 Villette, 135 n. 35 Atwood,Thomas, 33, 34, 35, 36 worlding of, 1 see also Jane Eyre (Brontë) Baber, Thomas Harvey,23–4 Brontë, Emily Barker, Juliet, 60, 139n.9 and slavery, 3,134n.21 Beaty, Jerome, 59–60 Wuthering Heights, 10, 35, 42 Beer, Gillian,4 Brontë, Patrick, 15, 60, 139n.7 Belsey, Catherine, 67 The Maid of Killarney,139 n. 1, 139 Berman, Carolyn Vallenga, 34 n. 8 Bewell,Alan, 59, 68, 139n.3 Brontë family, 12, 13,14 Black, Clinton V., 47, 106 Brougham, Henry Peter (Lord Bonnett, Alistair, 51 Brougham),17 Borthwick, Peter, 131n.1 Butler, Judith, 83 Boumelha, Penny, 8 Buxton, Thomas Fowell,12 Brathwaite, Kamau, 18, 119, 146 Buzard, James, 43 n. 20, 146 n. 27 Byron (George Gordon), Lord, 24, 132 Bratton, Jacky,97 n. 11 Briggs, Asa, 84 Britain ‘culture of sensibility’ in, 41, 45–6 industrialization in, 59, 84, 113 Campbell, A.D., 24 Long Transition, 5, 72, 91 Canning, George, 12 andprimogeniture, 44–5,85 Can Woman Regenerate Society? social unrest in, 79–80, 84, 101 (Lamb),75–6, 77, 140 n. 2 British empire, 135 n. 35 Chapman, Priscilla, 63–4 and Christianity, 25 characters in Jane Eyre and colonial policies, 9–10, 26, Adèle Varens, 40, 113,146 n. 26; 48–9, 51, 60, 61, 62–3, 80, 105, ‘transplanted’, 84, 110 117, 144 n. 4 Bertha Mason, 19, 47, 53 racial formation of, 4, 50–1, 52 degeneracy and insanity of,13, see also colonialism; slavery; West 31, 34, 35, 39, 45, 48, 50, 69, Indies 99, 123; as despot, 14, 49, 52; Brontë, Branwell, 139n.9 metaphorical role of, 49; racial Brontë, Charlotte, 135 n. 32 ambiguity of, 31–2, 135 n. 35 and adaptations of Jane Eyre, 6, 93, Bessie: as nurse, 21 103 Helen Burns: as ‘Christian’, 20, 21, on her writing, 92–3 82, 141 n. 5

165 166 Index characters in Jane Eyre – continued plantation slavery in, 105,106, Jane, 141 n. 3; discontent of, 87–8; 111–15, 120–6,143 n. 4 Gothic imagination of,21; plantocracy in, 104, 105–8, 110, identification with the slave, 112, 146 n. 25 8–9, 11, 19, 20, 25, 26, 28, 105, race in,105, 108–9 135 n. 40; missionary transplantation in, 109–10 identification of,25; religious Cox, Philip, 94 feeling of, 9, 27; resistance to Creole, the, 31, 34–5, 37–8, 40, 51, Rivers, 55–6, 69 137n.3 John Reed: cruelty anddespotism meanings of, 32–3 of, 19, 66,85,86 and‘moraldegeneracy’, 35–6,43, MarthaAbbot, 85 45, 50, 52, 98, 104, 106, 125, Richard Mason: Creole character of, 137n.4 37 Rivers: austerity and despotism of, da Costa, Emilia Viotti, 15 51, 55, 66, 67, 70, 74; vocation Dale, Peter Allan, 26, 27 as missionary, 30, 65 Davies, Gill,95 Rochester: despotic tendencies of, 9, Davis, David Brion, 18, 19, 25 39, 43, 62, 66,86;and Davis, Jim, 95 mistresses, 39, 40, 49, 123, 138 Dawson, Robert, 89 n. 14; as manlyand active, 38; de Groot, Joanna, 23 relationship with Bertha, 13, despotism, 66,73, 108, 110, 112 39, 40–1, 43, 44–5, 45, 46–7, 50, see also characters in Jane Eyre 66, 123, 138 n. 7 Dickens, Charles, 94, 95 Rosamond Oliver, 80 David Copperfield, 88 see also Jane Eyre (Brontë) Hard Times, 111–12 Chase, Karen, 40, 50, 74, 78, 140 n. 1 Dimock, Elizabeth, 140 n. 16 class, 6, 84 Doctor Antonio (Ruffini), 6 and an Anglo-Saxon ‘code of Driver, Jonas, 12 breeding’, 90, 91, 103 Dyer, Richard,98 and gender, 71 racialization of, 74, 112 Cohen, Philip, 90, 91, 103 East India Company, 63 Colby, Vineta, 131n.7 Edwards, Bryan, 32–3, 34–5, 36,138 colonialism, 42, 47, 48–9 n.9 civilizing mission of,40 Ellis, Markman, 113 colonial relations, 39, 52, 106 Embree, Ainslie Thomas, 60 and transportation, 99 Emeljanow, Victor, 95 English Feminism (Caine), 73, 74–5 Cooke (Wilson), M.A., 64, 65,140 n. 17 Englishness, 17, 61, 111, 125 and colonial identities, 7, 53 Cookson, Gillian, 131n.7 and the foreign, 110, 113 Courtney, John (John Fuller), 5, 6,94, Enlightenment, 21 103 see also Jane Eyre or The Secretsof Thornfield Manor (Courtney) Forçade, Eugène, 44 Cousin Stella (Jenkin), 7, 104–6, 111, Foster, Shirley,131n.7 124–6, 144 n. 8, 146 n. 26 freedom, see rights; women ‘emancipation anxiety’ in, 106 Fuss, Diana, 25 Index 167

Gaskell, Elizabeth, 6, 104, 131n.7 Jackson, Susan, 144 n. 12 Geggus, David,13 Jamaica, see West Indies gender, 1, 52, 55,119 Jane Eyre (Brontë) and class, 48 analogues of, 7, 104–10, 113–14, and control, 9–10, 26, 28 120–6, 143 n. 2, 143 n. 3 and social roles, 74, 77, 144 n. 6 the archaic and themodern in, 21–2 Gilbert, Sandra M., 75 chronologyanddating, 3–4, 10–11, Gillies, John, 110 53, 61, 79, 103, 127–8, 130n.4, Glen, Heather, 69 130n.5, 132n.10 Charlotte Brontë,1, 3 class in, 22, 86–91, 96, 98, 102–3, Goderich, Viscount, 48, 115, 116, 118, 125, 142 n. 7, 142 n. 8 119, 120 Englishness in, 4, 5, 52, 55, 72, 84, Goldsmith,Oliver, 19–20 86, 110, 125 The Roman History, 11 fire at Thornfield Hall, 14, 50 Goodlad, Lauren, 86 gender issues in, 23, 39 Grellman, Heinrich, 89–90 imperialism and colonialism in, 4, Greville, Charles, 79 5, 6, 8, 23, 31, 38, 42–3, 50, 52, Gulliver’s Travels (Swift), 22 59, 66, 67–8 Lowood school, 83 Haiti medical geography in, 59, 68, 69 revolution in, 13, 121 narrative modes in, 8, 13, 28, 43, Halberstam, Judith, 43, 46, 54 45–6, 55, 67, 76,83,136 n. 41 Hall, Catherine, 14, 25, 49, 79, 85, 125 publication, 1 White, Male, and MiddleClass,4 ‘race’ in, 4, 8, 20, 22, 26, 27, 32, 34, Halttunen, Karen, 41, 45–6 43, 45, 50, 51, 125, 138n.8 Hancock, Ian, 89 reader expectation in, 26 Hardy, Barbara, 9 reception and criticism, 1–4, 5, 28, Hempstead,Colin A., 131n.7 75,79, 80–1, 82–3, 88, 92, 108, Hesse, Barnor, 25, 119 141 n. 5 Heywood,Christopher, 3, 35, 42, 134 reform in, 4, 5, 30, 70, 72–3, 79, 131 n. 21 n. 1 Hirsch, Marianne, 141 n. 3 religion and belief in, 28–30, 59, Homans, Margaret, 141 n. 3 69–70, 141 n. 5 Hulme, Peter, 1, 114, 119 slavery in, 8, 11, 13, 21, 24–5,28, Hunter, Ian, 83 35, 41, 46, 47, 48, 65, 70, 105, 134n.21, 134n.22, 136 n. 52 India, 66 stage adaptations of, 5, 6,92, British presence in, 59, 62 95–103 education in, 62–4, 140 n. 16 worlding of, 3 imperial policies in, 9–10, 62–3 see also characters in Jane Eyre; missionary work in, 60–1, 63–4, 70 Creole, the; West Indies; slavery in, 24, 61 women social structures in, 87 Jane Eyre or The Secrets of Thornfield women in, 63–4, 69 Manor (Courtney),93,94 asmelodrama, 96, 98, 100, 101, 102 Jackson, Campbell,115 opening, 6,92 Jackson, Elizabeth Walker, 115, reception and assessments of, 94, 116–18, 119 96–7 Jackson, John Rawleigh,115, 117 servants in, 96–8, 99, 100, 102, 103 168 Index

Jenkin, Fleeming, 6,131n.7 Martyn, Henry, 111, 139 n. 7 Jenkin, Henrietta Camilla, 5, 6, 104, martyrdom and sacrifice, 54, 55, 56, 105,126,131 n. 7 65, 68–9 ‘Who Breaks–Pays’,143 n. 2 Mathur, Y.B., 63 see also Cousin Stella (Jenkin) Mayall, David,89 Jewsbury, Geraldine, 4n. 8 Mayhew, Henry,95 Journal ofaVoyage, A (Nugent), 35–6, Meyer, Susan L., 14, 31–2,42,48, 51, 137n.5,138n.7 136 n. 52 Milbank, Alison, 54 Kaplan, Cora, 3, 22, 66, 78, 135 n. 40 Mill, James, 73 Kees, Lara Freeberg,74 Miller, Nancy K., 72 King, Ann Amelia, 115,116–17, 118, missionary societies, 14, 15–16, 60, 65 123, 145 n. 14, 146 n. 20 Mitchell,Sally, 146 n. 6 Kingsley,Charles, 95 Moretti,Franco,45 Kitson, Peter, 123 Klaus, H. Gustav, 81, 87 newspapers and journals Knibb, William, 9, 16, 17, 18–19, 25, The Anti-Slavery Reporterr, 41–2, 116 61, 134n.21, 135 n. 36 Blackwood’sMagazine, 13, 24 Knox, Robert, 43,145 n. 14 Christian Remembrancerr, 81, 82, 88 Kristeva, Julia, 43, 66 Era, 96 JohnBull,12–13, 15 Lambert, David,105,106,112 Leeds Intelligencerr, 14, 19 WhiteCreoleCulture, 17 Saturday Review, 114–15, 144 n. 8 Lamming, George, 25 Sheffield Mercury,80 Lamonica, Maria, 66 Victorian Studies, 130n.6 Lampe, G.W.H., 56 Nicoll,Allardyce, 5 Laqueur, Thomas, 83 Nord,Deborah Epstein, 89, 90 Leavis, Q.D., 1, 3, 10 Northcott, Cecil, 15 Lee, Hermione, 139n.2 novels Lee, Vernon, 6 (cinematic) analogues of,7,143 n. 3 Lewis, G.H., 92 and copyright, 5–6 Lewis, Gordon, 112, 113 theatrical adaptations, 5, 92–4 Lewis, Sarah,74 see also Jane Eyre (Brontë) Woman’s Mission,77 Nussey,Ellen, 135 n. 32 Lockhart, James Potter, 49 Lockhart, JohnGibson, 15, 16–17, O’Callaghan, Evelyn 134n.24, 135 n. 29 Women Writing the West Indies,7, Lonoff, Sue, 69 144 n. 9 Lushington, Stephen, 116 O’Connor, Erin, 130n.6 Omi, Michael, 51 Macaulay, Thomas Babington, 61, orientalism 62–3, 139n.9 feminist, 73 McClintock, Anne, 21, 103 Osbaldiston, David Webster, 94, 95 McQueen, James, 24 Oswalt, John N., 18 Malchow, H.L., 135 n. 37 Mani, Lata, 10, 59, 60, 64 Paine, Thomas, 44 marriage, 73,75 RightsofMan, 66 and law, 40, 49–50, 52 Palmer, Archibald Leighton, 115,118 and property rights of women, 65 Paravisini-Gebert, Lizabeth,13 Index 169

Parry, Benita, 3 Sharpe, Sam, 14, 17–18, 123 Pateman, Carol, 27 Shuttleworth,Sally, 3, 54, 55, 56, 72, Paton, Diana, 42, 119 80, 130 n. 4,132 n. 10, 138 n. 10 Paxton, Nancy L., 24 slavery, 65,85 Perera, Suvendrini, 69 and abolition of, 3, 9–10, 11, 15, 48, philanthropy, 54, 57, 58, 67 50, 61, 104, 115–16, 118 Plasa, Carl, 8, 14, 23, 49, 50, 51, 55 and Christianity, 9, 11–12, 14, Charlotte Brontë,4 15–19, 25, 30, 115,123,134 Politi, Jina, 136 n. 41 n. 21 political unrest, 71, 80–1, 84, 105 contestation over, 7, 12–13, 14–15, see also West Indies 17, 25, 80, 105–6, 120, 146 Poovey, Mary, 3, 141 n. 3 n. 25 Porteus, Beilby, 60–1 and cruelty, 41–2, 47, 112–13, Prince, Mary, 138n.11 114–18, 120, 138n.11, 144 n. 12 race, 52, 119–20, 143 n. 3 as despotism, 105, 107 and empire, 38, 107 domestic, 23–4, 26, 61 and theories of, 33,105 Smith, John (missionary), 14–15 see also Creole, the Smith, Margaret, 6, 94, 96–7, 98, 132 racism, 17, 105, 107 n. 10 and slavery, 19, 112, 120, 124–5, Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty, 2, 126 26, 52 Reckord, Mary, 12, 114 Stepan, Nancy, 33 Rees, Abraham, 32, 33 Stephen, George, 134n.25 Rhys, Jean, 119–20 Stephens, John Russell, 5–6 Wide Sargasso Sea, 7, 104, 114, 143 Stevenson, John, 79 n. 3 Stevenson, Robert Louis Rigby, Elizabeth, 5, 20, 28, 72, 80–1, Memoir of Fleeming Jenkin, 6–7, 131 82–3, 84–5, 88, 91, 108 n. 7, 144 n. 12 rights, 81, 120, 123,126 Stoneman, Patsy, 6, 94, 96 dignity, 117, 118–19 Brontë Transformations, 5,97 (financial) freedom, 18, 25–6, 30, 65, 70, 86, 101, 108 Taylor, Miles, 99 see also women text Romany people, 89–90 and context, 3 Rowell, George, 95–6 andhistorical contingency, 2 Roy, Parama, 67–8 see also novels theatre Sadoff, Diane F., 86 melodrama, 97 Said, Edward, 130n.3 and morality, 123–4, 146 The World, the Text,and the Critic, 2 n. 26 Saville, John, 81, 84 Victoria Theatre, 93–7, 103 Scott, Walter theology Marmion, 3, 10–11, 132n.11 and the heart, 68 self Thomas, Ronald, 27, 78–9 and imagination, 57–8, 141 n. 3 Thomas, Sue realization of, 54, 58 The Worlding of Jean Rhys, 2, 114 Sharpe, Jenny, 2, 23,26, 32, 48, 50, Thormählen, Marianne, 68, 69, 141 52, 138n.8 n. 5 170 Index

Tillotson, Kathleen,1 West Indies and the Spanish Main, The Turley, David, 36 (Trollope), 32 TheCulture of English Antislavery,4 Whitfield, Catherine, 115, 116, 117–18, 123,145 n. 14,146 n. 20 Vincent, Eliza, 94, 96 Wilberforce, William, 60 Vindication of the Rightsof Men, A Williams, Carolyn, 27, 29, 67, 69 (Wollstonecraft), 44 Williams, Raymond,83,86 Viswanathan, Gauri, 62 Williams, W.S., 92, 130n.1 Voyage to South America, A (Juan and Winant, Howard, 51 Ulloa), 33,137n.3,137n.6 women and conceptions of femininity,41 Warner, Ashton, 117 and restlessness, 71, 72, 76, 77, West Indian Humanity:II (pamphlet), 78–9, 82, 84, 101, 141 n. 3 42 and social position of, 71–7, 85, West Indies, 36,43, 66,137n.5,138 105, 113, 139n.1 n. 9 use offaculties, 55–6, 72, 74, 76 planter class in, 9, 12, 14, 17, 35–6, women’srights, 52, 74, 126 41–2, 49, 112, 114–20, 123,131 see also marriage n. 1, 135 n. 36, 144 n. 9, 145 Wood, Marcus, 134 n. 22, 135 n. 38 n. 14, 146 n. 22 worlding,2,130n.2 slave revolts in, 3, 9, 12, 13, 14, 19, Worlding Project,The (Wilson and 20, 25, 46, 47, 48, 71, 105, 108, Connery),130n.2 121, 133 n. 15, 133 n. 19, 144 Wyrick,Deborah,106 n. 4 slavery in, 9, 17, 35, 41–2, 46, 48–9, 104, 105, 111, 117, 119, 121, Young,Robert J.C., 21 122, 146 n. 20, 146 n. 27 see also Creole, the; slavery Zonana, Joyce, 23,73