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Dhe History,.Character, and Customs of the Prior to the Roman Conquest

by

Hilda Isabella Lobb

A Thesis submitted in Partial* Fulfilment of

The Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of CLASSICS

„rfO The University of British Columbia April, 1940 Contents

Chapter . Page Introduction i I, The History of the Celts as Revealed by ... Ancient Authorities • 1 II. The Origin of the Celts as Revealed by Studies in Philoikogy . 12

III* Celtic Expansion in the Bronze Age 27 IV. Celtic Expansion in the Hallstatt Period 36 V. La Tene - The Golden Age of Celticism 49 VI. La Tene - The Great Age of Celtic Expansion 60 VII. She Character of the Celts 66 VIII. • /The Customs of the Celts 75 Conclusion 93 Bibliography 96 i

The History, Character, and Customs of the Celts Prior to the Roman Conquest

Introduction

Mo "History of Europe" could possibly be considered complete which does not contain some reference to the Celts, that great people who had their origin in Central Europe, and who, at the height of their power, inhabited , Noreia, Spain, the British Isles, and seotions of Germany, , and Asia Minor. In the majority of "Histories", however, the allusions to the Celts are vague and inadequate, and convey to the reader no knowledge of the real importance of these people who made a very definite contribution t'o the customs, art, and literature of the countries in which they settled, and who are, even to-day, through their descendants in Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and the western counties of England, exercis• ing a tremendous influence in world affairs.

Undoubtedly, little has been written about the Celts because, until about a century ago, very little was known of them. The earliest references to the Celtic peoples were made by several ancient Greek historians and geographers, and they are important only because they suggest the boundaries, of the Celtic territory at certain dates. The next material of any ii

consequence was 's account of his campaign against the , one of the great branches of the Celtic people. In his "De Bello Gallico", Caesar left the world an imperishable mine of knowledge regarding the character, customs, and history of the Gauls of his day, but he gave little or no information concerning the Gauls of an earlier period. Such was also the case with Tacitus and Livy. None of these historians traced the origin of the Celts, or their transition from their earliest abodes and customs to the environment in which the writers found them. Therefore, while the writings of these ancient authors give us very valuable information, they are extremely inadequate when considered by themselves, and it is only when they are considered in conjunction with the discoveries of modern research, that a fairly complete history of these people can be obtained.

The scientific discoveries of the last hundred years in the fields of physical anthropology, archaeology, and philology have brought to light many new sources of information about the Celts. The anthropologists, through their measure• ments of human skeletons and skulls which they have unearthed in ancient graves and caverns, have been able to group the prehistoric inhabitants of central Europe into several types. The archaeologists have studied the weapons, pottery, and ornaments which were found with the skeletons, and thus have been able to fix the period of the latter. For example, skeletons found buried with stone weapons obviously belong to the Stone Age while those buried with bronze or iron iil

implements date back to the Bronze or Iron Ages. From such discoveries the various types of Celtic people have been determined, and their weapons, dishes, and jewelry described. The philologists, too, who have studied the remaining fragments of the numerous Celtic dialects, and have revealed relations both internally between the dialects and externally with other Indo-European languages, have aided in establishing the Celts in time and place.

In this thesis, therefore, an attempt is made to summarize, through reference to ancient authors and modern researoh, the main facts in the history and customs of the Celtic peoples prior to the Roman Conquest. Several of the ancient authors whose works have been of service have already been mentioned. Of those who have written accounts of the Celts based chiefly on the scientific material available, Hubert was undoubtedly one of the greatest, and many allusions to his work will be found herein. Chapter I

The History of the Celts as Revealed by Ancient Author!ties

Some modern authorities, notably M. Salomon Reinach and M. d'Arbois de Jubainville, claim that the first histori- 1 eal -allusion to anything Celtic occurs in Homer's •"Iliad" in - . „ ' . ' - ' 2 • ;•- the use of the word K»t

Greeks from Cornwall, which was the great source of tin in the ancient world. If these assumptions could be proved, the use of "« <*.

Sanskrit "Kastira", that in turn being derived from the

1. Rice Holmes, T. - "Ancient Britain and the Invasions of Julius Caesar" - Pt* II, p.433.

2. Leaf, W. - "The Iliad" - Vo^.I, Bk.ll: 25,34; Vol.11, Bk.18: 474,565,574,612; Bk.20: 271; Bk.21: 592; Bk.23:503, 561.

3. Rice.Holmes, T. - op.cit. - Pt.II, p.453. 2

1 Sumeriaxi or Semitic "kash" or "shiny metal". It therefore seems much more probable that the Phoenicians first got the name along with the metal from the East, and that they took the name to Cornwall when they went there to trade for the same commodity. In this case, the use of the word by Homer would have no value as a Celtic reference. In order to understand the next recorded allusions to the Celts, it is necessary to know something regarding the size and shape of the world as it then appeared to the ancient Greek historians and geographers. They believed that the earth consisted of an oval of land surrounding the Mediter• ranean, Aegean, and Black Seas, this land being wholly surrounded in turn by a great body of water. The civilized portion of this territory was a narrow fringe encompassing the Aegean and the Mediterranean, and between this area and the ocean there lived great barbarian peoples. Through a line quoted by Strabo from the work of Hesiod, we know that in the eighth century B.C., these bar• barians were classified by the Greeks into three groups -

ALQC o TToc 5 re /It yas re c Se Z>Kve<*s Lir-rrny-o/tyons. The second people mentioned were the Ligurians who evidently had the Celts as close neighbours, for about 50G B.C. the first Greek historian, Hecataeus of Miletus, in his work

1. Liddell and Scott - "Greek-English Lexicon" - p. 648, under ,LK

1. Hubert, H. - "The Rise of the Celts" 0- Introd. p.2.

2* ibid. par les , aujourd'hui depeupll par 1'invasion celtique."1 2 Because there are two Les Oestrymnides mentioned in the poem, one of which can be identified with Gape Saint-Vincent on the south-west tip of Spain, the other with Gape Finistere or , these lines have led to much controversy. As it 3b s not certain which Les Oestrymnides was referred to in the quotation, two totally different interpretations can be placed on the passage. Some authorities claim that the reference is to Les Oestrymnides in Spain, and that therefore, prior to 500 B.C., the Ligurians had been driven back from the west coast of what is now Portugal or towards the 3 mountains. On the other hand, many prominent Celtic students think that Cape Finistere is meant, and that prior to the writing of the original periplus, the Ligurians had reached the northern coast of modern France or Belgium, or even, perhaps, the Frisian Coast, but had been driven back to the 4 by the Celts. The latter surmise is further strengthened by a reference in the work of Apollonius of Rhodes,, who based the geography of his epic poem, the "Argonautica", on the work of earlier geographers. In describing the journey of the Argonauts up the Rhone, he tells of their adventures on the stormy Swiss Lakes under the Hercynian Mountains which, he says, "extend into the midst of the Celtic country."5 1. Bonsor, G. - "Tartesse", ch.l, p.5 - translation of v.113-^ 119 of "Ora Maritima". 2. The Cambridge Ancient History - Vol.VII, ch.II, p.51. 3. ibid. , p.5.2. Also , Bonsor, G. - op.cit. ch.l, p.5. 4. Hubert, H. - op.cit., Introd., p.2. 5. Mooney, G.W. - "The Argonautiea of Apollonius Rhodius" - .Further enlightenment as to the location of the Celts about 450 B.C. is given to us by the historian Herodotus. In tracing the course of the river Ister or Danube, he says "it flows from the land of the Celtae and the city of Pyrene 1 through the very midst of Europe." This allusion to a city of Pyrene has caused much confusion. The Celts may have had a city of this name, but it is more probable that Herodotus was mistaken over the source of the Danube, and thinking that it rose in the Pyrenees Mountains, he applied the name of the mountains to the town. He also says, "The Celts dwell beyond the pillars of Heracles, being neighbours of the Cynesii who 2 are the westernmost of all nations inhabiting Europe." These references show conclusively that at this period the Celtic people had over-run western Europe from the head-waters of the Danube to the vicinity of the Atlantic Ocean. One hundred year's later confirmation of this fact was given by the historian Ephorus, for Strabo, quoting the older historian, says, "Ephorus, in his account, makes Celtica so excessive in its size that he assigns to the regions of Celtica most of the regions as far as Gades, of what we now call Iberia." 3 5. (continued from previous page) AVrOU AYTIKH N A -.pp. 359-540,11.627* 647. Also Hubert, H., op.cit., Introd. p.3. 1. Godley, A.D. - "Herodotus" - VoJ..I, Bk.II,35 - pp.314-515. 2. ibid.» Vol.11, Bk.IV, 49, pp.250-251. 3. Jones, H.L. - op.cit. , Vol.11, 4.4.6, pp.250-251. In a passage preserved by Plutarch, Timaeus also about 260 B.C. adequately summarizes the situation when he informs us that all the rivers of Europe flowing into the Atlantic go 1 through Celtic country* About 325 B.C., Pytheas, on a voyage of discovery sponsored by a group of Massilian merchants, proceeded north to Brittany where he recorded the presence of the Osismii, one of the Celtic tribes, at the tip of Finistere or ' 2 "Aremorica". He also found Celts settled in the British Isles for in referring to his visit there he did not use the old Iberian or Ligurian name of Albion, but the Celtic

"Prettanie Isles" which he wrote in Greek as JfpeTT^vLK^c Vn

by traders. Just before the time of Pytheas' voyage -t however, the Celts in the interior began to migrate southwards and eastwards, and accordingly we learn a great deal more of their movements because they now came into direct contact for the first time with the Romans and the Greeks who have left many accounts of the ensuing conflicts. 1. Plutarchi - "Moralia" - Tom.V, De Placitis Philosophor, Bk.III, p.281. 2. Hubert, H. - pp.cit. - Introd., p.4. 3* The Cambridge Ancient History" - Vol.VII, Ch.II, p.53. -About 400. B.C., a section of the Celtic people known as the Gauls began to move southward. Although Livy places the date of this migration as about 600 B.C. when Tarquinius Priscus was king of Rome, all other evidence shows that the later date is probably more correct. In his account, however, Livy tells us that the Bituriges were the strongest tribe among

the celts.1 This tribe so increased in numbers during the reign of their king, Ambigatus, that h\e decided to take steps to relieve the burden of over-population. Accordingly, he directed his nephews, Segovesus and Bellovesus, to lead two expeditions into new territory. Auspices were taken to indicate the direction in which the parties should travel. As a result of the divination of these auspices, Segovesus was commanded to lead his group north towards the Hercynian Forest, while .Bellovesus was to proceed south towards Italy. Plutarch, in his ffiLife of Camillus", relates the same story in a slightly different form. He says that the population of the Gauls, who were of Celtic stock, was so great that their land could not support all of them, and so they set out to search for other regions in which to live. Some of them moved towards the northern ocean and settled in the remotest parts of Erarope, while others •invaded the country between the Pyrenees and the Alps where they remained until someone imported wine to them from Italy. They are supposed to have enjoyed this drink so much that they determined to go to the land where it was

1. Livii Patavini, T. - "Historiarum Libri" - Tom.I, Bk.V, 34, p.325. 2. Perrin, B. - "Plutarch's fives'", Vol.11. - The Life of Camillus - pp. 126-127. produced, and so after much difficulty they crossed the Alps and settled in the northern part of Italy, in the of the , which was later known as . Successive bands of Gauls crossed the Alps, however, and as Cisalpine Gaul could not provide land for all of them, some of the tribes moved further south and conquered Tuscany. After defeating a Roman army on the banks of the River Allia

about twenty miles from Rome, they captured the city itself"1" and held it for a short period before they were finally expelled... Until the end of the century, however, the Celts continued to make sporadic attacks on various parts of Italy.

Simultaneously, the Celts were moving eastwards. In 355 B.C., when Alexander held a meeting at the mouth of the Danube of deputations from the peoples living in the valley of that great river, envoys came to him from the Celts who 2 dwelt on the Ionian Gulf, at the head of the Adriatic. Twenty-five years later there was a great Celtic migration eastward along the valley of the Danube, and down through Macedonia. In 279 B.C., these Celtic bands invaded Greece and looted the famous shrine at Delphi. They crossed the Hellespont into Asia Minor, and finally settled in a district to which they gave their name, that is, "". 1. Livii Patavini, T. - op.cit. - Tom.I, V, 38-49, pp.329- 340. 2. Arriani - "Anabasis et Indica" - I, 4.6., p.5. 3. Hubert, H. - op.cit.- Introd.,p.6. 'At approximately the same time, another party of Celts penetrated the territory of the Ligurians, and reached the shores of the Mediterranean. As a consequence, the Gulf 1 of Lions became known as "Gallicus.Sinus". In 218 B.C., , on his way to the Alps, met Celts throughout this • • 2 territory, and according to a statement written by Polybius about seventy years later, these people were thickly settled ' '' .3 in the entire area between the Pyrenees and Narbo. In 222 B.C., however, Celtic power began to decline for the Romans, after defeating the Gauls in the valley of the Po, brought that territory under their jurisdiction. Soon afterwards, they obtained a firm foot-hold in Spain. Then in 120 B.C., the are_a of Gallic territory eastrofL, 4.quitania and extending from the Pyrenees north to the Garonne and then eastwards to the Alps and the southern tip of was made a Roman province under the name "Provincia". The next major event in Celtic history was the eight years' campaign carried on by Caesar which finally reduced Gaul to the status of a Roman province. Because the Gelts were being continually pressed westward by northern peoples, Gaul and Britain were at this time the great strongholds of Celticism, and so in "De Bello Gallico" we find information of the greatest value concerning the Celts because it was written

1. Livii Patavini, T. - op.cit.- Tom.II - XXVI, 19, p.303.

2. Hubert, H. - op.city, - Pt. II,' Ch.V, p.302. 3. Paton, W. _R.- - "Polybius - The Histories" - Vol.VI, BlqpKlV, •9,3 - p.321. 10

by a man who visited them and came into personal contact with their habits.

Caesar opens his book by telling us that Gaul was divided into three parts, Belgica, Aquitania, and Gaul proper, each of which had its own language, customs, and laws. Then 1 he proceeds to delineate the boundaries of each section* Next he informs us that the reason for his invasion of Gaul was the fact that the Celtic tribe known as the were preparing to migrate, and that they intended to cross the 2 Roman Provincia. After he had overcome the Helvetii, he had to quell the who had entered into a confederacy against the Roman people. By this time, the Gauls realized that Caesar's object was to conquer them, and so during the next six years they fomented a succession of outbreaks in various parts of Gaul. In the third year of his campaign, Caesar and his army were compelled to fight on three fronts — just east of Lake Geneva, in Aremorica or Finistlre, and again in the territory of the Belgae. In the next two seasons Caesar invaded Britain because the Celts there were sending help 4 to the Celts on the mainland. In the sixth and seventh 5 years the Romans had to meet uprisings all over Gaul, but at the end of the seventh campaign, they inflicted a terrible • defeat on the Gauls at , and the Gallic leader, 6 Verejgagetorix, was surrendered to Caesar. The eighth year

1. Rice Holmes, T. "Caesar - De Bello Gallico" - I, 1,pp.1-2, 2. ibid I, 7, p.8. 3. ibid III, pp.100-128. 4* ibid IV and V. ibid VI and VII. 6. ibid., VII, 68-90, pp.336-361. saw the end of Gaesar's campaigns and Gaul a Roman province. After Gaesar's time, the rest of the Celtic territory- came under Roman domination, the Celts became a subject race, and their history became entwined with that of Rome. Although with the absorption of the Celtic territory into the Roman Empire allusions to the Celts became much more frequent in Roman literature, we shall not concern ourselves with these as we are mainly interested in the Celts as an independent people free to follow their own methods of government and their own customs. At this point, therefore, we shall leave our chapter on thehistory of the Celts as revealed by ancient authorities and enter the field of modern research. Chapter II

The Origin of the Celts as Revealed by Studies in Philology

One of the most fruitful lines of research in the earliest history of the Celts is a study of their languages, and in this field there has been much activity in recent years.

Very few sources of information concerning the ancient are available. On the Continent 1 there are to be found about sixty Celtic inscriptions, some of which are written in Greek or Etruscan characters, while others are in Roman. There are also some proper names and a few common nouns. While these fragments are in several dialects, they are now all grouped together as belonging to 1 the ancient Gaulish or Gallic language. A small Gaulish vocabulary which was discovered in Vienna in a manuscript belonging to the eighth century A.D., but which was probably 2 first compiled in the fifth century, is of great value in a study of this language. More information is available about and Old British because more inscriptions and more 3 glosses concerning their dialects have survived. 1. Hubert, ThHe. moder- "Then RisCeltie co flanguage the Celtss ar" -e Pt.Idivide, Ch.IId into, p.35two . 2. ibid., Pt.I, Ch.II, p.36. 3. ibid., Pt.I,Ch.II, p.35. 13

groups which have existed from the time of the Bronze Age.

These two groups are known as Goidelic and Brythonic.1 The Goidelic group includes Irish, the Gaelic of Scotland, and 2 the Manx of the Isle of Man. In the Brythonic group are 2 Breton, Welsh,and Cornish. The use of Cornish died out in 1 Cornwall at the end of the eighteenth century, but Gaelic is yet in use in the Highlands of Scotland. Y/elsh is still spoken and sung in the mountain valleys of Wales, and Erse has undergone a tremendous revival with the determination of modern Ireland or Eire to prove itself the worthy inheritor of a brilliant Celtic ancestry. A study of the Gaulish, Irish, and Welsh fragments reveals a close resemblance between their vocabularies. In a glossary of approximately one thousand Gaulish words compiled by M. Dottin, there are very few which have no 3 equivalent in Irish or Welsh, or in both. The word "magos^ or "plain" is found in the Gaulish "Noviomagus" or "New Plain", in the Irish "magh", in the Welsh "ma", and in the Breton 4 . f'maes". Corresponding to the Gallic "Vernomagus" or "Alder

Field" we find the Irish ,rFernmag", and the Gallic "Senomagus" . 3 . or "Old Plain" is the same as the Irish "Sen Mag". For the Gaulish "Trinanto" or "Three Yalleys" we have the ffielsh 3 "Trineint"'.

1. Hubert, H. - op.cit. - Pt. I, Ch.II, p.35.

2. ibid.t p.34-35. 3. ibid., p.37. 4* Ibid., pp.36-37. 14

Similar comparisons can be made between Geltiberian, Spanish, Gallic, and British words. The Spanish "acnuna", a name for a land-measure, is in reality the same as the Gaulish 1 "acina". The Spanish equivalent of the name of the British

queen Boadioea, was "Boudica".x Cisalpine Gaulish "^VC^K^^ n or "collar" is just another form of the Irish "muince" or of 1 . ^ • • the Old Welsh "minci". The Galatian " H- ^z0 KcLS/ " is un• doubtedly closely related to the Irish "marc" and the Welsh 1 •'march". There were similarities among the Celtic languages not only in vocabulary but also in grammatical construction, particularly in the declension of nouns and the conjugation of verbs. For example, nouns whose stems ended in £, a, and i_ . 2 formed their genitives respectively in i^, as, and os. In Old Irish there was a conjugation in which the first person singular of the indicative ended in u, e.g. "tiagu" or"I go." Welsh had the same conjugation but in that language the u became _i as in "carasi" meaning "I have loved'?. On a Gaulish inscription on the Continent the same conjugation has been 3 found in the use of the word "karnitu" meaning "I heaped up". Further proof of the kinship of the Celtic languages lies in the fact that the various Celtic peoples were evidently 4 able to understand one another. In the accounts that have survived of intercourse between them there is no mention of • interpreters being employed. Tacitus, in his "Agricola", 1. Hubert, H. - op.cit. - Pt.I, Ch.II, p.38. 2. ibid., p.38,, footnote 7. 3. ibid. , pp. 38 - 39. 4. ibid., p.40. tells us that there was very little difference between ••* > -1 British and Gaulish, and St. Jerome, in writing a commentary on St. Paul•s "Epistle to the " after visiting the Galatians at the end of the fourth century A.D., says that they spoke a Celtic dialect which was very like that of the people of Treves. For approximately seven centuries the Galatians had been living in Asia Minor surrounded by other peoples who mainly spoke Greek, yet their language could still be recognized as Celtic. When after such an interval of time peoples as widely separated as the Galatians on the one hand and the Irish and Welsh on the other still used words as similar as ..-/•• " h i° Koi v ", "marc", and "march", it is proof of the fact , 5 that their languages had a common source. Once this conclusion is reached, it is not a very difficult task to trace the origin of the Celtic languages. It is now universally accepted that they belong to the Indo- European family, the first home of which is generally admitted to lie in the grassland area just north of the Black and Caspian Seas. Prom this territory, whikh was the habitat of a pastoral and agricultural people, there was a series of migrations eastwards and westwards over a long period. As a result of contacts with other languages during the course of these migrations, differences developed in the original language

1. Delphini Classici - "Tacitus" - Vol.VI, Agricola, Cap.11, : p.3482. 2. Hubert, H. op.cit., Pt. I, Oh.II, .p.41. Also, The Encyclopaedia Britannica - 11th Ed., Vol.V - p.613,1st col.

3. Hubert, H., op.cit. ,t Pt.I, ch.II, p.40. 16 and there resulted the various branches of the Indo-European language such as Sanskrit, Iranian, Greek, Italic, and Celtic. If the grammars of the Celtic and Indo-European languages are compared, the kinship between them is illustrated by. their great number of verb tenses, a feature which is 1 distinctly characteristic of Indo-European languages. An examination of the vocabularies of the various Indo-European and Celtic tongues shows their relationship even more clearly. For example, the word for "mother" is practically the same in all the Indo-European languages, it being "mathir" in Old Irish, "matres" in Gaulish, "mader" in Old Icelandic, "Mutter" in modern German, "mater" in Latin, n i^. « in Doric Greek, "matar" in Sanskrit, "mayr" in . _ z Armenian, and "macar" and "madhar" in Tokharian. The idea of an "enclosure" is contained in almost the same word in various Indo-European languages, e.g. "fert" in Old Irish, "feart" in modern Irish, and "vrtih" in Sanskrit. Other words closely allied to these in form and meaning are the Greek

» ep v a-6 °L L "F the Gothic "warjan", the modern German "wehren", Irish "ferann", and Sanskrit "varanah". It must be admitted, hovjever, that while the vocabu• laries of the Celtic and other Indo-European languages show great resemblances to one another, the Celtic vocabularies have certain peculiarities. Several words and roots that are found in most of the other Indo-European languages are missing in Celtic, and their places taken by other words. As these

1. Hubert, H. - op.cit. - Pt.I, ch.II, p.43~, 2. ibid. -2p-.4;3._4.4. 3. ibid. - ?44- innovations pan be easily explained, however, they by no ' 1 means suggest that the Celtic languages are not Indo-European. One reason for- such variations is that certain new words were absorbed into Celtic from the languages with which the Celts came into contact. Just what these words were we have no means of knowing as the pre-Celtic western languages, with the exception of Basque, have disappeared. No doubt some Indo- European words were discarded by the Celts because of religious scruples. Then, too, in the early Indo-European language, there were doubtless several words in use for the same object. After its separation into different branches, however, one group of people would probably use one word, while for the same object another group would use a different word.

The Celtic languages are also distinguished from all the other Indo-European languages by certain phonetic ' 2 • • features. Whereas'the other Indo-European languages had vowel-consonants - m, n,r, and 1, in the Celtic languages the r is always represented by ri before a consonant. Then,too, in Celtic the Indo-European diphthong ejL became i", and the Indo-European e became i, as witness the Latin "rex" and the Celtic "rix". The most striking change, however, is the dropping in the Celtic languages^, with several exceptions, of the Indo-European p at the beginning or in the middle of a word. The name "Aremorici" for "the people who live by the sea" illustrates this point. "Mor" is of course the "sea", while "are" means 'by" and is equivalent to the Greek" ir« "

1. Hubert, H. op.cit., Pt.I, ch.II, pp.47-50. 2. ibid., pp*44-46. and Lati>n "prae". The "ver" part of the name of the famous Celtic leader, •„ who was literally the "Chief King of those who march against the foe", corresponds to the Greek c <-

nvTf * f> ». in this case the p_ has been dropped from the middle of the prefix. These phonetic changes are actually further evidence' that the Celtic languages were Indo-Eurppean, because in them lies the answer to the very important question as to whether- the' Celtic languages were Indo-European by origin, or by adoption as in the case of Germanic. A people who adopt a language are so very particular about the pronunciation of the consonants that they lay extra stress on them, and in the process of exaggeration there is a change from easily pro• nounced consonants such as b_, d, and g to consonants like

£» JL> k> ari

1. Hubert, H. - op.cit. - Pt. I, oh.II, p.52. probably during the Neolithic Age. If we can determine where they first settled, we shall have located the real home, or the cradle as it is known, of all the Celtic peoples. As the only Celts in Asia were those who migrated there'in the third century B.C., the cradle of the Celts must have been somewhere in Europe. A further comparison of the similarities existing between the Indo-European languages will show that the Celtic languages are much more closely related to Italic and Germanic than to any of the others, and it is through the special affinities existing between these three groups of languages that the original home of the Celts can be definitely located.. The Indo-European languages have been divided into two groups according to the way in which the initial consonant of the word for "hundred" developed. In some of the Indo- European languages such as Iranian and Sanskrit, this initial consonant became a sibilant and these languages are classified as belonging to the "satem" group, while in others the initial consonant for "hundred" remained an occlusive, and accordingly 1 they are said to belong to the "centum" group. In the latter classffication belong Celtic, Italic, and Germanic. These three languages all share a modification in rhythm which is one of the most stable Elements of the Indo- European language. In the latter, the accent of a word was very weak and fell anywhere according to the.sense, but in Celtic, iJBalic, and Germanic, the accent became one of strese 1. Hubert, H. - op.cit. - Pt.I, ch.ill, p.55. 20 1 placed usually on the first syllable of a word. They have similar traits also in phonetics, while in grammar they have special forms to express the preterite and the 2 past subjunctive. In their vocabularies, too, these three languages show very close relationships as they alone of the Indo- European languages have certain roots or forms of the same root, or certain meanings for these roots. For example, the root of the Latin "hasta" is purely western, other forms from the same root, being found only in Celtic and Germanic, as witness the Irish "gas" or "stalk", Gothic "gazds" or "goad", and Old High German "gert" or "rod". The Irish "faith" for "bard" or "soothsayer", the Latin "va.tes", and the modern German "Wuth" are allied words found only in the western branches of the Indo-European speeches. In addition to features shared in common by the Celtic, Italic, and Germanic languages, Celtic has certain affinities with each of the other two. As Latin is the only Italic language of which we possess a complete vocabulary, we shall use it to compare with the Celtic languages. Latin, of course, was greatly affected in its development by its contact with Greek, which was for a long time the general language spoken in the Mediterranean Area. Nevertheless, Ltain contains many elements whihh show that before it became influenced by Greek, it had been very 1. Hubert, H. - op.cit. - Ft. I, Oh.Ill, p*55. 2, ibid. , p.56. 5. ibid. •, pi56. 21

closely related to Celtic. 'Some of the prefixes and conjunctions in Latin and Celtic are practically the same. For Latin "de", Irish and 1 Brythonic have "din, while for Latin "cum" they have "com". Both groups have two forms of the same adjective to say "other". From a stem "ali-" we have the Italic "alis" and "alid" whence comes the Latin "alter" and Welsh "eil", all of these meaning "the second". Then from a stem "alio-", we 1 find Latin "alius" and "aliud" and Irish "aile". Both groups havfrome mana speciay othel r roowordt sVg^ forme, dmeanin from g commo"do",n rootsLatin . hasFo r"gnavus" example, , Irish has "gniu" or (tI do", "gnim"' or "deed", "fogniu" or - •. 2 . . "I serve", "fognom" or "service", and Welsh has "gweini". It is in grammar, however, that Celtic and Latin have the closest similarities. In both groups, noun stems ending in o.firm their genitive in 1, for example, Latin "dominus-domini", 2 and Celtic "Segomaros-Segomari" and• ttaagos-magi". Both .3 • . ' ' languages have verb nouns in "-tion". The superlative of adjectives in both groups is formed by adding a form of

"-samo-n, in Latin rt-(s)imw", in Celtic "-(s)am-" or "-(s)em-", to the positive. This fact is illustrated by the words for "nearest." In Latin, the word is "proximag", in Oscan "nessimas", in Umbrian "nesimei", in Old Irish "nessam", and in Welsh 4 "nesaf In their verb forms, both Celtic and Latin have the

I* Hubert, H.,op.cit.- Pt. I, oh.Ill, p.58. 2. ibid.p.59. 3. "The Encyclopaedia Britannica" - 11th Ed. -Vol.V,p.612,2na/col. 4. Hubert,H., op.cit.- Pt.I,ch.III, p.60. . 22

the future formed in "-bo".1 Both, also, have a deponent to take the place of the Greek middle voice which has a reflexive meaning. The forms of the deponent are identical in both Latin and Celtic, for example, "loquor " labrur", "loquitur <=labrithir" 1 and "loquimur = labrimmir". While Latin has the personal passive voice, there are also in several words such as "itur" examples of the use of an impersonal passive which is the 2 only passive voice the Celtic languages possess. : As'its grammatical structure is the most permanent thing about any language and the least likely to change, the close similarities between the Celtic and Latin grammars suggest that the Celtic and Italic stock first shared the same habitat before the Italioi moved south into the peninsula now known as Italy. In a comparison of Celtic and Germanic, it becomes evident that the likenesses are not grammatical, as in the case of Celtic and Italic. Indeed, in the declension of their 4 nouns and adjectives, there are marked differences. The similarities lie in the striking resemblancescf their vocabularies. Many names relating to the ground, various materials, metals, politics, law, and warfare are almost identical in both languages. Only one or two examples can be quoted here. The name of the sun in modern German is "Sonne", while in Welsh it is "huan".5 The English "floor" is the same 1. Hubert, H. op.cit., Pt.I, ch.Ill, p.60. 2. ibid., p.61. 3. ibid., p.62. 4. ibid., p.62-63. 5. ibid., p. 64. as the modern \German ?Flur", the Irish "lar", and the Welsh 1 "llawr". German "Land" comes from a Celtic "landa" from which ,2 were also formed Irish "lann" and Welsh "llan". German "Leder" or "leather" is closely related to Irish "lether" and 2 Welsh "lledr". Gothic "reiks" or "prince" and "reiki" or 3 "kingdom" come from the Gaulish "rix".

How did the Germans acquire so many Celtic words? The answer is obvious. They borrowed them. Such a general assimilation of Celtic words into the Germanic language indicates that the two peoples dwelt in close contact with each other. The close affinities observed between the Celtic and Italic languages on the one hand, and between the Celtic and Germanic languages on the other, clearly suggest that the Celts must have had their earliest home in close proximity to both of the other races. Such a position would indicate that the cradle of the Celts was situated in the Upper Valley of the 5 Danube between Italy and Germany. Such a conclusion, however,' is contrary to the opinion held by the majority of historians of the time of the Soman Umpire. In that period, the Gauls, who were then the leading Celtic people, were so strongly established in what is now France, that that country was regarded as their original home, and the starting-point for their migrations. But in the fourth century A.D., the historian, 1. Hubert, H. - op.cit. , Pt. I, ch.III, p.64. 2. ibid., p.65. 3. ibid.,p.66. 4. ibid., p.67. 5. ibid., Pt.I.,Ch.IV, p.76. Ammianus Mar.cellinus, records a belief held by the concerning the entry of the Celts into Gaul. In the passage, "Drysidae • .me/norant revera fuisse populi partem indigenam; sed alios quoque ... confluxisse -(ab) tractibus transrhenanis, 1 ... sedibus suis expulsos", we learn that the Celtic priest• hood continued to preserve the tradition that part of the population of Gaul was indigenous, but that other people, who were undoubtedly the Celts, had entered Gaul from across the . Many later authorities, however, continued to cling to the belief that Gaul was the real home of the Celts. One of the arguments they advanced as supporting such a conclusion was the survival of so many Celtic names for French cities, as, for example, Toulouse, Arras, Bourges, Besaneon, Nantes, Rheims, Soissons, Amiens, Tours, and Paris. While Celtic town-names are undoubtedly proof of the presence of the Celts in a country as some period of its history, they do not necessarily imply that the Celts were very early settlers there. The names of the natural features of a country, such as its mountains and rivers, are the names which suggest the identity of the earliest inhabitants, for the first occupants of a land always transmit their names for the rivers and mountains to 2 their successors, and these are the names which usually survive. Later settlers may give a river or a mountain another name, but nearly always the original name continues to be used, and finally becomes the predominant one. 1. Marcellinus, Ammianus - Lib. XV in "Gonstantius et Julianus" - IX, 4, p.59. 2. Hubert, H* - op.cit., Pt. II, ch.l, pp.151-152. Also, The Cambridge Ancient History, Vol.VII, oh.II, p.54. An examination of the names of the mountain ranges, and particularly of the rivers of France, will show that they not Celtic, but probably Iberian or Ligurian.1 This fact is proof that the Celts were not indigenous to Gaul, and that their occupation of the country must have been the result of migrations.

There is one small section of Europe, however, where the names of the natural features of the land are Celtic, indicating that here the Celts were almost, if not quite, the very earliest inhabitants. This area corresponds • • ••• 2 to the south-west corner of Germany. Just a few of the Celtic place-names which mark fthis region as the cradle of the Celts can be quoted here* The 3 name of the "Hercynian Forest" is Celtic. In "Gabreta Silva" r 3 we find the Gaulish word "gabros" for "goat". The same word appears in Irish as "gathar", in Welsh as "gafr", and in Breton as "gabr". Both the words "Rhine" and "Danube" are Celtic. Irish "rian" meaning "sea" corresponds to "Renos",and in Irish "dana" means "swift". The name of a of the Danube, the "Laber" or "Talking giver",is closely related 3. to the Irish "labrur", Welsh "llafar", and Breton "lauar". In the same area, there were also many towns with Celtic names such as "Carrodunum", "Cambodunum", "Virodunum", "Tarrodunum",

1an. d Hubert"Vincium", H. . - op.cit.Unfortunately, Pt.II, , ch.I.these , namep.151s hav. e been changed 2. ibid., p.147. 3. ibid., p.148. 4. ibid., p.147. 26 and Germanized so that to-day no Celtic town-names survive in this district.

Through a study of the names of the rivers, mountains, and towns, therefore, it becomes evident that the cradle of the Celts"lay in a small, triangular-shaped territory, bounded on the west by Treves and the Yosges Mountains, on the north by an imaginary line running from Cologne across the Thuringer 1 2 Wald into Bohemia, and on the south by lower Bavaria. It was in this region that all the Celtic languages had their origin, and it was from here that the Celts extended their sphere of influence.

1. Hubert, H. op.cit., Pt .II, e'h.I, p. 155.

2. ibid., p.160. Chapter III

Celtic Expansion in the Bronze Age

In the history of western Europe there is one period

.which can be positively identified with a great flowering of Celtic culture. This era, which lasted from 500 B.C. to the Roman Conquest, is known as the La Tens Age, and because of its decidedly Celtic characteristics, some experts claim that • ••.:' 1 it contains the whole of Celtic history. No greater mistake could be made, however, as the La Tene Era was for the Celts only the brilliant culmination of a muchlonger existence. Through archaeological investigations it has been ascertained that, during the third and fourth periods of the Bronze Age, the area referred to as the cradle of the Celts was the home of special types of tumuli, pottery, weapons, and ornaments. These particular objects were the forerunners of those of the first Iron Age or the Hallstatt Era, while the corresponding objects of the Hallstatt Period were the direct predecessors of those of the La Tene Age. As the characteristics of each age develop from previous ones, the

culture of La Tene was the natural climax of a Celtic history which extended over centuries.

1* Hubert, H. - "The Rise of the Celts" - Pt.I, Ch.V, p.83* ibid., Pt.II, Ch.l, p.167. 28

That the La Tene Period does not contain all there is to know of Celtic History is further indicated by the fact that s the La Tene culture is the civilization of one branch only of 1 the Celtic peoples, namely, the Brythons, Any complete account of the Celts, however, must also include the Goidels. If these people had no part in the culture of the La Tene Era, some other period in European history must have witnessed their expansion into their great strongholds, Ireland and Scotland. Consequently, it has been assumed by many authori• ties that they reached Britain several centuries prior to the v 2 Brythonic migrations of the La Tene Age, The difference between the Goidels and the Brythons is one of language, and is concerned with the labialization of the velar sound cu The Goidelic dialects partially labialized this sound by using au while the Brythonic dialects fully 3 labialized it by changing it to p_. As a result, these two groups of dialects are respectively classified as Q- and P- languages. The fact that exactly the same difference exists between Latin and the other Italic tongues, and that the Italic and Celtic languages originated in a common stock, has led to the theory that the original Italo-Celtic language was a Q,- language, and that, at a period not yet definitely determined, 1. Hubert, H., op. cit. - Pt.I, Ch.Y, p.83. 2. ibid., Pt. II, Gh.I, p.131. 5. Bice Holmes, T. - "Ancient Britain and the Invasions of Julius Caesar" - Pt. II, p. 410. Also

The Encyclopaedia Britannica - 11th Ed., Vol. 16, p.245:, 2nd Col. Also The Cambridge Ancient History, Vol.II, Chill, p.33. two groups of people who spoke this language, and who were to he later known as Goidels and Latins, broke off from the main body and migrated to their historical positions. After these two movements had taken place, the £_ of the original language was completely labialized and this change was then 1 incorporated into the later Brythonic and Italic dialects. The problem to be solved, then, is the date of the Goidelic migration. While most authorities believe that the Goidels reached Britain sometime in the Bronze Age, opinion is divided as to whether they arrived at the beginning or the end of this period. Archaeological discoveries have proved that just before the beginning of the Bronze Age, Great Britain was inhabited by a people who built large megaliths in which peculiar bell-shaped beakers or vessels have been found. As exactly the same type of megaliths and beakers have been discovered in Spain, it is conceded that the people who made 2 the bell-shaped beakers in Britain originally came from Spain, and were probably Iberians or Ligurians. There is evidence, however, that in the first period 3 3 of the Bronze Age, somewhere between 1620 and 140Q B.C*, a new group of people reached the British Isles. These people also made beakers but of a different design from those made by the inhabitants of the Neolithic Age. The new beakers

1. Hubert, H., op.cit., Pt.II, ch.l., pp.138-139. 2. ibid., Pt.li, ch.II, p.200 3. ibid., Pt.II, Oh.I, p.171; Pt.II, ch.II, p.194-. Also Rice Holmes} T* - op'.cit. , Pt.II, p.430. had horizontal, hands incised on them by ropes, and for this reason they are known as zoned beakers, and the people who 1 produced them are called the Zoned-Beaker Folk. M. Hubert claims that these people were the Goidels, but Professor Rice Holmes disagrees with this theory.

. Professor Rice Holmes accepts the fact that the Zoned-Beaker Folk arrived in Britain sometime between the sixteenth and the fourteenth centuries B.C., but he believes 2 that they were an Alpine people. He argues that if they were Goidels, Goidelic and Latin must have become different• iated from the main body of the Italo-Celtic language long before the end of the Neolithic Age, a supposition which he ; 3 considers absurd, and so he advances the theory that the Goidels first reached Ireland about the end of the Bronze Age, and that some of them later moved into Britain, but that the second migration took place not earlier than the seventh

century.0 M. Hubert, however, is just as convinced that the Zoned-Beaker Folk were the Goidels, and he reaches his con• clusions by a comlination of methods which includes a study of archaeological remains in Britain, a study of ancient Irish legends, and a process of elimination by matching all subsequent invasions of Britain with historical migrations or with migra• tions that can be proved archaeologically. He adequately sums up his method of reasoning when he writes: 1. Hubert, H. op.cit., Pt.II, ch.l, p.172. 2. Rice Holmes, T. - op.cit., Pt.II, p.428. 3. ibid., Pt.II, pp.432-433. ,rIf *the archaeology of Britain reflects, as it is reasonable to suppose, its racial vicissitudes -- if, that is, the arrival of each of the elements in its Celtic population is to be connected...with a phase of its civilization, as revealed by the remains left in its soil, the Belgae having contributed the culture of La Tene II and III, the Britons that of La Tene I, and the Bicts that of the end o-f the Bronze Age, — then we have nothing to ascribe to the Goidels but the culture of the beginning of the Bronze Age, and they must be identified with the Gontinental invasion which took place in Britain at that time."l

In further substantiation of his theory, zoned beakers similar to the ones found in Britain have been dis- 2 covered in Bohemia and in northern Germany. The round barrows which contain the beakers are also identical. Many of these barrows are erected over cremations, a type of burial which had previously not been common in the British Isles but which was practised extensively by the Continental Zoned-Beaker Folk. I/hen inhumation was practised, the bodies were buried in a contracted position as was the case in Central Germany. Then, too, many of the later zoned vases or urns found in Britain are similar to pottery which has been found in North Germany. Finally, the arrangement of the land and houses at the mouth of the Rhine where for a time some of the Zoned-Beaker Folk lived, seems to provide the culminating 5 evidence that they were Goidels. In the greater part of Germany the houses were grouped together in a village sur• rounded by their lands, but at the mouth of the Rhine the house1. Huberts stoo, Hd. alone- op.cit., separate- Pt.IId ,fro ch.IIm one, anothep.220.r by their fields. 2. ibid., Pt.II, oh.I., p.175. 3. ibid., Pt.II, oh.I, p.188. The latter arrangement is a feature of Celtic life, and it is a fact worth noting that it still exists in Western Hanover and Westphalia, Ireland, Scotland, and parts of England and France•

From these considerations, M. Hubert presumes that a body of Goidels had moved north from the eradle of the Celts 1 to the mouth of the Rhine and had settled there. Then for an unknown reason, perhaps because of some intrusion of the sea, or of a new invention in the soience of navigation, a group of them left the Rhine settlement to make new homes for themselves in other regions. This theory is strengthened by a tradition contained in the "Leabhar Gabhala" or "Book of Invasions". This book records five invasions of Ireland, the last of which was 3 the invasion of the sons of Mile, or the Goidels* They are recorded as coming from Spain, but Spain was not their original home. They only paused there in the course of a much longer journey from a far distant country. Notwithstanding this Irish legend, Hubert believes that the Goidels crossed directly from the mouth of the Rhine 4 : th±t to Britain where they first settled, but^they were later 5 driven into Ireland by the arrival of other bands of Celts. Hubert's hypothesis closely corresponds to 1. Hubert, H., op.cit., Pt.II, ch.l, p.187, 2. ibid., p.188. 3. ibid., PtvII, eh.Hi pp. 192-193. 4. ibid., Pt.II, ch.l, p.187. 5. ibid.» Pt.II, ch.l, p.176. Rademaoher.1 s theory which- is outlined in the Cambridge Ancient History. According to this theory, the Zoned-Beaker Folk were the proto-Celts, but during the Bronze Age they were divided int two groups.— a backward element dwelling in the lower Rhine Valley, and a more progressive group in the south-west corner of Germany. The former were almost certainly the Goidels who were responsible for the Zoned-Beaker Invasion of Britain in the early part of the Bronze Age.

About the end of the Bronze Age another Celtic 2 people, the ,migrated to the British Isles, but like the Goidelie migration, this invasion also is shrouded in the mists of antiquity. Although it is not known just where the Picts originated, the survival of such Pictish names as Epidii, Wurgust, Cornavii, Caeraeni, Carnonacae, Venturiones, Argentocoxos, and Togenanus prove beyond a doubt that they were a Celtic people. Whether they were Goidelie or Brythonic when they arrived in Britain is another question which remains unsolvedj but It is considered more probable that they were just changing from Goidelie to Brythonic, and that in their language they called the island "Qurteni" or "Qretani1* whence came the- later Brythonic form "Prettanic" meaning "the 5 island of the Picts'1. Irish legends which provide us with most of our information concerning the Picts say that they invaded Ireland 1. The Cambridge Ancient History - Vol.. VII > ch.II, pp.54-55. 2. Hubert, H. - op.cit., Pt.II, Ch.II, p.220. 3. ibid., p.206 and p.209. 4. ibid., p.211. A2iso, Rice Holmes, op.cit., Pt.II, p.416. 5. Hubert, H., op.cit., Pt.II,Ch.II, p.203 and pp.207,208. shortly after the coming of the sons of Mile or the Goidels. Hermion, the; leader of the Milesians, drove the new invaders north into Alban or Scotland, but as they had no women in their party, he gave them for wives the widows of those soldiers who had perished at sea during the Goidelic crossing to the British Isles. In making this concession^.however, he imposed the condition that all inheritance among the Picts in future should be through the women and not through the men. It is interesting to note that this Goidelic custom of cognate prevailing over the agnate persisted among the Picts to the sixth century A.D., for in Bede's time the succession in the Pictish royal families went in the female 2 line. It is generally conceded that it was this custom of matriarchy that Oaesar confused with polyandry when referring 3 to certain ©astoms among the "aborigines" of Britain. Celtic migrations during the Bronze Age were not, however, confined to Britain for on the Continent the civili• zation of the southern Zoned-Beaker Polk mentioned by Hadewaacher proceeded normally until near the end of the Bronze Age when an Alpine people appeared in their midst and 4 for a time became dominant. Finally, however, "the proto- Gelts re-asserted themselves and absorbed their conquerors., It was fehis group of Zoned-Beaker Polk which formed the 5 Brythonic branch of the Celtic family. 1. Hubert, H., op.cit., Pt.II, ch.II, p.205. 2. ibid.,p.204. 3. Rice Holmes,!., op.cit., Pt.II, p.414. 4. The Cambridge Ancient History— Vol.VIIjCh.II, p.55. Also, The Encyclopaedia Britannica - 14th Ed., Vol.11, p.103,1st col. 5. Hubert, H., op.city, Pt.II, Oh.Ill, p.252, Tumuli and their contents found in , Lorraine, Burgundy, Franche Comtek and Belgium prove that during the Bronze Age the Brythons extended their domains 1 .beyond the left bank of the Bhine. This expansion is believed due to the climate becoming drier, as a result of which the 2 forests of.ithis area became more accessible to the Celts* It is obvious, then, from a study of the Goidelie and Pictlsh invasions of Britain, and the Brythonic migration on the Continent, that the Bronze Age witnessed the beginning of that tremendous expansion which at its height obtained for the Celts almost complete control of western Europe.

1. Hubert, H. - op.cit.- Pt.II, Ch.III, pp.246-249.

2. ibid., Pt.II* Oh.IV, p.261. 36

Chapter IV

Celtic Expansion in the Hallstatt Period

About 900 B.C., as a result of the discovery of large iron deposits in Central Europe, and the increasing use of the superior metal, the characteristics of the Bronze Age began to change and the civilization of the first Iron Age slowly emerged. The home of this new development was in the Cradle of the Celts for the upper valley of the Danube was the 1 centre of the great iron resources of the Continent and also the point at which Greek, Italian, and Danubian influences 2 penetrated the western half of Europe. The First Iron Age is called the Hallstatt Period because its most Characteristic features have been found in 3 great numbers at the site of Hallstatt, which is sixty- 4 seven miles south-west of modern Linz in Upper . Archaeological remains show that Hallstatt was a trading centre buicht in the shape of an amphitheatre with its houses

4 clinging to the side of a mountain. The name, of the settle- 5 ment was derived from the great salt-beds nearby to which 9

1. The Encyclopaedia Britannica - 11th Ed. - Vol.12 - p.858, 1st col. 2. The Cambridge Ancient History - Vol.1, ch.II - p.106. 3. The Encyclopaedia Britannica - 14th Ed. - Vol.11 - p.103, 1st col. 4. ibid*, 11th Ed, - Vol.12, p.858, 1st col. 5. The Cambridge Ancient History - Vol.1, Ch.II, p.106. together with,its huge iron deposits, the post owed its enormous wealth.

The Hallstatt Period lasted from 900 to 500 B.C., but in order to trace the evolution of its civilization, it is usually subdivided into four phases, A, B, G,,and D. Phase A, which extended from 900 to 800 B.C., witnessed the gradual transition from the Bronze to the Iron Age. It was in this century that the Alpine.or Urnfield people mentioned at the end of the previous chapter appeared 1 among the Proto-Gelts and gained domination over them. . The newcomers introduced to the Celts the rite of cremation,and after this eeremony the dead were buried in flat graves or

under very low mounds.1 Under the new influence changes also took place in the pottery. It became thin-walled and was • :< • 1 affected in various ways by the new industry in metals. The relics of this period which have been found, including such articles as razors, knives, fibulae, bow brooches, torques, pins, cups, and other vessels, indicate the tremendous activity which must have taken place in metal working. The large bronze sword, however, was by far the most important of the metal objects manufactured, for due to its distinctive character it is possible to trace the expan- 2 sion of the Celts in the Hallstatt Age. This sword was leaf-shaped with a long tang running the full length of the broad-flanged handle.2 The tang and flanges acted like girders 1. The Encyclopaedia Britannica - 14th Ed. - Vol.11, p.103, 1st col. 2. The Cambridge Ancient History - Vol.1, ch.II, p.106. and. gave the sword much greater structural security than was possessed by earlier swords. As the hilt of the most charact• eristic of these swords branched out into antennae of various shapes, they are called "Antennae" swords. Phase B, which succeeded A and lasted until 700 B.C., saw the re-assertion of the Proto-Celts over the Alpine people.1 While the Urnfield rite of cremation was retained, 1 the distinctly Celtic burial tumulus again became common. This mound usually consisted of a vaulting of large, undressed stones, covered by a pile of smaller stones, erected over the human remains which were laid on a floor or in a pit. Around this tumulus was placed a circle of stones* The urns o.f this period were spherical in form with funnel-shaped necks. The bronze sword continued to be used, but now the bottom of the scabbard ended in a winged chape like a crescent. The common pin ended in a vase-shaped head. Up to this time bronze had been predominant in the manufacture of metal objects, iron being used only occasionally. During Phase C, which extended from 700 to 600 B.C., however, iron came into general use. Long, heavy iron swords with beautifully wrought hilts now took the place of the earlier 4 bronze swords and, became known, as the real Hallstatt swords. 1. The Encyclopaedia Britannica - 14th Ed. - Vol.11, p.103, 1st col. '..Hubert ,m-uI/ie-%e.II, Oh.IV, p.253. ' 3. The Encyclopaedia Britannica - 14th Ed. - Vol.11, p.103, 1st col. 4« 3-hid., p*103, 2nd col. 39

In addition to the swords, various types of iron and bronze pins were made. The earliest chariot- and horse-harness that has been discovered in central and western Europe dates 1 back to this period* The pottery of this time was both unpainted and polychrome.2

The burial rite was either cremation or inhumation, both being practised but in both cases a tumulus of stones g completed the burial. Phase D, which ended with the beginning of the La Tene Age in 500 B.C., was a period of decadence in Celtic history. The lavish decoration of the pottery illustrates the general degeneration that marked the century. The sword, which was shortened until it was the length of a dagger, was ornately embellished. The simple pins of the previous periods were no longer made, but all kinds of brooches and 1 elaborate ear-, neck-, arm-, and foot-rings became common. In this final period of the Hallstatt Era inhumation once again became the customary burial rite, but as before, the 3 characteristic tumulus remained. It must not be concluded that the development of the Hallstatt Period which has just been outlined was confined to the immediate vicinity of Hallstatt, for during this Era, as in the Bronze Age, the Celts were steadily extending their spher1. Thee Encyclopaediof influencea. Britannica - 14th Ed. - Vol.11 - 'p. 103* 2nd col. 2. ibid., p.103, 1st. col. 3. ibid., p.103, 2nd col. It has already been stated In the previous chapter ..that the Brythons began to migrate across the Shine-in the Bronze Age. This expansion is believed to have been due to the climate becoming drier and thus rendering more accessible 1 the forests on the left bank of the great river. About the end of the first Hallstatt Period, another climatic change 2 was again responsible for Celtic migration. This time the climate became very wet. As a result of the northern coastal areas being flooded and turned into swamps, the Germans dweHi] around the Ngrth Sea were forced to move westwards and south• wards, and in the course of their journeying, they came into contact with the.Celts who in turn began to leave the wet forests of Westphalia, Hessen, and Bavaria for the other side of the Rhine * That this migration took place during the Hallstatt Period is proved by the fact that thousands of tumuli con• taining the large iron Hallstatt swords have been found in Belgium and in the eastern French departments near the Rhine, particularly in the Cote d'Or and Franche-Comte. The Moidons Forest alone is the site of approximately forty thousand tumuli, and there are other large groups north of Salins and 3 Dijon between the upper Seine and the upper Aube. Since the iron swords absolutely date these tumuli as belonging to the Hallstatt Celts, the other relics found in the tombs have been examined with great interest because they reveal much about their owners. Small, four-wheeled chariots have been discovered, proving that these people used 1. H. Hubert, op.cit., Pt.II, Ch.IY, p.251. ~ 2. ibid., pp.260-261. 3. ibid., pp.254-255. horses extensively, and that consequently they must have had 1 fairly well delineated roads or tracks. The tremendous number of razors that have been recovered indicate that the men of that day shaved regularly. The general absence of helmets and breastplates suggests that these were very seldom used, the 1 main defensive armor being a round shield. Relics that survive outside the tumuli in these eastern sections of France also yield valuable information regarding the Celtic mode of life of that period. Near the tumuli, which are usually situated on high ground, there are always to be found the remains of a strong fortification. In Burgundy, for example, there is a line of such strongholds y\ 2 sunning along the heights overlooking the valley of the Saone. The Celts did not live in these fortresses, however, except in time of war, for dwellings found in the nearby fields which were arranged regularly and separated from one another by rows of stones, indicate that in peace-time the Celts lived on the land, cultivating their crops and looking after their 3 herds of goats. About the same time that some of the Celts were migrating into eastern France, others were moving into the country now known as Switzerland. During the Bronze Age the Swiss Lakes had been the abode of the pile-dwellers> but the 1. Hubert, H. - op.cit., Pt.II, Ch.IY, p.256. 2. ibid., pi,255. 5. ibid., p.256. climatic change in the early Hallstatt Period caused the level of" the lakes to rise, as a result of which the homes of the pile-dwellers were submerged, and their occupants forced to retreat to higher levels. The first bands of Celts arrived directly afterwards and occupied the places which the 1 palafitte-builders had left vacant. 1 The Celts entered Switzerland by two routes. Some crossed the Rhine near Schaffhausen and moved as far as the Reuss. Others crossed near Basle, advanced to the Aar, and ascended its valley and the valleys of its higher until they reached the neighbourhood of Lausanne. They appear mainly, however, to have halted at the Lakes of Thun, Zug, and 2 . The tumuli which provide the evidence of Celtic expansion into Switzerland stand on the medium heights over• looking the SwissValleys, and belong mostly to Phase 0 of the Hallstatt Period. Their contents and the fact that they cover both cremation and inhumation have led authorities to the opinion that their builders migrated into Switzerland directly from the Cradle of the Celts, and not by way of eastern France ' ' 3 as might have been supposed. In addition to penetrating into eastern Prance and Switzerland during the latter part of the Hallstatt Period, the Celts also reached Italy. Although Livy records that a body ' '' ' • • • '4 ' of Celts entered Italy between 614 and 576 B.C*, it will be 1. Hubert, H., op.cit., Pt.II, Ch.IV, p.261. 2. ibid., p.261. 3. ibid., p.262. 4. Livii Patavini, T, -"Historiarum Libri" - Tom-.I, Lib.V. ,34, p.325* recalled from,our first chapter that all authorities agree that this incursion could not have taken place before 400 B.C. Livy's account of this particular migration,.however, is most import• ant, for it indicates that these invaders were not the first band of .Celts to enter Italy, but the second. According to the historian, the party led by Bellovesus crossed the Alps, probably by the Great St. Bernard for they arrived by way of the valley of the D^ora Baltea and the country Of the Taurini. They met and defeated an Etruscan army near the Ticino. While there, they heard that the place in which they were camped was known as the "agrumInsubrium" or "Plain of the ". . As the Insubres were .a division of the Celtic tribe, the , it seemed evident to the invaders that other Celts had preceded them into Italy, and so, taking it as a good omen that their halting place bore a Celtic 1 name, they founded a city there which was to be called . Livy's suggestion of an earlier Celtic migration into Italy is fortunately supported by the discovery of distinctive "cippi" or boundary-posts in the valley of the Magra which flows into the.Mediterranean south of the Gulf of Spezia, and in the valley of its chief tributary, the Vara. One post contains a Celtic inscription written in Etruscan characters while some are surmounted by a crudely sculptured 2 head rising from a body still incorporated in the block. The figures are naked. In their right hand they hold an axe, in 1« Livii Patavina ,'TV - "Historiarum Libri" - Tom.I, Lib.V*, 34, p.326. 2. Hubert, H., op.cit., Pt. II, Oh.IV, p.264. their left, ^javelins', and they each have a sword on the right 1 side attached to a waist-belt in the Celtic manner* While this equipment proves that the sculptured warriors, who prob- 2 ably represented the owners of the land, were Gauls, the swords in particular indicate the period in which the posts were erected for they are the short Hallstatt daggers with 2 " antennae which were in use from 600 to 500 B.C. Since the swords used by the members of Bellovesus' party were the much longer La Tene swords, it is obvious that these posts were raised by Celts who had entered Liguria long before the fourth 3 century invaders.

- Another'type of monument depicting Celtic warriors has also been found in Italy. In the second half of the Hallstatt Age, the Etruscans crossed the Apennines and advanced north to Umbr.ian Emilia which they conquered. At Bologna there have been discovered Etruscan stelae depicting these invading Etruscan horsemen f.ighting naked foot-soldiers 4 who carried long shields and who were no doubt Gauls. Cor• roboration of a conflict between the Etruscans and the Gauls is contained in the works of Polybius who says that these two peoples had met long before the Celtic incursion of the 5- fourth century. In addition, the cemeteries of the western which date from the later Hallstatt Period, and which contain what is known as the , provide 1. Hubert, H., op.cit., Pt.II, Ch.IV. p.265. 2. ibid., p.266. 3. ibid.j p. 266. 4. ibid., p.270. 5* Paton, W.R. - "Polybius - The Histories'* - Vol.1, Bk.II,17, pp.282-283. evidence that, they were the burial sites of Celtic invaders. The tumuli are connected with one another by lines of stones as. they are in Bavaria, Burgundy, and the Forest of Moidons* Moveover, as in Burgundy and the so;uth-west of France, each mound is surrounded by a circle of stones. The pottery found in the Golasecca tombs is very similar to that discovered in the Celtic graves in Bavaria, near- the Lake of Le Bourget, in Aquitania, and in the 3 Hallstatt stations on the English Coast. Its„abundance suggests that these Celtic invaders came from Bavaria and possibly Lorraine, for in these regions a great deal of pottery was placed in the tombs, while in Franche-Comte and Switzerland, the Celtic territory nearest Italy, the tumuli 4 contain very few pieces of earthenware* From all the evidence, therefore, it is considered probable that the first Celts reached Italy directly from Bavaria during the first half of the Hallstatt Period, but that it was not until the second half of the Era that the 5 migration attained any considerable size. In 1912, a valuable deposit, showing that near the end of the Hallstatt Age the Celts must also have approached Italy by way of the eastern Alpine passes, was unearthed at .Negau in LowerStyria, 3L short distance north-east of Marburg 1. Hubert, H. - op.cit., Pt.II, Ch.IV, pp.267-268* 2. ibid., p.269 3. ibid ., p.269. 4. ibid., p.271. • 5. ibid., p.270. •on.the.Drave.. , The deposit contained twenty bronze helmets of the late Hallstatt type, two of which are inscribed with Celtic names. Whether or not the Celts actually entered eastern Italy at this time is uncertain, but at least they were in the vicinity*

The Celts also migrated into south-west France durig this Era for the tumuli of two Hallstatt periods have been found in the area between the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. The earlier tumuli, which belong to the Middle Hallstatt: Age, are found beyond the crest of the Central Plateau as far as Cahors, but they do not extend to the Garonne. At the end of the third Hallstatt Period, however, there was a further Celtic expansion into the region between the Central 3 •Plateau and the Pyrenees. Most of tlie tumuli in this territory are surrounded by stone.circles and contain cremations. They are absolutely

. .. • • • -4 • dated by the types of brooches and swords which they enclose,, The swords are all small, with the iron hilt ending in antennae, which in turn have a right-angled bend in them and are H&m&ifc- ..ated by large knobs* As the pottery is similar to that discovered in the Bavarian and Bohemian tombs, it seems probable that it was manufactured by.Celts who came directly from those 5 " .countries. At the end of the, Hallstatt Period many of the Celts then in south-west France crossed the western passes of the 1. Hubert, H. op.cit., Pt.II, Ch.IV, p.272. 2 . ibid., p.275* 3. ibid., p.276-277.

4. ibid.t p. 278. 5. ibid., p. 279. Pyrenees into, Spain, where they left tumuli containing cremations, swords with antennae, and pottery like that of the

region north of the mountains.1 It was doubtless to these people that Herodotus referred in his passages relating to the presence of Celts in Spain. In the fifth century, however, the Iberians con• quered Aquitania. As the Celts of Spain were 'thus cut off from the rest of their kindred for several hundred years, they developed their Hallstatt culture in conjunction with the 2 Iberians, and for this reason their civilization is called 3 Celtiberian.

Traces of the Hallstatt Celts have also been dis• covered as far west as Brittany and England where, at Hengist- bury Head near Southampton and at All Cannings Cross Farm in Wiltshire, pottery resembling that of the Pyrenean tumuli 4 ' has been found. The extensive migrations of the Celts during the Hallstatt Period were due to various factors. One of the chief reasons was the climatic change which has already been mentioned. After a period of dryness western Europe now experienced a much colder temperature and an abundance of rainfall which resulted 'in the inundation of much of the northern coast of Germany. Because of the great floods, the

1. Hubert, H. - op.cit. - Pt.II, Ch.V. , pp*282v';"• 2. ibid., pp.299-300. 3. The Cambridge Ancient History - Vol.VII, ch.II. p.60. 4. Hubert, H., op.cit., Pt.II, oh.IV, p.280. Teutonic peoples living in this area began to press southwards, and in their advance they pushed the Celts out of their native habitat into the more southern and western regions of Europe."*" Another reason for the tremendous Celtic expansion 2 at>this time was the over-population of the Celtic territory. The consequent crowding together no doubt led to quarrels which brought about the ..exodus of many Celts from the home territory. It is also considered likely that there was a large warlike element among the Celts who preferred a life of adventuring and plundering to a more settled form of 2 existence. The fact that this culture was the first to use the horse for riding as well as for driving was another cause ' 3 of its rapid growth. The most important factor of all, however, in the increase of Celtic power was the use of iron.4 The Celts with their iron tools were able to cut roads through the forest. Above all, they now possessed the finest weapons of their day. It is absolutely certain that their iron sword, which for the first time combined the advantages of thrusting and cutting, won for them their position in western Europe, and was responsible for the expansion of their culture which became so widespread that it is indeed possible to echo these words, "It was the first culture so general as to deserve the 5 name of European." 1. Hubert, H.,op.cit., Pt.II, Ch.IV, pp.260-261. Also The Cambridge Ancient' History,Vol.VII,Ch.II, p.60-. 2. The Cambridge Ancient History, Vol.VII,Ch.II, p.66. 3. ibid., Vol.1, ch.II, p.106. . 4. ibid., pp.109-110. 5. ibid., p.106. , ' Chapter V

La Tene - The Golden Age of Celticism

About 500 B. 0., the Hallstatt civilization was superseded by a culture which is regarded as the great flower• ing of Celticism, and which is known by the name "La Tene". This development was not the result of a sudden breaking away from the former mode of life, but was due rather to the super- 1 imposition of foreign traits on the Hallstatt culture. Greek and Italian influences, the former by way of the valleys of the Rhone and the Danube, the latter by way of the central and eastern Alpine passes, penetrated the Celtic territory, and, arriving at a time when the Hallstatt civilization was in a state of decadence, incited the Celts to strive for a similar degree of excellence in the various arts. Consequently, a new culture, rooted in the old Celtic traditions but bearing also the imprints of contact with the two other great civili• zations of the day, became predominant in Celtica for more than four centuries. That the culture of Ka.Tene belonged to the Celts

1. Hubert, H. - "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" -

} Pt. I, Gh..l, p.2; and id>.'- "The Rise of the Celts" - Pt. II, Ch.l, p.164; and ibid., Pt. I, Ch.V, pp.128 and 129. admits of no, doubt for it coincided with that range of territory which was occupied by them between the fifth and 1 first centuries before Christ. Furthermore, the Celts who invaded Italy and conquered Home in 590 B.C.. left relics behind ' . 2 them which are replicas of objects found in Celtic domains. The monuments'which ancient sculptors made of the Galatians, one of the Celtic.peoples, as they were when they swept down the Danubian Valley into Greece, and finally over to Asia Minor, portray their subjects with ornaments and arms exactly like 'La Tene specimens which have been unearthed in Celtic Europe. The dying GauL, who is the theme of what is probably the most famous Galatian sculpture, is represented as possess• ing a shield re-inforced with metal work similar to that found -on shields of the same date discovered in cemeteries on the . His horn, too, might have belonged to a Celt in Gaul or Ireland. Moreover, the objects characteristic of the La

4 :.v •" : • . •• • •-•

Tene period,had evolved from those of the Hallstatt Age. Nineteenth century archaeologists named this period in Celtic history "La Tene" after one of its most important Cultural centres which was situated at the out-flow point of the Lake of Neuchatel,'by the side of an ancient bed of the 5 6 Thielle, and quite close to the modern Marin. The existence

1. Hubert, H. - "The Rise of the Celts" - Pt.I, Ch.V, p.81. 2. ibid., p. 83. 3. ibid., pp. 81-82. 4. Hubert, H. - "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts", Pt. I, Ch.I, p.2, 5. id., '"The Rise of the Celts" -Pt.I, Ch.V, pp.84 & 85. 6. The Cambridge Ancient History — Vol.11, ch.XXI, p.595. of this post was.known for several centuries, but as it was covered by the waters of the lake, it was assumed to be a lake village. In 1857, however, when the level of the lake fell, it became obvious that the village had not belonged to the lake-dwellers. Although the first excavations were not made

until 1874, they.have since been followed by many others.1 These-investigations, which disclosed bridges and warehouses erected on piles, brought to light many fragments of vehicles, harness, weapons, and tools, and showed that the post had been built on the edge of the water for a two-fold 1 purpose, one of which was to act as a military station to guard both the lake and the river,, From the position of the skeletons which were found it was evident that the inhabitants had often been engaged in their duties as soldiers. The number and size of the warehouses suggested that the post was also a toll-station,for it was in the ideal position to control one trade route from the Rhone to the Rhine, and another from the Rhone to the Daubs. That it'was the habit of the Gauls to levy customs we know from Caesar's account of ' 2 activities among the Aedui. Although the whole period from 500 B.C. to the Roman Conquest is called the La Tene Age, it is subdivided into various .3 phases in the same manner as the Hallstatt Period, each phase 4 being represented by typical finds/; in certain regions. As the

1. Hubert, H. - "The Rise of the Celts" - P.I.,Ch.V,pp.84 8c 85,. 2. Rice Holmes, T - "Caesar - De Bello Galileo"-- I, 18, pp.21-22. 3. Hubert, H, - "The Rise of the Gelts" - Pt.I, Ch.V, p.128. 52

fifth century B.C. witnessed the transition from the Hallstatt to the La Tene culture, it is known as La Tene A, and its chief centre was Bavaria and the middle Rhine. La Tene I lasted from 400 to 285 B.C. with its typical characteristics appearing in the remains discovered in the cemeteries of the Marne. The station of La Tene itself was the headquarters of the culture of La Tene II which existed from 285 to 100 B.C. La Tane III with its nucleus at Mont Beuvray covered the years from 100 Jo 1 B.C. when the Celtic civilization gave way to that of Rome. In the British Isles, however, there was a further period of Celtic culture which was the culmination of all that had preceded it.- This civilization is often referred to as La Tene IV to show its relationship to the previous 1 ' continental series. Since the changes which took place in the weapons and jewelry and in the burial customs distinguish the various phases of the La Tene Age, it is necessary to know something of these objects and customs in order to comprehend the 2 characteristics of the different periods. The most important offensive weapon possessed by the Celts was the sword, for their method of warfare was to prepare for an attack.with volleys of javelins and then to engage the enemy in close combat with their swords. That the Celts them• selves considered the sword too precious to be sacrificed is 1. Hubert,. H. - "The Rise of the Celts" - Pt. I, Ch.V, p.126; and : . 'The Cambridge.Ancient History - Vol.11, Ch.XXI, p.593. 2. Hubert, H. - "The Rise of the Celts" - Pt.I, Ch.V, p.84. 3. ibid., p.87. indicated by ,,the fact that while some La Tene graves contain swords, many do not.

The swords of La Tene I were derived from the last type of Hallstatt sword which was really a dagger between six•

teen and :twenty-four' inches long with a hilt branching out into antennae of various shapes, and a scabbard ending in a chape 2 formed either like a ball or a crescent. The first La Tene swords were also short, being from twenty-four to twenty-six inches in length. Some of the hilts bore the remains of antennae. The real affinity between the swords of Hallstatt D and those of La Tene I, however, lay in,the chape of the scabbards, which at first were made of bronze but later of iron. The ends of the crescent-shaped chape of the former Hallstatt sheath were now curved round in the form of a swan's neck terminating in a swan's head to meet the scabbard of the new La Tene sword. To make the swan alsolutely realistic, a piece 2 \ of coral was often inserted for the eye* The first La Tene sword was so well forged and so satisfactory that it is 3 thought to be the one on which the Romans modelled theirs. The sword of the second La Tene period was longer.• . The, scabbard was usually of iron and beautifully engraved, but . the chape was quite different from that of the swords of La Tene I. Now the horns of the crescent were flattened right

4 down to the sheath, thus eliminating the open-work. But the

swords of the third century had defects. Polybius, indeed, in 1. Hubert, H. - "The Rise of the Celts" - Pt. I, Ch.V, p.87. 2. ibid. , p. 89. §. ibid., p. 87. 4, ibicU , p.90. his account .of the campaign of the consul 0. Flaminius against

the Insubres in 223 B.C., says that the Gallic swords'bent at

the first stroke and had to be straightened with the foot.1 The sword of La Tene III in no way resembled that of 2 '• \- ' La Tene I, It was longer even than the sword of La Tene II, and instead of ending in a point, it ?;as rounded off so that it could only be used for cutting. The scabbard which was often made of wood had a straight mouth instead of the arch-. shaped mouth which characterized the scabbards of the preceding periods. Although the sheath was.not engraved, it was usually bound with a* network of wire which was a development of a transverse bar which some of the earlier scabbards possessed. Since the swords of La Tene III were only useful for cutting, another offensive weapon to be used in conjunction S. with the sword made its appearance in the first century B*C * This was a small dagger.with antennae and it ended in a point for thrusting. This dagger also resembled the swords of. La Tene II in the form of the chape and in the mouth of the sheath. The Gelts did not wear the sword from a baldric on the left side, as was the custom Of other peoples, but on . 3 the right suspended from a waist-belt. Other offensive weapons used by the Celts were bows 4 and arrows, and spears and javelins. The heads of shears and 1. Paton, W.« R. - "Polybius - The Histories" - Vol.1, Bk.II, 33, pp.322 - 323. 2. Hubert, H. - "The Rise of the Celts" - Pt.I, Ch.V, p.90. 3. Hubert, H. - "The Rise of the Celts"- Pt.I, Ch.V. p.90, and ; Jones, H.L. - "The Geographjeof Strabo" - Vol.II, 4.4.3.- pp.242-243. 4. Hubert, H. -"The Rise of the Celts, Pt.I, Ch.V, p.91, and Jones, H.L. - "The Geography ..of Strabo» - Vol.II,4.4.3,pp.242 55

javelins, which are either socketed or tanged, have been found in great numbers in the tombs and on the station sites, showing that they must have been very plentiful. The oldest spear• heads were very long, aome indeed reaching a length of sixteen to twenty inches. They were made in. the shape of a willow leaf with a slight suggestion of a mid-rib. In La Tene II, the spear-heads became much broader and were of various shapes with sinuous or crimped, edges. They were often beautifully decorated. The chief defensive armour-of the Celts was the shield. Prior to the La Tene period, the Celts, like almost all the other peoples of northern and central Europe, used round wicker or metal .shields, but in La Tene I they possessed a characteristic buckler by which they were recognized in the field* Although no actual specimens have been found in the tombs of La Tene I, from a La Tene engraving on a sword sheath discovered at Hallstatt-, and from illustrations on Vases found in Italy and a stele uncovered at Bologna, we know that these shields were oval or oblong in shape, and sometimes quite 1 narrow. The shields of La Tene II were the same shape as those of the preceding period, but with an oval-shaped piece of metal rising in the centre. The flat wing on each side of " 2 this "trigger-guard" boss was riveted to the surface. Another

1. Hubert, H. - "The Rise of the Celts" - Pt.I, Ch.V., p.92, and

Eorster:, E. My - "The Aeneid of Virgil" - Vol.11, Bk.VIII, 1.662, p.102; and Jones, H* L. - "The Geography of Strabo" - Vol.II, 4.4.5, pp.242-243. 2. Hubert, H. - "The Rise of the Celts" - Pt. I, Ch.V., p.92. 56.

form of the same shield had a brace running in a ridge down the axis. The shield of the Dying Gaul is of this type, and as it appears on all the monuments commemorating the Galatian 1- • wars, it was evidently the shield used by the Galatians. A still later shield had a cone-shaped boss attached to the surface by a circle of metal which was riveted on. Representations of this shield are found ©n an arch at Orange, on an altar at Nimes, and on a statue of a Gallic chieftain discovered at Vaoheres. Shields with oval or round bosses have been found in Britain but they belong to the first centuries before and ' 2 after Christ. As the Celts were organized in clans, their 2 shields frequently bore emblems and were richly ornamented. Another piece of defensive armour was the breast- 2 plate which was worn only by the leaders. Fragments of these protective coverings have been found at La Tene, and the arch at Orange pictures an officer wearing a breast-plate of scales. Because of their wonderful skill in metal-work the Gauls are believed to have invented the coat of mail, an example of which is found on the statue of the Gallic chief uncovered at Vacheres. As the Celts of the La Tene period mostly fought feaare-headed or in leather caps, helmets were scarce, and those that did exist were either imported from Italy or Greece 3 or were copied from the types used, in those two countries. Each period of the La Tene Age had its characteristic styles in ornaments as well as in weapons. One of the chief 1. Hubert, H - "The Rise of the Celts"-Pt.I, Ch.V, p.92. 2. ibid., p.93. 3. ibid*, p.94. pieces of jewelry was the brooch, which in La Tene I was made in a great variety of shapes. One of the most popular had a highly arched bow with a foot slightly turned up or tending to curl back to the bow* In La Tene II, the foot came closer to the bow until at last it was attached to the bow by a ring. At first this ring was near the middle of the bow, 2 but finally it shifted towards the head. 3 Another common article of jewelry was the torque. Investigation of the contents of many graves has revealed that in the first La Tene period, women alone wore the torque, but monuments of La Tene II show that men also had adopted this ornament. These torques, which were collars made of richly ornamented strips of metal, were connected with, religious rites. After the Roman Conquest the Gauls offered , ?;hom they regarded as a God, a.gold torque weighing one hundred pounds. Ornate bracelets were also popular amongst Celtic women. They were occasionally worn by men, especially by 5 ehieftains*. Prior to La Tene II, belts made of cloth or leather were worn. In La Tene II, however, belts with iron chains 6 were adopted* One prominent feature of La Tene art was the 1. Hubert, H. - l?The Rise of the Celts" - Pt.I, Ch.V, p.97. 2. ibid., p.99. 3. ibid., pp* 99,100. 4. Butler, H..E. «• "The Institutio Orator la of Quintilian" - Bk. VI, iii, 79, pp.480-481. •5-4- Hubert, H. - "The Rise of the Celts" - Pt*I, Ch.V, p.103. 6. ibid., p.105. 1 • decoration of metal by other materials. Metal objects

belonging to La Tene I were often adorned with coral,1 but since at the end of the fourth century B.C. almost the whole 2 production of coral was sent to India, the use of this substance ceased in . Its place was [.taken by a 1 red enamel which was a purely Celtic invention. The vases of La Tene I were of several types. Some had straight sides and angular shoulders and are known as 3 "carinated" vases. Beaker-shaped vases which were an out• growth of those of the Bronze and Hallstatt periods still s existed. There were also some cylindrical vases with high 3 or low necks. All these' vases were made from a very fine paste which was covered with a black-or brown-burnished slip. Patterns were engraved on the sides and filled in with 3 • , red or white paint. The vases of La Tene II were of two distinct types, some having long and narrow necks, while others had wide 3 mouths* All had beautiful designs painted on them. The ornamentation of vases in the La Tens Age was •4 . purely one of line. While straight lines formed a large part of the patterns, curved lines were also frequently used. The most characteristic symbol of this decoration was which was often extended into a double volute of this type.

1. -Hubert, H. - "The Rise of the Celts" - Pt.I, Ch.V, p.123. 2. Delphini Classici - "C. Plinii Secundi Natural!s Historiae -Libri BKVIT"-~ Vol. VIII, Lib. 23X11* SJL, 'pp. 4226-4228. 3.."Hubert, H - "The Rise of the Ceits" - Pt*I, Ch.V, p. 109. 4. ibid., p.116. Each La Tene period was also distinguished by- peculiar burial rites . In La Tene A both cremation and inhuma• tion were.practised and burial was made under tumuli of the 1 same type as those of-the Hallstatt Age. In La Tene I, however, cremation was almost totally abandoned and inhumations were no longer made under tumuli. The typical tomb of the period was- a flat, oblong grave in which the body was laid east and west with';the head' towards •• V 2 the west. The use of a coffin appears to have been optional. In La Tene II, tumuli were still rare while flat 1 graves were common, but cremation was again practised. By La Tene III, cremation had once more become the- customary 3 burial rite. . '

A detailed study of the four continental La Tene

periods shows that La Tene I and La Tene II were the most

important. Since La Tene A was a transitional phase, and La

Tene III an age of decadence, the culture of La Tene I and II,

and of La Tene IV in Britain, undoubtedly expressed the very highest forms of Celtic life.

1. Hubert, H. - "The Rise of the Celts" - Pt. I, Ch.V, p.126, and TKest& - Oh. IV, pr.38;" 2. Hul>ertH"The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - Pt.I, Ch.l.,. '" * pp. 2 - 4. 3. Id., "The Rise of the Celts" - Pt.I, Ch.V, p.126. Chapter VI

La Tene - The Great Age of Celtic Expansion

In addition to being the most important period in the development of Celtic culture, the La Tene Era was also the age of the, greatest Celtic influence and expansion. Though the La Tene migrations were dealt with quite fully in the first chapter, the main facts will be briefly reviewed in order to place them in their proper perspective, From the time of the Bronze Age the Celts had continually advanced into eastern and south-western France, During the fifth century they firmly entrenched themselves in northern and central France right to the Atlantic sea-board, a fact which is proved by the La Tone A pottery, weapons, jewelry, and graves which have been found all over this 1 area* In the third century, the Celts conquered the Ligurian section of southern France and extended their sphere of . • ... 2 • influence to the shores of the Mediterranean, thereby making Gaul completely Celtic. Britain, too, was the object of further Celtic migrations during the La Tene Age. One of these great move• ments, which began about 5.00 B.C. with the arrival of Brythons 1. Hubert, H. - "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - Pt.I, Ch.I,. p.9, 2. Livii PataVini, T* - "Historiarum Libri" - Tom.II - XXVI, 19, p.303. versed in the La Tene culture, continued until just before Pytheas' visit to the Island in 325 B.C. Since these Celts brought with them the names of the continental tribes to which they belonged, for example, the , Brigantes, and Cassi, . - . 2 we know that the new inhabitants of Britain came from Gaul. Between 200 and 150 B.C., objects belonging to the La Tene II civilization made their appearance in Britain and \ 3 were followed later by articles of the La Tene III culture. At the same time, although inhumation continued to be prac• tised by the La Tene I Britons, cremation tombs or small pits, two or three feet deep, were dug in certain places in the 3 south of the Island, notably at Aylesford in Kent. The appearance of new funeral rites, along with the arrival of articles of the later La Tene cultures, seems to indicate the coming of a new race who evidently were not assimilated by the rest of the population since the practice of cremation did not become general, and silnce the La Tene I culture continued to exist side by side with the later La Tene civilizations. Undoubtedly the new invaders were the Belgae, for on the ouoasion of his second visit to the Island Caesar said that according to tradition the interior was inhabited by those who had been born on. the island while the coastal region was the home of those who had crossed over from the country of the 4 Belgae for the-purpo.se of plundering and making war* 1. Hubert, H. - "The Rise of the Celts" - Pt.II, Ch.II, p.213. 2. ibid., p.215. 3, ibid., pp.216-217. 4. Rice Holmes, T. - "Caesar ~ De- Bello Gallico" - V, 12, p.185. Both the Britons of La Tene I and. the later Belgae invaders travelled westward into Cornwall and Wales, and 1 finally crossed the Irish Sea into Ireland. A group of Brigantes settled in the south of Ireland at a place now called Waterford, while nearby at Wexford there was a Belgic colony of . Spain also had a large Celtic element within its borders during the La Tene Age. In the late Hallstatt Period the Celts had crossed the Pyrenees into Spain and in the fifth century had been cut off from contact with their kindred in Gaul when Aquitania was conquered by the Iberians. As the Iberians had also conquered parts of Spain, the Celtic and Iberian cultures there became so amalgamated that they were designated by the single name "Celtiberian". In the century between 350 and S50 B.C., however, there was a further Celtic migration into Spain, this time by the Belgae. In the sixth century the Celts had invaded the Po Valley in northern Italy, but many La Tene relics, as well as Livy's story of Bellovesus, testify to a later invasion at the beginning of the La Tene period.. In the first'years of the fourth century, a fierce, war-like party swept across the Alps and the Apennines to Rome, which they conquered and burned in

1. Hubert, H. - "The Rise of the Celts" - Pt.II, Ch.II, p.221. 2* ibid., p.222. 3. Hubert, H. - "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - Pt. I, Ch.III, p.78. 4. Eyre, E. - "European Civilization.'? - Vol.1, pt. by J. L. Myres, p.223. 390 B.C. Flushed with victory, they pressed on, only to be defeated in the highlands and the south. Indeed, they were reduced to such straits that many of them became mercenaries 2 for the Greek cities of Tarentum and Syracuse. After this disaster, with the exception of sporadic attacks, the Celts in Italy remained in the area known as Cisalpine Gaul. In the Bronze and Hallstatt Ages the migrations which took place from the original home or cradle of the Celts had "been towards the west and the south and down the valley of the Rhine but not north-east\vards into Germany proper. From the beginning of the La Tene period, however, Celtic occupation spread further eastwards into Bohemia and Germany. About 400 B.C., the expedition led by Segovesus travelled north-east 3 to the Hercynian Forest, and archaeological discoveries north of the Thuringer Wald prove that the Celts later moved into the territory between the upper reaches of the Saale and the 3(1) Elbe Rivers*. That the Celts were in close contact with the Germans is proved also by the number of Celtic words appearing in the 4 German language. Even the eastern German dialects and the Slav and Finn tongues bear evidence of the great influence exercised by the Celts on the northern European peoples, an influence that probably reached its maximum in La Tene I or 1. Eyre, E. - "European Civilization" - Vol.1, pt. by J.L.Myres p. 223. 2. ibid. 3.. Hubert, H* - "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - Pt.I Ch.IV, p.92; and

Livii :.Patavini, T. - "Historiarum, Li'bri" - Tom.I, ,Bk.V. 34, p.325. 4. Hubert, H* - "The Greatness and Decline of the Gelts»-Pt.I, Ch.IV, p.93. La Tene II. -

The La Tene Age also witnessed the expansion .of the Celts in an entirely new direction., About 400 B.C., there was a great migration of men, women, and children eastwards along the valley of the Danube. Tradition says that these people were originally members of the expedition led by Segovesus, but that "duclbus avibus" they turned aside from their goal of the Hercynian Forest and set out for Illyria. Whether or not this theory is true, during the great movement that took place, Rhaetia, Norioum, and Pannonia became Celtic domains. Finally, a band of the more adventurous invaded

Macedonia and killed the king, Keraunos, and overthrew his 3 army. Then, as other Celts in Italy had done, they pressed south only to be defeated by an army of Athenians, Boeotians, and Aetolians at Thermopylae. With their spirits uncrushed, the Celts turned to the western passes and, in 279 B.C., pillaged the famous shrine at Delphi. Once more they were defeated by the Greeks and forced to retreat north to Macedonia where they again met disaster. From Macedonia they made, their way across the Hellespont into Asia Minor where the famous Galatian wars took place. Finally they were allowed to settle 3 in the territory which became known as- Galatia. There is proof that a par„ty of Celts later reached the

1. Hubert, H. - "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - Pt.I, Ch.IV, p.94. 2. ibid., Pt* I, Ch.I, pp.53-34; and Delphini Classici -"Justini Historiae Philippicae" - Lib.EXIV, 4, pp.360-561. 3. Eyre, E. - "European Civilization" - Vol.1, Pt. by A.W.Gomme, p.1216. 65

Sea of Azov .but there is no evidence that they ever advanced 1 to a more easterly point*

No doubt the causes of the La f/ene migrations were much the same as those of the Hallstatt expansion. At first the adventurous, war-like, and over-crowded Celts, with their wonderful weapons and tools, felt that they ceould conquer the world. As time went on, however, the movement of Celtic peoples was more and more due to the pressure of other peoples against the boundaries of their territory, a pressure which they were unable to resist because of their lack of organization into, strong political units. Consequently, the great migrations which had once been a sign of the numerical strength and military prowess of the Celts finally became a symbol of their weakness, and a prelude to their disintegration which, begin-' ning in 2.22- B.C. with the loss of Cisalpine Gaul-to Home, continued until 43 A.D. vrtien Britain, the last part of Celtiea to fall to the conqueror, was. officially made a Roman province.

1. Hubert, H. - *'The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - PtiIj.Gh.lIjP.45. Chapter VII

The Character of the Celts

The Romans, who were the first to write extensively on the subject, did not have a very high opinion of Celtic character. They charged the Celts with being fickle, impetuou treacherous, and possessed of other undesirable traits. An observant reader to-day, however, realizes that the judgment of the Romans is not to be trusted in its entirety, for since

Rome and Celtica were in continual conflict, the Romans were biased by a consideration of their own interests and therefore unable to view the actions of the Celts impartially. Not• withstanding this fact, as there is no better primary source of material, we shall use the evidence gathered by Caesar during h2is eight years' contact with the Gauls, but instead of accepting all his evaluations, prejudiced as they are by his own interests and those of Rome, we shall endeavour to arrive at a fairer estimate of Celtic character.

One of the most outstanding traits of the Celts was their love of'fighting, and the accounts that have survived of their invasions of Italy, Greece,and Asia Minor reveal the zest and enthusiasm withT/tiich they engaged in battle. Caesar, in his dealings with them, was under no delusion as to their attitude to conflict. In summing up his reasons for inter- 67

vention in ,the projected movement of the Helvetii, one of the strongest Gallic tribes, he emphasizes their fondness of war, and his fear of the consequences if they should come into 1 contact with the Roman Province* In his third campaign, indeed, the reflection that almost all the Gauls enjoyed revolution and were easily incited to wage war, induced him to sub• divide his army and send the different units to various parts 2 of Gaul. He says also that it was a common thing for men, at'the mere rumor of an, engagement, to leave their daily tasks in order to satisfy their inclination for fighting and 3 plundering. Along with this enthusiasm for the military art, the Celts displayed personal bravery of such a high order that it has become legendary. Indeed, the magnificent valour exhibited by individual Celts in encounters with their enemies is the one good trait which was never minimized by their foes. The "De Bello Callico" contains many examples of the great courage manifested by the Celts, and in every case Caesar recounts them with the greatest respect. He tells us that in his battle with the Helvetii, although the fight lasted from the seventh hour to eventide, no enemy could be seen with his back turned. In the struggle at the ford on the River-Aisne, after the first ranks of the Belgae had been killed, the rest 1. Rice Holmes, T. - "Caesar - De Bello Gallico" - I, 2, p.3; & 10, p.11. 2. ibid., IIIj 10,-p.109. 3. ibid., III, 17, p.117. 4. ibid.-. I, 26, p.30. 68

tried in a .most courageous manner to pass over their bodies 1 in order to come face to face with the foe. Almost the same 2 thing happened later in the engagement with the . When the foremost had been killed, those behind stood on their bodies and continued to fight vigorously J, Several years later, at the siege of Avarioum, Caesar again witnessed a splendid example of self-sacrifice. A Gaul who was throwing balls of tallow and fire which were passed along to him was pierced on the right side with a dart and fell dead.. The man next to him stepped over his body and met a similar fate. A third and a fourth died in the same manner, but the position continued to be filled until the Romans gained control and 3 put the Gauls to flight. The Gauls themselves Were quite aware of their reputation for bravery, and the various tribes vied with one another for the honour of being accounted the bravest. Although Orgetorix claimed that his people, the Helvetii, excelled in 4 valour, the Gauls generally conceded that the Belgic tribes, particularly the and the Nervii, were the most 5 courageous. Although this characteristic of.bravery was natural to the Celts, it was also carefully fostered by Celtic policy.

1. Rice Holmes, T. - "Caesar - De Bello Gallico" --'II:t10sp.,7.,8 * 2. ibid., II, 23, p. 93. 3. ibid. , VII, 25, p.295. 4. ibid., I, 2, p.3. 5. ibid., I, 1, p.2; II, 15, p.83; VIII, 6, p.367; VIII,54,p.401; and •• Jones, H. L. - "The Geography of Strabo" - Vol.11, 4.4.3, pp. 238.-241. When the Helvetii were ready to migrate, in order that they should not be able to evade any danger by returning home, they destroyed their twelve towns, four hundred villages, and all surplus food supplies. After sustaining a .series of losses at Yellaunodunum, Genabum, and Noviodunum, the great Celtic leader, Yercingetorix, urged the burning of Gallic towns so that they could not become places of retreat for Gauls who 2 did not wish to render military service. The spirit of the Gauls was again evident when, in the great council of war called by Yercingetorix just before the march to Alesia, the cavalry shouted that they ought to bind, themselves by a sacred oath that any of their number who did not ride twice through the enemy's army should be denied access to his home and the privilege of seeing his children, wife, and parents.3 In view of the remarkable bravery of the Celts which was admitted and lauded even by their enemies, some explanation must be found for the fact that the Celts could not attain success against the Romans. Caesar thought that the Gauls failed because they were too impetuous in undertaking wars and 4 then lacked the strength of mind to endure reverses. Such a judgment is very superficial and does not recognize the fundamental cause. The real trouble, was not that the Gauls were weak and irresolute, but that they were essentially individualists and lacked organization and control by a powerful central authority. Consequently, over and over again when a strong leader and unity would have meant victory for them, the day was lost for want of the two things that might 1. Rice Holmes, T..op.cit. , I, 5, p.6. 2. ibid., VII,14,p.283. 3. ibid,VII,66,p.335. 4.ibid.,IV, 70

have ensured success* An incident related by Caesar illustrate this point perfectly. Upon hearing that the Aedui were approaching the territory of.the Bellovaci, the Belgae, who had come south to wage war on the Romans, decided to return home. TJiey left their camp with great, noise and confusion, in no fixed order and with no one in command. On being pursued by the Roman legions, the van broke their ranks and fled, simply because there was no one to take charge and urge them to resist*''"

Lack of leadership and of co-operation towards a common end led to many careless mistakes which were fatal to the Celtic cause. In the third campaign, the and Sexovii fomented rebellion without taking necessary precautions for a supply of provisions, with the result that owing to their need for food they fell into, the trap set for them by 2 Sabinus, one of Caesar's lieutenants. In at least three cases carelessness in the fortification of Gallic towns or camps was a large factor in their seizure by the enemy. In the third campaign, the camp of- the Yoc.ates and Tarusates was not fortified with care- on the side of the Decuman gate, and as there was an easy approach there, Grassus managed to have four cohorts enter the Celtic stronghold. Because Caesar noticed that the guards were arranged too negligently on the walls of in the seventh campaign, he had his men suddenly scale 1. Rice Holmes, op.cit. , II, 11, p.79. 2. ibid., III, 18, p.118. 3. ibid., III, 25, p.126. 71

1 the walls oftthe towh and thus gain control of 'if* In the '.struggle for possession of Gergovia,' there was a hill opposite the town which was of the utmost strategic importance. .This' hill, held as it was .by a weak garrison, was conquered by Saesar, who was then able to cut the Sauls off from a great 2 part of their water supply and from free foraging. What the Celts might have accomplished with unity and strong leadership is demonstrated by the preparations of _ the Helvetii, under the direction .of Grgetoriz, for their migration. These people bought as many beasts of burden and wagons as possible. They sowed as much grain as they could in order to have sufficient for their journey. They adopted the policy of establishing peaceful and friendly relations with neighbouring states so that their plans would receive no set-back from those tribes near at hand. Then, deciding that two years would be sufficient in which to accomplish their designs, they set the third year for their departure. Finally, they discussed the pros and cons of the possible routes to their destination, and chose the best way when they decided S to go through the Roman Province. Likewise, when in the seventh campaign Vercingetorix took command of the Gallic forces, he had a real programme worked out, though unhappily for the Celts it came too late. He demanded hostages from

1th eRic statee Holmess tha, t Tha. d- promiseop.cit.d, VIIto hel, 27p ,him pp.296-297, he ordere. d a certain 2. ibid., VII, 36, pp.305-306. 3.. ibid., I, 3, p*3; 6, p.7. number of soldiers to be sent to him at once, he determined what quantity of arms each state should prepare and the time by which this work should be completed, and he paid particular attention to the cavalry. What is more important, he saw to I it that his instructions were carried out. These instances show that with consistent leadership and organization the history of the Gauls might have been very different, but with• out them their personal bravery and military prowess were not sufficient to overcome the strategy of the Romans. The worst traits with which Caesar charged the Gauls were fickleness and treachery, and to give authority for his judgment he filled his accounts of the with instances of what he termed perfidy.. In reality, only three or four of the many cases cited by Caesar were actual treachery. One such instance was that of Orgetorix who was commissioned by the Helvetii to make arrangements for their migration, but who Planned instead, with the help of Casticus and Dumnorix, 2 to seize control of the whole of Gaul. In connection with the same incident, the Helvetii, through the good offices of Dumnorix, the Aeduan, obtained permission to go through the territory of the on condition that they would do no damage. They passed through the land of the Sequani, 3 but on reaching the territory of the Aedui, they laid it waste, yercingetorix, too, was guilty of treachery when, after 1. Rice Holmes, T. - op.cit., VII, 4, pp.274-275. 2. ibid., I, 3, pp. 4-5. 3. ibid., I, 11, p.13. torturing by starvation and confinement some prisoners that he had taken from the opposing army, he forced- them to deliberately mislead the council of Gauls by telling them that the Roman ' • 1 army was starving and could no longer bear arms.

The numerous other charges of treachery cited in "De Bello Gallico" would not be considered as such by an impartial observer. They were rather the actions of a people driven to use cunning for their own preservation when faced by the superior forces of organization and capable leadership. ..When, for instance, certain tribes sued for peace, and then suddenly commenced to again wage war, or when others,

pretending to surrender,' hid part of their weapons in order to 3 launch a further attack on the Romans, they were not really guilty of treachery but were employing the only means in their power to defend their liberty. Caesar himself would have had no respect for Romans who, finding themselves in the same position as the Gauls, would not have fought for their freedom with every weapon they could command, even including crafti• ness, or what in the Gauls he condemned as treachery. A conquered people are never fairly •judged by their conquerors, as the loyalty of the vanquished to their own cause is termed disloyalty by the victors. Caesar's own observations of Celtic character, when viewed without bias, establish the.Celts as an intensely 1. Rice Holmes, T. op.cit. - VII, 20, p.290. 2. ibid., III, 2, p.101; III, 9 & 10, pp.107-109; III, 22, p.123; IV, 27, p.161, and 30, p.164. 3. ibid., II, 32, p.97. brave people;, loyal to their own cause, but whose strong ' individualism contributed much towards their downfall', pre• cluding as it did any idea of the unity or leadership which, combined with their bravery and military prowess, might have saved them from th.e power of Rome* Chapter VIII.

The Customs of the Celts

While the Celts left.little impression on the political history of the world, they contributed much to its culture, especially in the fields of music and literature. We, therefore, should not fail to consider the qualities and customs of their early life which so powerfully influenced the later development of these high forms of art.

As, however, the customs of the Celts were numerous and interwoven with one another, it seems expedient for the purpose of this chapter to divide them into three classes, political, social, and military, and it is in this order that we shall discuss them.

The political Customs and the Various Classes of Society The unit of government among the Celts was the tribe, which possessed absolute control within its own territory. Although the various tribes occasionally united their resources for a common purpose, no central authority existed to direct their policy as a whole, or to co-ordinate their efforts toward the attainment of a desired end. The loose political organization which resulted must consequently be considered an important factor in estimating the contributions of the Celts to the world, for while it. accounted in large measure for the final downfall of the Celts as a nation, it was also responsible for the development of a strong individualism which influenced many generations.

At the head of each tribe there was a man with supreme, authority who was given the. title "Icing", a fact which is indicated by the suffix "rix" attached to many of the names of leading men, such.as Orgetorix, Cingetorix, , and Vercingetorix. In the earlier days of Celtic history, this kingship may have been hereditary, but by the time of the Roman Conquest it had become merely a prize for the most powerful man in the tribe. Dumnorix, for example, tried to '1 take the sovereignty of the Aedui from his brother, Divitiacus, and when Caesar arrived in the territory of the in the fifth campaign, he found Cingetorix and contending with each other for supremacy over the people there. Next in importance to the king or chief were the 3 members of the nobility, who met at times in special councils to hear the decisions of their leader or to take part in a discussion of future policies. Prom their ranks were elected the magistrates and also a body of men known as the senate ' 4 to assist in the actual governing of the tribe. The nobles seem to have employed a form of feudal service for the most distinguished and wealthiest of them had 3 many vassals and dependents who accompanied them into battle. 1. Rice Holmes, T. - "Caesar - De Bello Gallico", I,5,pp.4*5. '2- i*bid», ¥,-3, pp.172-173. . 3. ibid. , VI, 13, pp.238-239; and VI, 15, p.244. 4. ibid., VII, 33, p.301. Caesar, in speaking of the common people, said that they were held almost in the condition of slaves, that they dared do nothing on their own initiative, and that they we're not 1 admitted to any deliberation* lie also observed that when ' these people were pressed by debt or by the tributes they were forced to pay to the knights, they gave themselves up 1 in vassalage to those to whom they were indebted. As Orgetorix alone had ten thousand vassals and a large number . } . 2 •. ' - . of dependents, it can readily be preceived that this system had a great effect on Celtic life. Another curious form of Celtic relationship was that existing between the "soldurii" and their noble patrons. •The soldurii were devoted followers of some noble of their choice, and in return for their friendship and service, they ,enjoyed all the conveniences and comforts of the life of their benefactors* If their patrons died, however, or were killed, the soldurii were bound to endure, the same destiny or commit suicide. At the very bottom of the political and social scale in Celtic life were those men who for some misdeed had been outlawed from their tribes and thus forced into a life of wandering. Together with robher bands who sometimes joined them, these desperate characters were occasionally taken '1. Rice Holmes, T*, - "Caesar - De Bello Galileo", VI, 13, pp.238-239. 2. ibid., I, 4, pp.5-6. 3. ibid., Ill, 22, pp.122-123. 78

into the Gallic army. In the year 54 B.C., for instance, Indutiomarus of the Treveri offered great rewards to the outlaw© and convicts throughout Gaul to come and join-his • . . " . 1 army m preparation for a revolt against the Romans. Ver• cingetorix, in his turn, also held a levy'of the needy and 2 desperate.

One more group of people remains to be mentioned, namely*'-.-the Druids who were on an equal footing with the ". '3 knights and who consequently wielded a tremendous influence in Celtic affairs. Their order, which was a form of priest• hood, has been compared to that of the College of Pontifices 4 . at Rome. ; Similarities have also been found between the 4 Druids and the Magi of Iran-and the Brahmins of India. According to Caesar, the cult of Druidism originated in Britain, and the schools and sanctuaries of the British Druids.were often visited by the Druids of the Continent. In tracing the derivation of the word "", two possibilities have been suggested. The first is that the word comes from' " &f> ~6 5'" or "oaky and that the Druids were really the priests of the Oak. Other authorities claim'that "drui" is connected, with Msui*» or "Wise", and that therefore the Druids were the wisemen or soothsayers* It is certain, however, that tradition 1. Rice Holmes, T. - op.cit. , V, 55, p.225. 2. ibid. , VII, 4, p.274. 5. ibid., VI, 13, pp.238-239. 4. Hubert, H. - "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - Pt. Ill, Gh.I, p.190. 5. Rice Holmes, T. - "Caesar - De Bello Galileo" - VI,i3, pp.241-242. 6. Hubert, H* - "The Greatness.and Decline of the Celts" - Pt.III, Ch.III, p.228. . - 79

connects the.British Druids with the oak tree and that the Gaulish Druids picked the mistletoe and ate the acornsof the 1 oak in order to acquire prophetic powers. Mo doubt the Druids lived together in groups in the same manner as the monks of the Roman Catholic Church. One Druid presided over all and pessessed supreme authority in everything. Upon the death of this Arch Druid, his place was taken by the one considered next in importance. If there were several of equal ability, one was elected by vote. Occasionally, however, the various factions of the Druids resorted to arms in an attempt to ensure the election of 2 their candidate. The Druids were exempt from rendering military 3 service of any description to their country, and when any of their number participated in fighting, he did so of his own choice. As the Druids were also exempt from paying 3 taxes, their order attracted many young men either because of their own desires or those of their parents or friends. Many phases of training were necessary in order to become a Druid, and the amount of work to be covered was so great that candidates were sometimes twenty years in completing. 3 it. One of the chief pieces of work was the memorizing of great numbers of verses which had to be learned orally as they were never committed to writing. 1. Hubert, H, - "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - Pt.III, Ch.I$I,p.228. 2. Rice Holmes, T. - op.cit., VI, 13, pp.240-241. 3.ibid., VI, 14, p. 242. When writing was necessary for public or private transactions, the Druids wrote in Greek characters so that the mass of the people would not understand them, and also because they did not want the ease of writing to eliminate the habit of memorizing.

The Druids had various duties which could be classi• fied as religious, legal, and educational. Primarily,of course they were priests and their chief function was to instruct the people in their religion and to carry out the rites and sacrifices connected with it. They taught the Celts to worship

the counterpart of the Latin god Mercur.y as the inventor of the arts, the guide of their journeys, and their benefactor in business affairs. They believed in a god like Apollo who averted diseases, and in a goddess like Minerva who inspired the people in their crafts.^ They thought that one god like Jupiter possessed the sovereignty of the gods and goddesses, and they had a god of war. After a victory in battle-they sacrificed the animals that had been captured and consecrated 2 other booty to this deity of warfare* Many of the' ceremonies performed by the Druids were connected with agriculture which was the principal occupa- 3 • tion of the Celts. They blessed the planting of the seed, made sacrifices for the propitiation of the gods to deal kindly with the crops, and offered the first fruits of the harvest in thanksgiving. Many of these ceremonies were, no 1. Rice Holmes, T.,op.cit.- YI, 14, pp.242-243. 2. ibid*, YI, 17, pp.245-247. . 3. Hubert, H. - "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts"-. Pt. Ill, Ch.- Ill, p.235* - \ doubt, conducted in the Druid temples, of which the ruins at Stonehenge are an illustrious example. In their performance, human lives were often taken, since the Celts believed that the only way to ensure a hearing from the gods was to offer 1 a living sacrifice. In some cases, huge figures were made out of osier twigs, then filled with living men, and the whole structure set on fire. Men who had been convicted of robbery or other crimes were often the victims of these sacrificial orgies. Another' task of great importance for the Druids was '2 , ' that of divination. In the carrying out of this duty they made use of omens and auguries in much the same manner as the Romans. ' In connection with their legal duties the Druids were. often called upon to settle controversies, or to decide the innocence or guilt of people accused of theft, murder, or other crimes. For this purpose it was their custom to assemble at a fixed period of the year in a holy place, in the territory of the Garnutes, which was considered to be the centre of Gaul. To this spot came people who had quarrels to be settled. They laid their cases before the Druids and afiided by the decisions .... 3: .... • of the priests. '

1. Rice Holmes,T. - op.cit., VI, 16, p.245; 2. Hubert, H. - "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - Pt. Ill, Oh.Ill, p.229; and Delphini Classici - "0. Cornelii Taeiti Opera Omnia" - Lib.IV, 54, p.3099; arid . "M. Tullii Giceronis Operum" - Tom.Ill, "De Divinatione".- I, 41, p.34. .53.0-RioeLHolme s- op.cit., II, 13, p.24Q;-241; and' Jones, H. L. - "The Geography of Strabo" - yol.11,4.4.4 - pp. 244-2.45. Those who refused to obey or accept the judgment of the Druids were cut off from taking part in the sacrifices, and when thus interdicted, they were shunned by all the members of their tribe.'

Educating the -youths of noble families was another duty undertaken by the Druids. Their teaching was purely oral and consisted mainly of. presenting poems which were memorized 2 by their students. They also taught a few scientific facts such as the motion of the stars, the size of the world, and the'properties of certain plants. They had evolved some kind of calendar, and in this connection it•is interesting to note that since the Celts claimed descent from Dis, their god of the night, they observed special occasions and the first days of months '.. and years in such a way that the day followed the. night. The Druids were responsible, too, for teaching morals to the noble youth of Celtiea, and one of the maxims which they presented to their pupils has come down to modern times - "To worship the gods, to do nothing base, and to practise

1. Rice Holmes. ,-$«•«op.oi.t-»t ¥1, 13, p.240-241? and Jones, H. L. - *The Geography of Strabo" - Vol.II,4.4.4. . pp.244-245. 2. Hubert, H., "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - Pt.III, Oh.Ill, p.231. 3. Ibid., p.232; and Rice Holmes, T., op.cit*, VI, 14, p.243; and • Jones, H.L. - "The Geography of Strabo" - Vol.11 -4.4.4., - ' pp.244-245; and . ' 1 Delphlni Classic! - "C.PIinftifecundi NaturalisHistoriae Mbri XISVII", Vol.V,Lib.XVI,95,.pp.2623-25. 4. Rice Holmes, T. - op.cit. VI, 18, pp.245-248. manhood." , In addition, the Druids taught a philosophy of the 2 • immortality of the soul and of metempsychosis. Due in large measure to the many tasks they performed, the Druids were the most influential people in Celtica until they aroused the jealousy and opposition of the knights, and 3 then their power gradually declined.

Social Customs The ancient Greek and Latin writers, when describing the Celts, emphasized their height"and fairness. "Aurea caesaries ollis, atque aurea" vestis; Virgatis lucent sagulis; turn lactea colla Auro innectantur." - 4 . -. wrote Virgil. Since, however, dark hair was just as common among the Celts as fair hair, many Celts bleached their long tresses in order to appear blonde* Different types of clothes were worn in the various parts of Celtica. The Goidels wore a skirt-like affair which, 6 was the forerunner'of the Highland kilt, but the Britons were 7 • usually clothed in skins. The inhabitants of Gaul proper wore a short, close-fitting garment which was adopted by the 1. Hubert, H. - "The Rise of the Celts", Introduction, pp,13-M; and ' Hicks,-R.D. - "Diogenes Laertius" -Prologue 6 to "Lives

of the Philosophers* - pPi 6 - 7. 2. Rice Holmes, T.- "Caesar <- De Bello Gallico" - VI, 14, p. 243; and ^ Jones., H.L. - op.cit., Vol.11, 4.4.4. - pp.244-245. 5. Hubert, H.,"The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - Pt.Ill, : Ch.III, p.235. 4. .Popster, E.M. - "The Aeneid of Virgil" -.Vol.11, Bk.VIII, 3il.659-661, ;p.l02. 5. Hubert, H., "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - Pt.IIT, 'CiuV* p.270. 6. id., "The Rise Of the Celts" - Pt.«, IT, Ch.II•, p.227. 7. Rice Holmes, T. - op.cit., V, 14, p.188. 1 Roman army,;, while the Belgae owed their name to their large, baggy trousers or "buigae" ('leather bags") which were much like 'those still worn in Holland and the-northern part of Belgium. Smocks or tunics, cloaks, and occasionally hose completed the 2 Clothing of the Celts. Little is -known about the clothes of the women except that they wore trousers. Celtic homes were merely rough huts thatched with 3 straw. The cooking was done over a fire laid' on the earthen floor. The furniture was very meagre and usually consisted of lew wooden tables and seats made out of bundles of reeds* A few pots and pans completed the furnishings. - / 2c<) The main item in the diet of the Celts was meat. They also ate venison and fish but their religious scruples ' . 4 prevented them from eating the hare, the cock, and the goose. From their corn they made a kind of porridge and they also 6 used a great deal of milk. Family life among the Celts was very happy. In Gaul, monogamy was the rule although in Britain, according to Caesar's 6 statementjWhich is now questioned, polyandry was practised. l^uHufeert, H. - "The Rise of the Celts" - Pt.II, Ch.II, p.227. 2. Id., "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts", Pt.III, Ch*V, p.270; and . Jones, H.L. - op.cit., Vol.IT, 4.4,3.-pp.240-241. 5. Rice Holmes, T., op.cit., V, 43, pp.213-214. 4. ibid., V, 12, p.187. 5* Hubert, H. - "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - Pt.III, Ch.V, p.270. 6. Rice Holmes, T. - op.cit., V, 14, p.188. 0ne of the most interesting features of the Celtic marriage

customs was the use of the dowry, whatever wealth a wife

brought to her marriage was matched with an equal amount by

the husband. This estate was kept separate from all other

possessions} the profits were added to it regularly, and

upon the death of the husband or wife, it became the property

of the survivor.

Among the occupations in which the Celts engaged,

first place must necessarily be given to agriculture for the

Celtic people were primarily farmers, and some of their most valuable contributions to the progress of the world were

connected with the soil.

Of their system of land measurement the "league" and 2 the "arpent" still survive. Two distinctive types of field were used aift different parts of Celtica - the long, open field in the section north of the Seine to the Rhine, and the closed 3 field of the Goidels. The open field was best suited to village communities working common property under common rule?, while the closed field was used by families living in isolation.

In their cultivation of the soil, the Celts realized the necessity of fallow, and allowed the land to lie idle periodi-. 4 cally. They invented a large, two-wheeled plough drawn by

4 several span of oxen which enabled them to work heavy land, 1. Rice Holmes, T. - op.cit., VI, 19, p.248. 2. Hubert, H. - "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - Pt.III, Ch.IV, p.248. 3. ibid., Pt.III, Ch.IV, pp.248-249; and Pt.III,,Oh.II, p.216. 4. ibid., Pt*III, Ch.V, p.256. and they also introduced to the agricultural world a large hay- 1 sidle, a reaper, and several types of harrows. The Celts were also interested in the raising of cattle and horses. Caesar often mentions the great number of cattle they possessed, and says that they would pay almost 2 any price for working animals. The horses which they raised were chiefly used for military purposes.

Not all Celts, however, were engaged in agricultural pursuits* Many of them were employed in weaving wool or. linen, and their linen textile industry was considered the finest in 3 Europe, and was no doubt the forerunner of the famous Irish linen of to-day* Owing, also, to their plentiful supply of hides, the Celts became very proficient in all kinds of 4 leather work. The inhabitants of the coastal regions were skilled 5 - ' navigators, and were mainly engaged in trading. In previous chapters we have emphasized the wonder• ful skill of the Celts in metal work. They had great deposits of metal in their own countries. Caesar tells us, for example, that the Gauls around Av&rieum had extensive iron deposits in their territories and that they practised every type of 6 mining operation known at that time. From the legends which 1. Hubert, H. - "The Greatness and Decline of the- Celts" - Pt.III, Ch.V, pp.260-261. 2. Rice Holmes, T. - op.cit., IV, 2, p.130. 3. Tillinghast, W.B. - "Ploetz* Manual of Universal History" - pp.38 - 42, Hubert, H. - "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - Pt. Ill, Ch.V, p.260. 4. ibid., p.258. 5. Rice Holmes,T* -op.cit., III, 8, pp.105-106. 6. ibid., VII, 22, p.291. have survived of the visits of the Phoenicians to the Scilly Isles and the coast of Cornwall, we know that the inhabitants 1 of those places mined tin at some inland point, and' brought it by wagons to the coast where they traded it to the seafar• ers from other countries in exchange for the things they desired. It was only natural that, the Celts should use some of their metal for money. They had various kinds of currency before using coins which were not minted in Celtica until the .2 • third century. B.C., when samples of Greek coins were sent back to Gaul by the Celts who made their way down the Valley of the Danube, and by those who came into, contact with the Greek cities in southern Italy. Even by Caesar's day, however, the use of coins had not reached Britain for there the people 3~ . were .still employing brass or iron rings for currency. Military Customs Since the Celts spent much of their time in warfare, their military customs were of great importance. There was no standing army in Celtica, but each tribe had census lists of the men able to bear arms, those who were too old, the boys* and the women. When an army was needed, a levy was made from the first.group, service in • the cavalry being reserved for the knights. 1. Rice Holmes,T. - op.cit., V, 12, p. 1.86. 2. Hubert, H. - "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - Pt. Ill, Ch.V, pp.253-254. 3. Rice; Holmes, T. - op.cit., V, 12, pp.185-186. 4. ibid., I, 29, p.33. .Before the Celts actually engaged in fighting many preparations had to be made. The fact that the tribe was at war was announced by the- holding of an armed council to which 1 all the young men came bearing arms. After the last youth to arrive had been tortured to death in the sight of the whole gathering, plans were made for the carrying on of the war. When it was considered necessary to ask neighbouring states for help, such requests were carried by official "ambassadors" or "messengers" who were so important in the ancient world that there was a regular code of etiquette for their reception. Frequently it was essential that news should be transmitted much more quickly than could be accomplished by messengers, and in such cases the information was passed on by shouts between men posted at regular intervals on the heights. In describing this extraordinary method of conveying news, Caesar tells us that the fact that the had slain the Roman citizens in Genabum. at sunrise was known in the territories of the , a distance of more than one hundred 2 and sixty miles, before the end of the first watch* Another task in preparation for war was the conveying of corn from the farms into the towns, for the Celts gathered 5 in the towns for defense. The majority of the Gallic towns 4 . were built on heights eminently well fortified by nature. 1. Rice Holmes, T. - Op.cit., V, 56, p*225. 2. ibid*, VII, 3, pp.275-274, 3. ibid.., Ill, 9, p. 108. 4. See Oh.' IV, p. 4-1. , •To the natural fortifications were usually added a strong wall frequently topped with heavy stones and sharpened stakes. The maritime towns were likewise protected by nature, but by the sea rather than by hills or mountains* As they were built on the extreme points of promontories, they were thus rendered reasonably safe from a land attack by the rushing in of the tide over the lower parts of the spits, and from a sea attack by the danger of the ships being dashed to pieces on the 2 shoals.

On the battle field the Celts haj. some interesting customs. Caesar reiterates many times the fact that when the

Celts became exhausted with fighting, they retired for a • 3 rest and others with unimpaired strength took their places. On certain occasions, too, the Celts used a wedge-shaped 4 phalanx so that they could not be surprised in the rear.

The various Celtic tribes were masters at turning to their own advantage the terrain which they occupied. The

Nervii, for example, had practically no cavalry of their own but they were, nevertheless, in constant danger from the mounted forces of their neighbours. As their territory was fbrest. they felled young trees and made hedge-like fortifica- tions which prevented the entrance of horses. 1. Rice Holmes, T..opwclt., VII, 23, pp.292-293; and II, 29, pp.93r*9a. 2. ibid., III, 12, p.lll. 3. ibid.'j III, 4, p.103. 4. ibid., VII, 28, p.298. 5. ibid. ,, II, 17, p*84.. •: The and the Menapi.i, when their territory- was in danger of invasion, betook themselves to their forests and morasses where they were .inaccessible, but whence they 1 could make fierce attacks on their foes. The maritime Celts, too, made the most of their environment in providing protection for themselves. Their ships were eminently suited for the coasts they encountered. The keels were quite flat so that they would not be damaged if they touched a shoal at the ebbing of the tide. The whole ship was adapted to.meet storms and violence since oak was the only timber used,' with iron, for the necessary 2 spikes and chains. The Britons were very skilled in fortifying their rivers. When Caesar and his men wished to cross the Thames during their second visit to the Island, they found the banks fortified with sharp stakes and similar stakes had been fixed 3 • • under the water. The Britons also excelled in fighting with chariots. In Caesar's time, the Britons were the only Celts, who still used ch&riots in warfare although the Gauls had employed them earlier in the La Tene Era. The chariot was a small, two-wheeled car with a long pole and a'yoke to which the horse was harnessed. Eaeh

1. Rice Holmes,'Tw - op.cit., Ill, 2B, p.127, gnd VI, 5, p.231.

2. ibid., III, 13, pp.112-113.

3. ibid., ...Vj. .18, pp.191-192. 91

chariot carried two men, a charioteer and a soldier. The charioteer drove his vehicle furiously in all directions, • terrifying the enemy with the rushing of the horses and the creaking of- the wheels. At the same time, the soldier hurled weapons at the foe. When the chariot had worked itself into the ranks of the opposing army, the warrior leaped down, and engaged in hand-to-hand combat while the charioteer drove his car to such a position that if his master were hard-pressed by the enemy, he could retreat to the chariot and be driven off to safety. Caesar himself said that this type of' fighting was very effective, displaying as it did the mobility of 1 ^avalry and the firmness, of infantry. Towns played a large part in Celtic wars, and the Gauls adopted the following procedure in besieging these fortifications. First of all, they encircled the town with men who hurled stones and darts at the defenders on the walls. Once the walls were cleared, those attacking formed a "testudo" which consisted of a block of men holding their shields above their heads in such a way that,they were completely protected from missiles hurled from above. This- testudo then threw its whole weight against the gates of the town and effect- . 2 ed an entrance. Later, through contac-t with the Romans, the Gauls became familiar with the use of towers, hurdles, scaling 3 ladders, and iron hooks.

1. Rice Holmes, T. - "Caesar - De Bello Gallico", IV, 33, pp. 1&IS-166. 2. ibid., II, 6, p.72, 3* ibid., V, 42, pp.212-213; and VII, .81, p.353. ..When the Gauls were themselves besieged, they employed many devices to keep their enemy away from the walls of the tov-m* They hurled huge stones, poured hot pitch from above., flung burning torches, and discharged hot balls of. • 1 . clay or pitch from their slings into the ranks of the foe. At the conclusion of a war, it was the custom for the vanquished to beg for peace by stretching out their hands 2 to the victors. Hostages, who often included very important people in the tribe such, as the king's sons, were given to 6t the: pca.ce 3 the conquerors as pledges that the. terras^would be fulfilled. Through the writings of the Romans, a great deal is known about the military habits of the Celts although there is comparatively little information about their political and domestic life. However, the short summary of their customs which has been presented in this chapter reveals the interesting character of these people, who played such an important part in the building of our own heritage.

1. Rice Holmes, T. - op.cit., ¥11, 22, pp.291-292; and VII, 24, p.294. 2. Ibid. , II, 13, pp.81-82; VII, 40, p.309. 3. ibid., II, 5, p.70; IT, 13, p.81; ¥,4,p.173. Conclusion

It has been said that the Gauls lacked the faith which makes nations, but that they possessed a steadfast 1 faith in civilization. This statement would apply to all the Celts as well as to the Gauls for although, as a people, they were not sufficiently interested in political power to become one of the great empires of the world, yet they were fascinated by learning and culture. - This appreciation for the higher things of life on the part of the Celts was probably the most potent factor in the Roman conquest of Celtica, for the Celts recognized the superiority of the Roman mode of life. The.Gauls, for example, considered the Latin language preferable to their own, and so they adopted it, at the same time making slight alterations to suit their different outlook upon life, and to conform to their peculiar usages in pronunciation* The 2 result was the birth of the French language. The Gauls also admired the beautiful buildings of the Roman world, and • when their territory became incorporated as a.Roman province, 5 they hastened to eopy Roman architecture. Most of all, 1. Hubert, H., S'The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - Pt.II, Ch.l, p.148. . ' , 2, iMilc*, "The Rise of the Celts" - Introduction, p.14. •3. id.-, "The Greatness .and De-pline of the Celts" - Pt.I, Ch.V, ". p. 140. however, .the Celts desired the organization and the stability which they had never been able to achieve for themselves but which were such inherent traits of Roman life.

The Romans, too, after the establishment of the Roman Empire, treated the Celtic provinces with great insight and wisdom. They gave the Celts the order and the material advantages they craved, at the same time allowing them to retain many of their legal, social, and religious customs. Yv'ith protection assured by the Roman armies, with a well- organized Roman government, with fine roads and beautiful buildings planned by Roman engineers, and with the many other - 1 advantages of being part of the Roman Empire, the Celts were able to enjoy all the comforts of life at no particular cost to themselves except the loss of their independence, and this they considered a small price to pay for the facilities they gained of acquiring and disseminating the civilizing forces of life which meant so much to them. While most of the important contributions of the Celts in the field of agriculture were made before the Roman 2 Conquest, their most valuable gifts to civilization were made long after the Roman Empire had ceased to exist. Much French literature bears the mark of Celtic influence, but it is in the great wealth of Irish and Welsh literature and music that Celticism comes into its own* The Irish legends incorporated in the Qssianic works and in such stories as the 1. Hubert, H. - "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - Pt.II, Ch.Ij pp.154-155. 2. See.Chapter fill,pp.85-86. • 95

"Feast of Bricriu) and the tales contained in the Welsh 1 "Mabinogion" form the basis for all the English literature dealing with King Arthur of the Round Table and the knights and ladies of lonely Cornish Tintagel. Surely, too, the loveliest of the Irish and Welsh songs re-create an awareness of the beauty of Celtic art every time they are sung. Celtica did not die at the Roman Conquest, but still lives on, and it may be that she will yet enjoy a greater cultural glory than in the past as a result of the great now taking place in Eire..

1. Hubert, H. - "The Greatness and Decline of the Celts" - Pt.III, Ch.V, pp.262-269. 96

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