The British and German Translations of Pippi Longstocking

Home , Anthony Buckeridge, Astrid Lindgren, Blouson, Ensam inte stark, Francesca Simon, Gunnel Linde

THE BRITISH AND GERMAN TRANSLATIONS OF PIPPI LONGSTOCKING

– A TRANSLATIONAL STYLISTICS ANALYSIS

Thesis submitted for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

At the University of Leicester

Margrethe Stuttaford

Department of Modern Languages

University of Leicester

2020 Cover Page

THE BRITISH AND GERMAN TRANSLATIONS OF PIPPI LONGSTOCKING

– A TRANSLATIONAL STYLISTICS ANALYSIS

Thesis submitted for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

At the University of Leicester

Margrethe Stuttaford

Department of Modern Languages

University of Leicester

2020

Abstract

The British and German Translations of Pippi Longstocking

A Translational Stylistics Analysis

By Margrethe Stuttaford

This project examines the representation and reception of Astrid Lindgren’s first Pippi Longstocking book through its initial translations into English and German. The main corpus consists of the British translation (1954), the West German translation (1949) and the East German version (1975) of the Swedish source text (1945), which are compared with the early US translation (1950) as well as later retranslations into English (2007) and a reedition into German (2007). The project’s methodology builds on Malmkjær’s Translational Stylistics, which aims at analysing the impact of stylistic choices on processes of meaning-making in translation. The methodology is used in combination with a comparative focus on children’s literature in various cultures and on sociological frameworks to analyse the translation of Pippi Longstocking into selected target cultures. The analysis interprets the various types of changes and shifts used in the respective translations and considers both their impact on the meaning of the text and their link with literary, cultural and translational contexts and norms. The case of Pippi Longstocking is particularly relevant as Lindgren’s character has been considered as unusual and norm-breaking in the context of children’s literature. The project considers the adjustments made in the translations and the way in which these have affected the representation and reception of Pippi.

Dedication

This thesis is dedicated to William Stuttaford

for his everlasting support, kindness and patience,

and to my five children Benjamin, Mark, Finn, Billy and Ingrid for their understanding.

It is also written in memory of Per Jessen (1932 – 2014) who always shared his enthusiasm for, and knowledge of, languages.

iii

Acknowledgement

I thank whole-heartedly my supervisor Fransiska Louwagie for her gentle guidance, speedy replies, thoughtful comments and continuous confidence in this project. Also, many thanks to Kirsten Malmkjær who started supervising this project but recently took retirement. Tusind tak!

Extended thanks also go to Jennifer Ball for her kindness, understanding and encouragement of this thesis and for her time spent on helping me with the proofreading. Ruth Weeks and William Stuttaford both deserve a huge thank you for their wonderful support and time in helping with computer related formatting. Heather Burnett, I thank for her belief in me and for our many chats in the River Cottage Canteen.

I would like to thank the librarians at the University of Leicester for their outstanding service in working like what can best be described as detectives on my behalf and for always finding whatever I was looking for. And extra special thanks must go to Carol Kemp, Guided Learning Tutor, without whose help the formatting of this thesis would never have been possible. Thank you very much.

Also, the librarians at the University of Exeter, Aalborg Hovedbibliotek, Kungliga Biblioteketet in Stockholm, Frankfurt Bibliothek and Hamburg Bibliothek I owe a warm thank you. I would in particular like to thank Jutta Schmid.

Many thanks go to Saltkråkan in Sweden, in particular Johan Palmberg, Annika Lindgren and Malin Billing who have always been amazing at communicating and shown an interest in the project. Tack så mycket!

Huge thanks also to Translation Studies scholars Astrid Surmatz, Gabi Thomson-Wohlgemut and Charlotte Berry for their extended support and encouragement along the way.

H.C. Andersen Centeret in Denmark as well as Søren Kirkegaard Reseach Centeret in Copenhagen deserve a thank you too for their detective work in finding information on obscure translations.

I would like to thank the Danish author Jens Andersen for all his encouraging words ‘Skriv bare’, which is what I did. Tak!

I thank the two ‘Paulas’ from The Premier Inn in Leicester and all the other staff there for their care, lovely sense of humour and kindness during my five years in Leicester.

I would like to thank my fantastic cold-water swimming ladies too, both in Lyme Regis and in Blokhus in Denmark. These dips in the sea all year round in good company have been extremely uplifting.

Last, but by no means least, huge thanks to my family and friends who have all been there for me throughout this lengthy part-time project. Thanks go to my mum in Denmark for putting up with my long Face Time calls and self-doubts. Also, a huge thanks to her for introducing me to foreign languages on our fantastic family holidays in Norway where I came to realise how simply wonderful it is to be able to communicate in foreign languages. Mange tak!

A huge thanks to all five of my children for their support and encouragement and for trying to understand that it was important to spend weeks on end away from Devon for the final push of this project.

Table of Contents

Cover Page ...... i

Dedication ...... iii

Table of Contents ...... vi

List of Abbreviations ...... x

Chapter 1 Introduction ...... 1

The Initial Publication of Pippi in Sweden Search of a Definition ...... 2

The Initial Translation and Publication of Pippi Longstocking in the UK and Germany ...... 5

Research Aim and Questions ...... 12

Outline of PhD Structure ...... 13

Corpus ...... 14

Chapter 2 Children’s Literature in Context ...... 15

In Search of a Definition ...... 15

Children’s Literature in Sweden, the UK and Germany ...... 21

2.2.1 Historical Perspectives in Sweden, the UK and Germany ...... 21

2.2.2 Post-war Literature in Sweden, the UK and East- and West-Germany ...... 30

2.2.2.1 Post-war Literature in Sweden ...... 30

2.2.2.2 Post-war Literature in the UK ...... 32

2.2.2.3 Post-war Literature in the two Germanies ...... 36

2.2.3 Gender Perspectives in Swedish, British and German Children’s Literature ...... 41

Children’s Literature and Translation ...... 50

Chapter 3 Literature Review: Pippi in Literary and Translation Studies ...... 55

Pippi in Literary Studies ...... 55

3.1.1 The Character of the ‘Autonomous Child’ ...... 56

3.1.2 Comical Features and Style ...... 62

3.1.3 Fantasy and a Fairy Tale World ...... 66

3.1.4 Gendered Perspectives in Pippi ...... 68

Pippi in Translation Studies ...... 70

3.2.1 Areas of study...... 70

3.2.2 Sociocultural Adaptation ...... 71

3.2.3 Political-ideological Adaptation ...... 76

Chapter 4 Methodology ...... 83

Introduction ...... 83

Sociological Frameworks ...... 85

4.2.1 Stuart Hall: The Circuit of Culture ...... 86

4.2.2 The Bourdieusian Sociological Framework ...... 88

Critical Linguistics ...... 90

4.3.1 Kress and Hodge’s Syntagmatic Models ...... 91

4.3.2 The Hallidayan Framework ...... 96

Descriptive Translation Studies ...... 103

4.4.1 Equivalence in Descriptive Translation Studies...... 103

4.4.1.1 Norms in Descriptive Translation Studies ...... 104

4.4.2 Translation shifts ...... 105

4.4.2.1 Syntactic Shifts ...... 105

4.4.2.2 Semantic Shifts ...... 107

4.4.2.3 Pragmatic Shifts ...... 107

4.4.3 Translation Strategies ...... 109

Retranslation Hypothesis...... 111

Translational Stylistics ...... 112

Chapter 5 Analysis of the British English Translations of Pippi ...... 118

Introduction ...... 118

Paratextual Presentation ...... 119

Syntactic Shifts ...... 138

vii

5.3.1 Unit Shifts (punctuation) ...... 138

5.3.2 Cohesion Shifts ...... 154

5.3.3 Sentence Structure Changes ...... 155

Semantic Shifts ...... 160

5.4.1 Synonym Shifts ...... 160

5.4.2 Hyponym and Hypernym Shifts ...... 164

5.4.3 Changes in Emphasis ...... 167

Pragmatic Shifts ...... 175

5.5.1 Explicitation Shifts ...... 175

5.5.2 Implicitation Shifts ...... 176

5.5.3 Adaptation of Cultural rReferences...... 178

5.5.4 Changes in Register ...... 180

5.5.5 Shifts in Illocution ...... 188

5.5.6 Information Changes ...... 190

Comparative Perspectives on the American Translation from 1950...... 193

Conclusion ...... 202

Chapter 6 Analysis of the West and East German Translations of Pippi ...... 206

Introduction ...... 206

Paratextual Presentations...... 207

Syntactic Shifts ...... 212

6.3.1 Unit Shifts ...... 212

6.3.2 Transposition Shifts...... 216

Semantic Shifts ...... 220

6.4.1 Synonym Shifts ...... 220

6.4.2 Changes in Emphasis ...... 233

6.4.3 Trope Shifts ...... 235

Pragmatic Shifts ...... 242

viii

6.5.1 Transediting ...... 242

6.5.2 Adaptation of Cultural References ...... 253

6.5.3 Information Changes ...... 261

Conclusion ...... 269

6.6.1 Conclusion on the West German Translation ...... 270

6.6.2 Conclusion on the East German Translation ...... 271

6.6.3 Conclusion on the German Translations ...... 273

Chapter 7 Conclusion ...... 276

List of References ...... 286

List of Abbreviations

ST – Source text

TT – Target text

SL – Source language

TL – Target Language

OUP – Oxford University Press

GDR – German Democratic Republic

Chapter 1 Introduction

Pippi Longstocking was very much part of my upbringing and I dare say all my Danish friends, their siblings and even their parents had read Pippi and knew the character and series well. After moving to the UK in my early twenties and bringing up my own children bilingually and with whatever Scandinavian culture and literature that encompasses, Pippi naturally became a part of their lives too. In fact, one of my sons decided to dress up as Pippi Longstocking for World Book Day. It was at that point that I was made aware for the first time that Pippi in fact was not so much a part of the British literary canon at that time that I could comfortably let my then eight-year-old son in his Pippi outfit speak for itself. Very few teachers, friends or parents knew whom he was supposed to represent. Many years later, I had a similar experience with my fourth son who was given a Danish Pippi book by his Godmother for his christening. We read the book together and he loved it. Again, very few of his friends had heard of it, although Tiina Nunnally’s retranslation of Pippi that was to appear in 2007 changed this situation. I thought it was interesting to see that all of a sudden Pippi was becoming part of at least some children’s lives and as I was nearing the completion of my Masters in Translation Studies at The University of Exeter, I took an interest in this generational shift/change. I put together a small questionnaire1 asking 100 people in the UK, both male and female within the age bracket of 55-75+ if they had read Pippi as a child. The people participating in this informal survey were professionals working predominantly in education, the arts or medicine in the UK. 30% of respondents replied they had read the book, though only 23% had read it as children. 87% of those who had read it were female. Building on this initial question, I took an interest in the reception of Pippi outside Sweden, particularly for earlier generations, to examine the delay in reception. I will approach this in a comparative manner and translation of the first work in the series in the UK and in East and West Germany, will be the key focus of this PhD. Further, I shall include some diachronic comparative perspectivves with retranslations/reeditions. This type of study will allow me to investigate how translational practices and choices are embedded in, or interact with, given cultures, raising a critical awareness of the role of children’s literature.

The publication history and sales figures below provide some information on the reception and distribution of the first Pippi Longstocking book in Sweden, the UK and Germany within

1 This informal survey does not form part of this thesis, and I mention it merely as background information. 1 its first five years of publication, opening up a comparative perspective. After this overview, the present chapter will present the research aims, questions, and structure of the thesis.

The Initial Publication of Pippi in Sweden Search of a Definition

Lindgren’s Pippi trilogy started as a goodnight story created between Lindgren and her daughter, Karin, who was ill with pneumonia at the time. Karin invented the name ‘Pippi Longstocking’ and the story unfolded gradually over the course of Karin’s illness. Lindgren subsequently wrote down the story using her own illustrations2 and presented Karin with the first version for her ninth birthday. According to Jens Andersen (2014:196), the chief editor and owner of the publishing house, Gerard Bonnier, feared Pippi was perhaps just a little too ‘advanced’ (‘avanceret’) for the time3. At a time when little girls in most Swedish books tended to be neat, obedient, and quiet, the larger-than-life Pippi could be an unwelcome shock to some parents, if not a breath of fresh air to others (ibid.). Lindgren then presented her manuscript to Rabén & Sjögren, who agreed to publish the book, and this was perhaps the most successful decision they were ever to make. Before publication, Lindgren was asked to redraft the book and the effect this had on Pippi is expressed by Lundqvist below:

her speech is made less intricate, she acquires a new modesty and tenderness, and also a slight touch of melancholy. In place of the rejected material there are new episodes that fit in better with the rest. These changes have made the style and vocabulary more

2 The book has since been published (2007) in its original non-edited version by Rabén & Sjögren with the title ‘Ur-Pippi: Originalmanus.’ 3 Forlaget undskyldte den lange ventetid, forklarede, at manuskriptet havde været gennem flere læsere end normalt, og begrundede afslaget med, at man for børnebøgernes vedkommende allerede havde lagt sig fast på udgivelsesprogrammet to år frem i tiden. Bag den tyndbenede forklaring, viste det sig senere, lå en lodret uenighed mellem mindst én konsulent og børnebogsredaktionen og den ansvarshavende forlægger, Gerard Bonnier, der i sidste ende skulle lægge navn til produktet. Og som far til små børn syntes han, at Pippi Langstrømpe var for avanceret. Det fortalte han mange år senere ved et middagsselskab til litteraturforskeren Ulla Lundqvist, der næver det i sit efterskrift til Ur-Pippi i 2007. (The publisher apologised for the long wait, explaining that the manuscript had been through more readers than usual, and justified the refusal by way of explaining that they had already planned ahead for the next two years which children’s books they were to publish. Behind the flimsy explanation, it turned out later, lay a strong disagreement between at least one consultant and the children's book editor and the responsible publisher, Gerard Bonnier, who ultimately would be the one held accountable for the publication. And as a father of young children, he thought that Pippi Longstocking was too advanced. He told this many years later at a dinner party to the literary researcher Ulla Lundqvist, who explains this in a postscript to Ur-Pippi in 2007) (my translation).

uniform and better adapted to children's reading. And the figure of Pippi Longstocking has become both more humble and more superior (1989:99).

According to Andersen (2014:216), Pippi replaces the six dark and depressive years of war with laughter and joy and provides a complete contrast to the Nazi regime4. Lundqvist agrees (1989:98) that Pippi’s appearance was both representative of and significant to the time ahead, as Pippi appeared ‘on the stage in the very year when peace heralded a brighter future.’ Adding on to this, Andersen (2014:216) observes that ‘Pippi’s hairdo prevents any helmet from being pulled down over her head5’ (my translation).

On the initial reception of Pippi in Sweden (November 1945), Lundqvist states that Pippi Longstocking was well-received by the leading critics and that it seemed the ‘rest followed suit’ and that ‘such reservations as emerged were very modest’ (1989:102). The first Pippi book won the children’s books competition at the publishers Rabén and Sjögren in September 1946 and by Christmas of the same year, 21,000 copies had been sold in two weeks. This positive reception is also shown by the fact that ‘some reviewers were careful to stress that Pippi was not only funny, mischievous and impertinent, but also generous and kindhearted’ (1989:102). In 1946, the Swedish newspaper Svenska Dagbladet rewarded Lindgren with a literary prize for the book and the book was sold out and reprinted several times. In addition, it was dramatised and put on stage by young amateur dramatic societies all around Sweden.

In August 1946 some negative criticism emerged, however. As Lundqvist states (1989:102) ‘a jarring note was heard among all the praise.’ Dislike of Pippi was indeed expressed by a leading educator and critic of the time, Professor John Landquist, in the evening paper Aftonbladet under the headline ‘Dårlig och prisbelönnt – en reflexion om goda och dåliga barnböcker’ (Inferior and Prize-Winning – a reflection on good and bad children’s books) (my translation). Lundqvist (1989:102) states that ‘Professor Landquist found the book disgusting, unnatural and in all respects injurious to children.’ According to Boëthius (2009:57-58), as early as 1938, just before the outbreak of the Second World War, Landquist had written an article on other cultural threats, entitled ‘Democracy’s duty to cleanup’ and

4 Kunne man forestille sig en større kontrast til de nazistiske mørkemænd, der havde forsøgt at lægge kloden øde i seks forbandede år? […]. (Would it be possible to imagine a bigger contrast to the Nazi dark men who had been trying to destroy the globe for six cursed years? [...].) (my translation). 5 Nymanns kongeniale tegninger mødte resten af Pippi-figuren med den outrerede påklædning og en frisure, der aldrig ville kunne presses en stålhjelm ned over […]. (Nyman's congenial drawings met the rest of the Pippi figure with the Bohemian dress and a hairstyle that would prevent any steel helmet from being pushed down over her head […]. (my translation). 3 addressed it to the Swedish Parliament. In this article on the increased presence of music and dance, he urged them to take action against the open-air dance floor6, as he was of the opinion that such behaviour would lead to ill behaviour amongst the youth. Ultimately, he was concerned that activities, such as dancing, were a threat to young people and as Boëthius states ‘[h]e held up Nazi Germany as an inspiring example’ (2009:58); viewing Hitler’s Germany as an example of an orderly country with cultural standards. Landquist’s overt disapproval of Pippi Longstocking can thus be read against a specific background but it ‘encouraged people who had been silent up till then and that autumn the book was discussed in several letters to the newspapers’ (Lundqvist 1989:102). The discussion affected the reception of the second Pippi book, Pippi Goes on Board, which was published in 1946, but the debate instigated by Landquist was over by the time the third and last of the trilogy was issued and as Lundqvist says ‘the victory was Pippi Longstocking's’(1989:102).

6 In the 1920s and 1930s as jazz music entered into Europe, dance floors became more numerous. Debates arose as to whether such music and dance encouraged ill behaviour in the contemporary youth. 4

The Initial Translation and Publication of Pippi Longstocking in the UK and Germany

The main corpus for this project will include the first UK translation published in 1954, the translation published in West Germany as early as 1949 and the East German version published in 1975, for which I will first give a brief publication history.

The early translation in West Germany may be indicative of an eager reception: sales figures for the first five years after the publication of the first book in the trilogy of Pippi Longstocking from 1945-1950 (Sweden) and 1949-54 (West Germany) offer a further useful – albeit incomplete – indication of Pippi’s initial popularity. In Sweden, between 1945 and 1950, the first book sold 22,252 copies, whereas within its first five years of publication in West Germany, 1949-1954, it sold 93,338 copies (e-mail from the Astrid Lindgren Company, 18th October 20177). The populations of Sweden and Germany in these five-year periods were just over seven million8 and nearly 62 million respectively9. The positive sales figures in West Germany indicated that Pippi became an early cultural reference in this part of Germany, a notion that Surmatz confirms

Probably nowhere outside of Scandinavia has Lindgren’s position within the sector of children’s literature proved to be as significant as in Germany, where her texts have been extremely successful for almost fifty years, after Pippi Longstocking appeared in 1949 as the first translation in Hamburg’s Oetinger publishing house. Her works reached in Germany a total circulation of well over 20 million copies, of which the Pippi books alone account for over 5 million; Lindgren thus enjoys almost the same recognition in Germany as she does in Sweden itself10 (my translation) (2005:3)

7 The Astrid Lindgren Company, formerly known as Saltkråkan, owns and manages the rights associated with Astrid Lindgren and her authorship. The aim of the company is to protect her life’s work and to pass on her artistry to coming generations http://www.saltkrakan.se/en/get-to-know-saltkrakan/. 8 https://www.populationpyramid.net/sweden/1950/ (Accessed 12th September 2018). 9 http://www.populstat.info/Europe/germanwc.htm (Accessed 12th September 2018). 10 Wohl nirgends außerhalb Skandinaviens hat sich die Position Lindgrens im Sektor der Kinderliteratur als so bedeutend erwiesen, wie in Deutschland, wo ihre Texte seit fast fünfzig Jahren überaus erfolgreich sind, nachdem 1949 als erste Übersetzung im Hamburger Oetinger Verlag Pippi Langstrumpf erschien. Ihre Werke erreichen in Deutschland eine Gesamtauflage von weit über 20 Millionen Exemplaren, davon allein die Pippi- Bücher über 5 Millionen, zudem genießt Lindgren in Deutschland annährend die gleiche Anerkennung wie in Schweden selbst (2005:3).

The success has not abated, and numerous editions have appeared in West Germany with reworkings taking place in 1957, 1965, 1967, 1974, 1986, 1988, 1999, 2001 [and 2007] (ibid.). If the overall success echoes that of the original in Sweden, Surmatz also points out (2005:112) that a number of significant changes occur in the West German translation, which will be examined in a comparative perspective in this thesis.

The first East German translation was published significantly later than the West German version, in 1975, due to Lindgren’s book initially being rejected by the ‘Head Administration for Publishing and the Book Trade’ (Robert Darnton, 1995:47). According to Surmatz (2005:127) in 1950, an East German translator, Klaus Möllmann, had discovered Pippi Longstocking and had wanted to translate it himself with the view to having it published in the GDR. He contacted the Kinderbuchverlag sending them his manuscripts but never heard back. Having not heard for six months, he contacted them again and this time he was informed that: ‘der Verlag eine Herausgabe ablehne, da der Inhalt des Buchs in weiten Passagen nicht mit den Prinzipien der DDR-Pädagogik übereinstimme’ (ibid.) (the publishing house rejected publishing the book because the content of the book in many places did not agree with the principles of the GDR pedagogy (my translation).

Following a relaxation of regulations in the 1970s, a shortened version, though not the third book, was finally published. It is important to note that this translation was based on the West German version but contained a number of significant changes which I will again examine in this thesis in relation to cultural context and reception. Not only did the East German translation come much later, the reception itself may also have been more modest. No sales figures are available on the East German translation of 1975, but Oetinger Publishing House in Hamburg confirmed in an email (September:2018) that only one edition of Pippi Longstocking was published in Former East Germany:

They [Lindgren’s books, of which only four were published in former East Germany]11 were relatively simple in presentation, partly only brochures and always with own illustrations. Licenses were given by the Swedish rights owner, we were not involved. As far as we know, only one edition of each title was printed. The East-German edition of

11 In the former DDR four books by Astrid Lindgren were published, all by “Kinderbuchverlag Berlin”. [These were:] 1960 Mio, mein Mio, 1971 Lillebror und Karlsson vom Dach, 1975 Pippi Langstrumpf, 1988 Ronja Räubertochter (Oetinger Verlag, Hamburg: via email, 11th September 2018).

PIPPI consisted of a shortened version of volume 1 and volume 2; it was reprinted as pocket book in 1988 and 1989 (email by Oetinger Publishing House, 11.09.2018)

The email suggests that limited editions were available for each of the Lindgren books, listed in footnote 11, that had been successful in entering into the East German book market. These copies tended to appear in rather primitive editions, with few or no illustrations. Surmatz (2005:128) points out that the other Lindgren works had entered into East Germany with less of a ‘Rezeptionsbarriere’ (reception barrier) than the East German Pippi version did, for, as she states (ibid.) ‘abgesehen davon, daß die Papiermengen begrenzt waren und aus politischen Gründen vor allem Autoren aus Ostblockländern in Übersetzung publiziert wurden, gab es ein lebhaftes Interesse an der skandinavischen Kinder- und Jugendliteratur’ (despite the fact that there was a paper shortage, and that for political reasons, authors[‘ work] from the Eastern bloc was published, there was still a keen interest in Scandinavian children’s literature) (my translation). It therefore seems that Pippi was the object of specific reservations and some of the reasons for an adapted edition are documented in the minutes from the publisher appraisal meeting, held on 18th June, 1974:

‘[…] Wir übernehmen nicht all drei “Pippi-Bücher”. Unsere Änderungswünsche sind von der Autorin nur zur Hälfte akzeptiert worden. Grundsätzlich konnte man sich auf die Eliminierung des Begriffes ”Neger” verständigen. Absolut nicht einverstanden erklärt sich Astrid Lindgren mit der Herausnahme einzelner Kapitel, die sich auf das Leben der Neger auf der Insle Taka-Tuka beziehen. Sie erklärt sich aber einverstanden mit der Weglassung des ganzen 3. Buches “Pippi in Tuka-Tuka-Land”. Wir wollten nur die Hälfte des Kapitels weglassen (das Neger-Insel-Erlebnis). A. Lindgren fordert ganz oder gar nichts. […]. Wir verbringen also 2 Pippi-Bücher, verzichten auf die Einteilung in ‘Bücher’, verzichten auf das Einleitungskapitel des 2. Buches (“Pippi wohnt noch immer in der Villa Kunterbunt”), und vermerken die “gekürzte Aufgabe”. Das ist vereinbar mit der Einschätzung des Gesamtwerkes und erfüllt immer noch den ihm zugeordneten Zweck. Da wir an eine Paperback-Auflage denken, entfallen die Illustrationen, so daß seine reine Text-Übernahme erfolgen kann in der Übersetzung von Cäcilie Heinig. (Federal Archive, 1974). (We will not publish all three "Pippi books". The author has only half granted our wishes. We were able to agree on the elimination of the term "Negro". Astrid Lindgren 7

however, completely disagreed about the removal of the individual chapters. These chapters refer to the life of the Negros on the island in the South Sea. But she agrees with the omission of the whole 3rd book "Pippi in the South Seas”. We only wanted to omit half of the chapter (the Negro Island experience). A. Lindgren demanded that we published either the lot or nothing at all. [...]. So we will be publishing 2 Pippi books, making do without the division into 'books', making do without the introductory chapter of the second books ("Pippi still lives in Villekulla Cottage"), and note the "shortened edition". This is consistent with the assessment of the complete work and it still fits the overall purpose assigned to it. Since we are thinking of producing a paperback edition, the illustrations will be omitted, so that his pure text edition can be done using the translation of Cäcilie Heinig (my translation)).

It is also worth noting that even the edited East German version was not necessarily considered unproblematic after publication, as demonstrated in a letter included in Lindgren’s biography by Swedish biographer Margareta Strömstedt, (1977/2007:51) where she states that Lindgren in 1975 received a letter from an East German teacher who moved to West Berlin:

Dear Mrs Lindgren, Today, I must write to you because, to my grief, I have learned that a teacher, a colleague of mine in the GDR, has just been fired from her post after reading aloud from Pippi Långstrump to her class. I have received this information from a reliable source during a visit to the GDR. (---) I wanted to inform you about this because I think it is important that you are aware of the consequences caused in this day and age if one reads your books to children in the GDR. (---) (my translation)12

Finally, with regard to the British version (translated in 1954 by Edna Hurup), Oxford University Press (OUP) have been unable to comment on the exact sales figures between

12 Kära fru Lindgren, I dag måste jag skriva till er eftersom jag til min sorg fått veta att en lärarinna, en kollega till mig i DDR, just blivit avskedad från sin tjänst efter att ha läst högt ur Pippi Långstrump för sin klass. Jag har fått denna information från en tillförlitlig källa under ett besök i DDR. (---) Jag ville informera er om det här för jag tycker att det är viktigt att ni känner till vilka följder det än i dag kan få om man läser era böcker för barn i DDR (---).

1954 and 1959. On the basis of their editorial files, however, Berry states that ‘Pippi Longstocking received a favourable reception with the British readership’ and continues ‘[s]ales were sufficiently good for [John] Bell [editor at OUP] to make arrangements immediately to start work on the second volume’. Berry (2013:320) does make it clear however, that some people were less convinced by Lindgren’s creation as can be seen in the following quotation from an article in The Daily Telegraph (29th January 2002) ‘conservative parents looked askance at the unruly nine year-old, who rebelled against society and happily mocked institutions such as the police and charity ladies.’ Elizabeth Sturch (1954:748) describes Pippi as having ‘few equals’ and as ‘a rip-roaring young female character who will go straight to the heart of every tomboy’ (quoted from Berry 2013:320). Berry demonstrates (ibid.) that despite the fact that the publication of the first Pippi book had generated steady sales for OUP, Mabel George, the new editor for children’s books at OUP (1956-1974), was cautious about the type of children’s book she considered safe for a British readership. In the various letters dating back to 1952, between Lindgren and Bell, Lindgren and George and other correspondence between OUP, Berry, Karin Nyman (Lindgren’s daughter) and Lindgren’s secretary Kerstin Kvint, there are also many examples of concerns about the publication of Pippi into British English. Kvint states (2002:114) for example that ‘[a]lthough undoubtedly high profile in Britain, Lindgren’s titles have never been as popular here [in the UK] as in Germany and the rest of Scandinavia in terms of titles published’. Berry points out that ‘[a] more detailed breakdown is available in Kvint’s 1997 bibliography of Lindgren’s international output which ranks Germany as the top export destination, followed in descending order by Norway, Denmark, Finland, Italy, Japan, Holland, France, the USA and Poland. ‘England (i.e. the UK) occupied twelfth place after the Baltic countries […]’. Berry (ibid.) also draws our attention to the fact that, despite Bell’s ‘inspired decision’ to introduce Pippi to the UK readership, concerns were expressed by Bell’s reviewers. All three reviewers voiced their reservations about Lindgren’s creation. Following editorial procedure for potential literature, Bell organised reader’s reports in the summer of 1952. The reader’s report of extracts and synopses was created using the American translation from 1950. Berry states (ibid.) that ‘[t]he initial reader’s reaction was far from encouraging. The first of two reports gave ‘?’ instead of an indicated acceptance or rejection, whereas the second reader rejected the manuscript outright.’ As a result of these two negative reports, Bell deemed it necessary to commission a third report; however, this report ‘also recommended against the acceptance of the work.’ As a means of demonstrating the seminal position of Lindgren’s Pippi within international children’s literature, Berry provides direct quotations from these 9 reports. The first reader13, HM, states that there would be a need for a British translation as well as new illustrations, and expresses the following feelings:

Pippi is slightly overdone... I don’t think that it’s a book that would gain by being read aloud, and beyond that I feel a little at a loss to say how it would be liked by the majority of children of 8-11. The crazy situations... are all childish and delightful, but I think there is a slight surfeit of absurdity (particularly in the rather tall stories told by Pippi herself) and for that reason my enjoyment flagged sometimes. //14 I don’t think that Pippi is a very endearing character and... she does seem to lack good qualities…

According to Berry (2013:314), the second reader15 equally objected to the Americanisms and the ‘inaccurate quality’ of the illustrations. Although impressed by Pippi as a lively, enjoyable and “amusing character” for the adult reader, it was felt that her ‘mixture of naivety and knowingness; impetuosity and calculation ... would be really incomprehensible to any child reader.” Similarly, “the underlying adult tone which [she] detected all the way through makes [her] recommend rejection for publication in this country’ with the contradictory elements of Pippi’s character (eg “tomboyishness” and “general sophisticated elaborations”) regarded as “unattractive”.

The two readers both express their concerns regarding the lack of morals both within Pippi and also within Lindgren. Their views regarding ‘the fantastical Pippi inhabiting the real world’, as Berry states, can be seen in the following extract from the second reader’s report:

It has just occurred to me that the reason why, in spite of the fact that I know this is meant to be a rollicking farce above morals - one does feel inclined to criticise Pippi for her selfish absorption in enjoying herself - is that the author has made the mistake of introducing too much reality alongside her fantastic character. Annika and Tommy, two rather staid, dull children – and the setting of the book – mean that one is always vaguely aware of having at least the toe of one foot on the ground all the way through. Pippi in isolation would be splendid (ibid).

As can be seen from Berry’s research, Bell’s inkling that Pippi did have something to

13 OUPA, 182/000899, Pippi Longstocking, reader’s report, H.M., 13th June 1952. 14 As quoted in Berry’s work (2013:313). 15 Ibid., reader’s report, B.X.W., 13th June 1952. 10 offer a British readership, meant that he employed a third reader. The reader, Kathleen Lines16, did feel more positively inclined towards the Swedish book:

This wild tale has a great deal in it which would appeal at once to children. One basic idea of the story – a 9 year old girl living alone in a house of her own - ... is the kind of situation every child at some time in other stories looks upon as simply ideal. Pippi’s inventiveness is inexhaustible... - her gusto for experiment and adventure without limit. – Her great strength and her obvious lack of all childlike (or even human) feelings makes one think of an elemental... and [I] suspect that some of the character of the Scandinavian troll has been drawn upon... (ibid.)

She did, however, like reader one and two, object to the Americanisms within the translation; and in addition, found the illustrations to be ‘vulgar’ and the plot developments ‘in poor taste’. She concluded her report ‘I rather think the whole thing is out-of-date – and if this is one of a series I rather regretfully recommend that sleeping dogs are left undisturbed.’ When contacted again in 1952 by the Swedish publisher Hans Rabén of Rabén and Sjögren, who at this point had contacted a different British publishing house showing an interest in Pippi, Bell decided, however, to put to one side his readers’ reviews and their concerns and instead to follow his editorial instinct regarding the need for a British translation and publication of Pippi. Bell began to suspect that there must be some issues with the American translation ‘which must have evaporated some of the qualities of the original.’ (2013:315)17 In other words, as observed by Berry (ibid.), Bell had recognised that there was a need and potential for a British version of the work of a writer who, as Jones states ‘broke the mould of children’s literature’ and ‘whose independent heroine … helped her sell 80m books’ (Jones 2002) in 76 languages in subsequent years (2013:315). From this initial overview, it is gathered that Lindgren’s work was considered to be popular enough in Scandinavia and West Germany, despite a number of reservations which seem to have been gradually overcome or obliterated due to the popularity of the children’s character. The British and East German context presented each a number of specific reticence towards the books and Lindgren’s main character in particular. Subsequent chapters will allow me to develop an insight in the cultural perceptions of children’s literature and in the respective

16 Ibid, reader’s report, Kathleen Lines, July 1952. 17 Ibid, letter from John Bell to Hans Rabén, 24 Jul 1952. 11 translations, which will also be underpinned by some further comparative perspectives with the US translations and with later retranslations or editions in both languages.

Research Aim and Questions

The differences in publication and sales figures across various countries and over time raise questions about the cultural reception of Pippi Longstocking and the varying compatibility of this popular Swedish child character with different cultural and literary contexts. This study will focus specifically on the early reception of Pippi and its aim is to consider how Pippi Longstocking has been represented in and through translation in the British and German contexts, and how this representation relates to her reception in Britain, East and West Germany and Sweden.

No comparison between the Swedish and the English translation and between the translations published in the former West Germany and in the former East Germany have previously been published. As already mentioned, the comparison will also extend more briefly to the American English18 version published in 1950 by Viking and refer to the English retranslation from 2007 and a more recent German reedition from 2007 as a means of gaining a diachronic perspective. The choice of corpus will allow for a comparative approach across various cultural and political contexts in Western Europe and shed important light on past – and current – conceptions of children’s literature and the role of translation in this area. It will highlight the norms involved in this field of literature and its translation and focus on related questions such as the evolution of visions of childhood, including in terms of gender roles.

The thesis will seek to address the following research questions

- Which stylistic changes occur in the initial British and German translations of Pippi Longstocking? How can these changes be interpreted through a translational stylistic

model?

18 Elizabeth Goodwin-Andersson examines in her PhD (University of Edinburgh 2015) the different ways English translations come into being. In doing so, she coins new terminology for the various translation types within the Anglophone world, where separate refers to a translation that is published independently by Britain and America, and transatlantic, refers to a translation which is shared by both countries. 12

- How do these changes relate to the reception of Pippi Longstocking in particular and

the status of children’s literature in the respective cultural contexts more broadly?

- How do these changes relate to evolvement of children’s literature and/or translation

of children’s literature and of related literary, socio-cultural and translational norms?

In order to address these questions a translational stylistic approach will be combined with critical linguistics, sociological frameworks and descriptive translation models. I hypothesise that in addition to linguistic differences, socio-cultural variations and literary norms may have influenced a number of the translational choices made by the translators of Pippi into German and English, which relate to the respective cultural contexts and may have impacted on the reception of the work. Retranslations will, to some extent, be used as a means of testing this hypothesis.

Outline of PhD Structure

Following the current chapter which outlines the context, aims and structure of the research, the initial chapters of this PhD will focus on the literature review and the methodology underpinning the project. Chapter 2 will consider definitions of children’s literature and consider the specific context of children’s literature in Sweden, the UK and Germany, as well as the importance of translation for children’s literature. Chapter 3 consists of a literature review, examining the study of Pippi both in the field of literary studies and that of translation studies. The methodology chapter (Chapter 4) will analyse the links between style, meaning and context and outline how a translational stylistics approach will allow me to address the research questions. The subsequent chapters (Chapters 5 and 6) will set out the analysis of the British English and German translations respectively, building on the contextual and methodological chapters. Finally, the conclusion (Chapter 7) will consider the translation and reception of Pippi across the target cultures under examination and within the broader context of children’s literature and translation, also reflecting on the scope and limits of this research project.

Corpus

As mentioned above, in order to investigate how Pippi has been represented in translation in English and German, and how it has been received in Britain, Germany and Sweden, I focus on the first editions19 of the following texts: the first British translation of Pippi, by Edna Hurup published by Oxford University Press in 1954, the first West German translation by Cäcilie Heinig published by Oetinger Verlag, Hamburg in 1949, and finally the East German version from 1975, published by Berliner Kinder Verlag. The latter translation is based on Cäcilie Heinig’s translation from 1949, though in places it has been heavily edited. As already mentioned, no study exists that focuses on this trio of translations. The 1950 US translation and the later British retranslation (2007) and German reedition (2007) will be used for comparative perspectives.

19 Whilst not the key focus, I will occasionally draw on examples from the second book Pippi Goes Aboard in its German translations as relevant to the analysis. 14

Chapter 2 Children’s Literature in Context

This chapter will provide contextual background on definitions of, and approaches to, children’s literature. It will first look at key features of children’s literature in general and identify its stakes. It will then provide further culture-specific insight into children’s literature in the respective contexts under examination, in particular Sweden, the UK and Germany. I will provide comparative historical perspectives as well as describe the post-war situation for each context. In the case of Sweden, I will link Lindgren’s work to a turning point in Swedish children’s literature. For the German post-war children’s literature, the separate context of East and West Germany will be outlined. For the UK context, I shall also draw some brief comparisons to the US situation, as the British translation followed on from the American one. To these presentations I will add a brief comparative analysis of the issue of gender in children’s literature across the various contexts, in order to be able to situate Pippi within a gendered perspective on literature. The chapter will conclude with a section on the translation of children’s literature, which sheds light on the dynamics in the translational field, in preparation for the subsequent focus on Lindgren’s Pippi.

In Search of a Definition

Paradoxically, children’s literature is both a well-established and a difficult to define phenomenon. This type of literature has been, and to some extent still is, an area which scholars are seeking to define. Epstein (2012:1), drawing on Bator (1983:3), points out that ‘[l]iterature for children easily merits definition. Books have been written for them in England and America for at least 300 years, and a sizable publishing industry, almost as old, continually supplies that audience. One would expect, by now, critical consensus on what is a children’s book.’ Yet there is still considerable debate about how to define the phenomenon, and its status, too, has been in question for a long time. For a critical consideration of children’s literature, it is therefore important to consider whose definitions are taken into account (Knowles and Malmkjær, 1996:1), and which are the agents involved in this definition: these agents can rank from authors to editors and publishers, the child readership, various types of gatekeepers and/or literary critics or academics. First, I will examine these various perspectives and levels of agency related to children’s literature and then I will discuss the status of this literature.

Focusing on one particular agent in the process, John Rowe Townsend, perhaps one of the best-known commentators of children’s literature, claims that it is in fact the publisher who decides what a children’s book is:

In the short run it appears that, for better or for worse, the publisher decides. If he puts a book on the children’s list, it will be reviewed as a children’s book and will be read by children (or young people), if it is read at all. If he puts it on the adult list, it will not – or at least not immediately. (1980:197)

Aidan Chambers (1978:1) claims that in order to deal critically with books, we need to go further than understanding that some books are deliberately written for children, whereas others reach the child audience by default. He states (ibid.) that in order to ‘mediate [children’ literature] intelligently and effectively to children […,] we will need a critical method which will take account of the child-as-reader.’ Literature is, according to Chambers (ibid.), a form of communication and when viewed as such it becomes clear that therefore there must be more than one person involved in this process. Ralf Norrman (1986:299) observes that Samuel Butler recognised that ‘contemporary ideas of language had not given sufficient attention to the ‘sayee’ in the pair of sayer-sayee.’ Chambers (1978:1) draws on this notion and concludes that, as literature is a form of communication, there must therefore be a hearer as well as a speaker; and with this in mind it seems clear that the speaker, the author, needs a hearer, the reader, for the communication, the text, to be complete. This reader has come to be known as ‘the implied reader’, a reader the author keeps in mind whilst writing. Knowles and Malmkjær (1996:1) do not place their emphasis on literary criticism, but develop Chambers’ view further by stating the importance of his view by applying his notion at a stylistic level, with a view to identifying linguistic patterns in texts which ‘will help in taking account of the child reader’. Furthermore, they expand on Chambers’ notion by adding that these patterns will also take into account ‘the (usually) adult author who produces the text’ (1996:1), as children’s literature is generally written by people who, do not belong to the target group:

Children’s books are written for a special readership but not, normally, by members of that readership; both the writing and quite often the buying of them are carried out by the adult non-members on behalf of child members. (Briggs, 1989:4, quoted in Knowles and Malmkjær 1996:2)

The tension between (adult) producer and (child) reader is also analysed by Hunt (1994:2) who demonstrates that these roles are not always clear-cut. He points out that in order to understand fully the complexity of this genre of book it is necessary to define the words ‘written for’, ‘read by’ and ‘children’.

Regarding the term ‘written for’ Hunt claims that neither the author’s and/or publisher’s intent, nor the format of the book, form a very accurate guide. He points out that some of the most successful picture books such as Jill Murphy’s Five Minutes’ Peace (1986), All in One Piece (1987) and A Piece of Cake (1989) – picture-books about a family of elephants and their domestic affairs – contain jokes that are expressed from the point of view of the parent and which are often likely to be understood only by the parent (Hunt, 1994:2).

With regard to the term ‘read by’, Hunt points out that all books may have been read by one child or another. Furthermore, he maintains that some books that claim to be children’s books, are in fact rarely read by children, but much more readily enjoyed by an adult readership. Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland is just one example of this type of book. The Wind in the Willows may not be a children’s book at all and Winnie-the-Pooh falls into a category of books that both children and adults may read, but from which they are likely to gain a very different, not to say opposing, experience. Hunt also asks what is understood by ‘read’? Is this reading voluntary for the sheer pleasure or under duress in the classroom? Finally, he concludes his discussion of ‘read by’ by asking whether ‘a child can really read, in the sense of realising the same spectrum of meanings as the adult can?’ (1994:5). In the same vein, the Finnish writer, illustrator and theorist, Riitta Oittinen remarks that:

There is little consensus on the definition of child, childhood and children’s literature. The definition … is always a question of point of view and situation: childhood can be considered a social or cultural issue; it can be seen from the child’s or adult’s angle … I see children’s literature as literature read silently by children and aloud to children. (Oittinen 1993:11 quoted in O’Connell 2006:16)

Building on this point, O’Connell claims that children’s literature addresses two different groups. It addresses on the one hand the child, with his or her own expectations for instance in terms of entertainment, pleasure and/or information, and on the other hand the adult who may have a very different taste as well as literary expectations (2006:17). Furthermore, while some children’s books appeal only to the primary audience, many are what Shavit (1986:63- 91) calls ambivalent texts, such as Alice in Wonderland. This book can be read by the child

17 on a conventional and literal level whilst at the same time by an adult at a more sophisticated or satirical level.

In conclusion, whilst children’s literature can be defined in pragmatic terms as literature written for or intended for children and youngsters, the discussion shows that it is necessary to take into account an adult perspective, which has agency at various levels. As mentioned above and detailed by Puurtinen (1995), the agents range indeed from publishers and editors to parents, educators, academics and critics, and the role of these gatekeepers is far more influential than that of the child readership (1995:19). It is, as O’Connell expresses it, ‘…adults who wield power and influence and it is they who decide what is written and, ultimately more importantly, what is published, praised and purchased’ (2006:17). As demonstrated, these levels of agency have an impact going from the selection, promotion and packaging of certain texts as well as in the textual and linguistic realities of what is being produced and distributed. As we will see, these processes may be linked to sociocultural criteria of what is considered as age- or gender-appropriate; as detailed below, this complex interaction is at the heart of the translation of children’s literature and is also a key consideration of the study of Pippi Longstocking in translation.

As this discussion demonstrates, the way in which children’s literature is defined is also intimately linked to its cultural functions, uses and reception. It is therefore also important to consider the position of children’s literature in the broader literary and cultural system. From a literary point of view, Zohar Shavit locates children’s literature on the periphery of the literary polysystem as defined by Even-Zohar (1978/1990), arguing that children’s literature has a ‘lower’ status in a social system than literature for adults. Attitudes towards children’s literature tend indeed, as Thomson-Wohlgemuth phrases it, ‘to be somewhat ambivalent’ (Thomson-Wohlgemuth, 2009:1). In general, she states, children’s literature forms are linked to education, which suggest that what children read is important, but that the aim of this literature is didactic, contrary to the higher aims of literature as a superior and autonomous art form. Moreover, children’s literature has an entertainment value, which is placed either in continuity with or in contrast to its educational function. In relation to this, Puurtinen points out that children’s literature is unusual because of its multiple functions:

the numerous functions it fulfils and the diverse cultural constraints under which it operates. Children’s literature belongs simultaneously to the literary system and the social-educational system, i.e. it is not only read for entertainment, recreation and

literary experience but also used as a tool for education and socialisation. This dual character affects both the writing and the translation of children’s literature, whose relationship with literary, social and educational norms makes it a fascinating and fruitful field of research. (Puurtinen, 1995:17)

In sum, literature written for children has tended to remain un-canonical as well as culturally side-lined. This has been the case amongst others because of the minority status of its target audience. As O’Connell puts it: ‘the primary target audience is children and they and their literature, like women and women’s literature, are treated in many cultural systems as, at worst peripheral, and at best, not really central to the concerns of ‘high art’ and ‘culture’’ (2006:18). This condescendence towards children’s literature is sometimes placed in line with other cases of emerging literatures where literary recognition is being withheld by the dominant system, as explained by Hunt. He compares children’s literature to other types of newly developing forms of literature, such as for example post-colonial, feminist or ethnic literature by drawing a parallel to the way in which these types of literature are received:

an instructive parallel can be drawn between the emergence of children’s literature and other ‘new literatures’ (national, ethnic, feminist, post-colonial) that are becoming part of the institutional, cultural, critical map. Just as the literatures of colonial countries have had to fight against a dominant culture, so children’s literature (as a concept) has had to fight against the academic hegemony of ‘Eng. Lit.’ to gain any recognition. Just as colonized countries have adopted a paternalistic stance towards the ‘natives’ and a patronising stance to their writings, so, within what seems to be a single culture, the same attitude has been taken to children’s literature books. (Hunt, 1992:2 as quoted in O’Connell, 2006)

These different viewpoints and appreciations confirm the importance of considering again whose perspective is taken into account, as shown in Knowles and Malmkjær and discussed above (1996, Chapter 1). These perspectives can of course evolve over time and whilst in academia children’s literature has tended to be the “Cinderella” of literary studies (Shavit, 1992:4), scholars are also beginning, in line with the recognition of other minority literatures and/or forms of popular culture, to recognise the value of children’s literature in all its diversity. For example, Kümmerling-Meibauer (2012:9-10) claims that children’s literature covers a broad spectrum encompassing, in addition to prose, picture books, children’s lyrics and theatre aimed at children, hence moving beyond the concept of “genre”. It is also closely

19 linked to other children’s media such as films, audio books, comics, graphic novels and computer games20, which are increasingly recognised as art forms and/or academic subject matters.

Finally, focusing on the intrinsic rather than systemic characteristics of children’s literature, Klingberg (1986) reflects on the tendency towards undervaluation of children’s literature by asking whether this genre is of a lesser quality than that for adults and if so, what the educational establishments could do to improve the situation. He points out that the central problem is

to establish if books for children in and for themselves, in their capacity as books for children will have a lower literary quality than adult literature (…) If this is the case, one can draw the pedagogical conclusion that it must be the schools’ task as soon as possible to leave children’s and young peoples’ literature and instead draw in the qualitatively superior adult literature21 (Klingberg, 1986).

Weinreich (2000:13) argues against Klingberg’s initial statement by saying that the two types of literature, adults’ and children’s, carry an equal importance with different specificities:

Klingberg and other researchers of this time wanted on the one hand to legitimise the production and the use of children’s literature. On the other hand, they wanted to prove that much as children’s literature differed from adult literature and that implicitly therefore adult literature had certain special qualities, children’s literature had different qualities which meant that the two types of literature, each with their qualities, were equally important (2000:13) (my translation)22.

20 Kinder- und Jugendliteratur ist ein sehr breiter Begriff. Er umfasst nicht nur Prosa für Kinder und Jugendliche, sondern auch Bilderbücher, Kinderlyrik und Kindertheater und steht in enger Verbindung mit anderen Kindermedien, wie Kinderfilm, Hörbuch, Comic, Graphic Novel und Computerspiel (2012:7). 21 ‘Det centrale problem er imidlertid, om børnebøger i og for sig i deres egenskab af børnebøger vil have en lavere litterær kvalitet, end voksenlitteratur (...) Hvis det forholder sig sådan, kan man drage den pædagogiske konklusion, at skolernes opgave må være så tidligt som muligt at forlade børne- og ungdomslitteraturen og i stedet inddrage kvalitativt højtstående voksenlitteratur.’ 22 Klingberg og andre forskere lagde i denne periode ikke skjul på, at deres forskning også som formål havde at legitimere produktionen og brugen af børnelitteratur. Opgaven var at bevise, at børnelitteraturen måske nok adskilte sig fra voksenlitteraturen, og at voksenlitteraturen nok dermed havde nogle særlige kvaliteter, men omvendt havde børnelitteraturen så andre kvaliteter, som gjorde, at de to litteraturer med hver sine egenskaber var lige vigtige. 20

Children’s Literature in Sweden, the UK and Germany

This section will consider the development of Swedish, British, and German children’s literature from a historical perspective. I will first consider historical evolutions in children’s literature within these aforementioned countries from a comparative perspective, building on the previous discussions about the links to educational systems and values. Following up on this historical context, I will focus more specifically on post-war children’s literature, with a view to providing insight into the respective publication contexts of the Pippi original and its British and German translations. I will also draw a comparison related to gender in children’s literature, as this question is of particular interest in view of the fact that Pippi may have been seen as challenging certain gender norms in the early stages of the book’s reception. The gender question will therefore also be approached from a diachronic perspective, considering evolutions over time in the various countries.

2.2.1 Historical Perspectives in Sweden, the UK and Germany

The historical perspectives in this section start from the Middle Ages, discussing the didactic and moralistic aims of children’s literature at the time. Next, I will identify the most significant evolutions and genres of the 18th and 19th Century, shedding light on the situation in each country and the ways in which children were perceived.

Early children's literature started from the Middle Ages and appears to follow very similar trends across Sweden, German and the UK. Klingberg states (1998:204) that ‘European literature has always been characterized by numerous translations’ and that the majority of published books in Sweden were in translation. He claims (1998:10) that Christianity was responsible for creating an ideological uniformity and states that Sweden, during the reformation, was culturally heavily influenced by both Germany, England, and France. In Sweden, the oldest form of literature aimed at children belonged to the oral tradition: lullabies can indeed be traced back to the Middle Ages as can other forms of nursery rhymes (ibid.). Early Swedish texts aimed at children were dominated by religion (Lars Furuland and Mary Ørvig, 1979/1990:15). Works, initially written for adults, tended to be reworked for children and had both religious and moral messages. Equally, the more specific genre, the

21 fable, originally written for an adult readership, was adapted to suit a child audience. These books were subsequently published for children as specific children’s literature. In the UK, early children’s literature encompasses orally narrated stories, songs, and poems which were predominantly used to teach and educate children, whilst also to entertain.23 Most stories were also initially written for adults and then adjusted at a later stage for children. Similarly, to British children’s literature, the function of German children’s literature at this time in history was, according to Kümmerling-Meibauer (2012:35), to teach moral values and therefore children’s books were didactic. Works written in Latin were aimed at young clerics and children from the noble class and aimed at instructing: literacy, religious dogmas, basic knowledge, and essential rules of behaviour. In other words, the key functions of children’s literature up until the 18th Century were mainly didactic and moralistic.

The 18th Century represents an era in which children’s literature saw a move towards the development of the children’s novel whilst simultaneously maintaining the aforementioned instructive and moralising tendencies.

In Sweden the aim of moral teaching was according to Klingberg (1998:207) to create ‘virtue’. The most significant Swedish books from the 18th Century were written by two teachers, Carl Gustaf Tessin and Olof von Dalin, of Prince Gustav. The books included fables, moralistic stories about children but also accounts of nature. Martin Pletz and Jacob Tengström belong to the more well-known Swedish authors of this era, with Pletz creating adventure stories in the form of ‘[an] utopian “Robinsonade”’ (ibid.) and Tengström poetry.

For the UK, didactic and moralistic writing for children was also still present. Created within this sphere was Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe, depicting a Christian evolution of the protagonist’s spiritual journey. This novel is often credited as marking the beginning of realistic fiction as a literary genre (Martin Greif, 1966). Jonathan Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels is also representative of the 18th Century and has been viewed by some as a systematic refutation of Defoe's optimistic account of human capability (Warren Montag, 2001).

According to Kümmerling-Meibauer (2012:36-37), religious movements continued to influence German children's literature during the 18th Century. As a result of the ever- evolving book printing, and the fact that many people were now becoming literate, the middle of the 18th Century saw an increase in books on offer for children. Over 3000 books for

23 The Birmingham Central Library Collection, 1538-1830. 22 children were published during the 18th Century in Germany, schoolbooks included (ibid.). A negative attitude, however, towards fictional and narrative literature for children and adolescents gradually began to form through the 18th Century in Germany. This meant that the evolution of the children’s novel as an independent children's literary genre, with the exception of the educational novel for young readers, hampered the development of the novel as a literary genre for children by the end of the 18th Century.

The negativity towards fictive and narrative children’s literature was in particular brought to the forefront by Rousseau and expounded in his Emile. In that work, he develops the notion of ‘negative education’, which he views as a form of ‘child-centred’ education. Essential to his philosophy is that education should be carried out, so far as possible, in harmony with the development of the child’s natural capabilities ‘by a process of apparently autonomous discovery’ (Christopher Bertram, 2017: n.p.). Rousseau’s thoughts on childhood were a common thread in the reforms and can be seen in the children’s literature of this era. His belief that childhood represents an independent form of existence of mankind led to a strong view on what constituted appropriate reading material for the child. Rousseau was of the belief that children should not read until the age of twelve; equally the literature was stipulated in accordance with his beliefs: boys were to read Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe (1719), whereas girls could read François de Salignac de la Mothe Fénelons’ Les aventures de Télémaque (1699). Therefore, we see a gender division in his literary recommendations. As Kümmerling-Meibauer (ibid.) points out, although Rousseau denies the raison d'être of children's literature, his demands were groundbreaking for an educational children's literature, which was shaped by the idea of a child developmental scheme and consequently considered childhood as its own, independent phase of life.

During the 18th Century and 19th Century, the fairy tale, which has its roots in oral storytelling and has evolved for centuries in multiple cultures around the world, became a major literary genre and influenced children’s writing. The terminology, fairy tale, stems from the translation of Madame D'Aulnoy's Conte de fées, first used in her collection in 1697 (Terri Windling:2000). Following a brief presentation of the rise in importance of this genre, I shall discuss the influence of the genre on children’s literature first for the German case, which played a foundational role, and then for Sweden and the UK. I will again link this analysis to changing perceptions of the child.

Zipes argues that ‘the 19th Century […] saw the Fairy Tales arise as a new European literary genre, partly as a result of the effort of collectors of traditional folktales, partly out of a desire among writers to use their craft in the service of child socialisation' (1983:3). Zipes (ibid.) claims that this new genre differs to other types of writing in that ‘[it] cuts across all ages.’ Fairy tales often conveyed political, religious, and moral messages and were as such aimed at a dual readership: adult and child. Much debate took place during the 19th Century on the configuration of this genre in relation to a child audience:

these debates touched upon the most important questions, the confrontation of imagination and reality, the relationship between didactics and poetry, and the relationship of folk and fairy tale to childhood. These lively debates took place mainly among the pedagogical intelligentsia and marks the beginning of the historiography and criticism of children's literature in Germany (Dolle-Weinkauff, 1999:166).

Contrary to current popular perception of fairy tales, the genre contained many gruesome details such as descriptions of ‘murder, mutilation, cannibalism, infanticide and incest’ (Tatar, 1987:3). These were often toned down to make the literature more child friendly.

In Germany, the brothers Grimm played a significant role regarding the fairy tale. They were instrumental in bringing this genre to the forefront through their writing down of the hitherto orally narrated stories. They implemented many adjustments to the fairy tales in an attempt to make the literature more child friendly. Many German Romantics also turned their hand to composing their own fairy tales (Blamires, 2009:3). Among these Blamires considers E.T.A. Hoffmann top-class ‘for sheer inventiveness and a multilayered narrative’ in his Nutcracker which ‘surely beats the rest [of children’s literature] into a cocked hat’ (2009:3). As Hoffmann combines everyday reality and the dream world, Ewers claims (2008:123) that ‘these tales bring the fantastic into the bourgeois world.’

In Sweden, the fairy tale initially entered the country in translation via Germany and Denmark. As a result of the Romantic era and its interest in folk poetry, folk tales were gradually written down. These pieces of literature were originally considered scientific works, not intended for children, neither in their narratives nor in their illustrations. It was however soon recognised that there was a need for such literature to reach a child audience because this genre presented itself well both as an educational tool, but also as entertainment. The breakthrough took place around the turn of the century in 1900 where sagas and rhymes

24 began to inspire authors, and the need for a separate children’s version of such works was soon identified. Later fantasy narratives were accepted into children’s literature.

In the UK, the fairy tale too played a significant role in the evolution of literature: the genre was developed as an ideal vehicle for educating the child with a focus on moral and religious messages, though simultaneously allowing for the fantastical elements. As far as the UK was concerned, Knowles and Malmkjær (1996:20) point out that ‘[m]any Victorian writers came to consider the fairy tale genre as the ideal vehicle for influencing the minds and morals of the reading and read-to middle classes’, and it was, according to Zipes (1987: xi, also quoted in Knowles and Malmkjær, 1996), through the fairy tale that a discourse about social conditions in England took form (1996:20). In the wake of the Industrial Revolution in England, views on society underwent considerable change and debates emerged around the spiritual and material foundations of English life, nature, child-rearing practices, the possibilities of human freedom and possible sources of social cohesion. These questions formed the basis of the so-called ‘Conditions of England Debate’, to which both the novel and the literary fairy tale began to relate (Zipes, 1987: xv-8vi, Knowles and Malmkjær 1996:20).

These literary evolutions shed a light on the way children’s literature and children themselves were perceived. In relation to Heinrich Hoffmann’s Der Struwwelpeter (1845) (Shockheaded Peter), Zipes states for instance that the message conveyed in Hoffmann’s stories is a clear reflection of the way in which children were viewed in the Biedermeier Era (1815-1848), which corresponds to Victorian times: ‘"Little children are to be seen, not heard," and if they are heard, they are to be punished severely’ (1999:165).

[It] has indeed stamped the consciousness of German children for generations. To a great extent, it reflects a peculiar hostility to children (what Germans call Kinderfeindlichkeit) which has been a disturbing element in the history of German civilization. Struwwelpeter glorifies obedience to arbitrary authority, and in each example the children are summarily punished by the adult world. No clear-cut reasons are given for the behavior or the punishment; discipline is elevated above curiosity and creativity. It is not by chance, then, that this book has retained its bestseller, classical status to the present (1999:165).

The 19th Century also represents another breakthrough in children’s literature as illustrations began to form a significant part of children’s book. The picture book evolved due to the development of the printing technology and the achievements of lithography around the middle of the 19th Century (Furuland and Ørvig, 11979/1990). The picture book played a pedagogical role in its ability to facilitate the reading of the text and increased the attractiveness for readers.

Further key evolutions at the time were related to the development of the children’s novel in Sweden, the UK and Germany. Depending on the country, important subgenres began to form, such as animal tales, school stories and adventure stories with some books more aimed at boys or at girls, as will be highlighted later in my discussion of gender perspectives in children’s literature. Some of this literature further explored the area between the fantastical and realism. In Sweden, this was particularly the case in the work of Elsa Beskow and Selma Lagerlöf. Beskow, often referred to as the Scandinavian Beatrix Potter, wrote and illustrated many children’s books. Among her better-known pieces are Tale of the Little Old Woman and Aunt Green, Aunt Brown and Aunt Lavender. Further to the Swedish canon belongs Lagerlöf’s Nils Holgerssons underbara resa genom Sverige (The Wonderful Adventures of Nils), published at the turn of the century (1906). The much beloved genre of animal stories, often used to present moralistic messages to children, can also be seen in Lagerlöf’s work where Nils eventually learns of kindness to others. The piece of literature won Lagerlöf, as the first female writer, the Nobel Prize in 1909. Stories that were set somewhere in the midst of fantasy and reality, led to a new awareness of children’s needs, a notion that was developed further in the 1930s. It became clear that children did not solely warrant disciplinary and moralising literature, but that there was a need also for childlike books to foster their imagination. This type of literature had its breakthrough in Sweden immediately after the Second World War and will be analysed further under the section of post-war literature below.

Within the UK, the animal story also took up a significant part in the canon of children’s literature where Beatrix Potter’s stories in particular can be seen as representatives of this era. According to Nikolajeva (2006) these served to explore in particular the innocence of childhood, rather than depicting a moralistic message. The notion of comfort and security in childhood can be found for instance in the animal stories of Beatrix Potter (1901-1930) and the adventures of Paddington Bear's (1958) and Winnie-the-Pooh (1926) (ibid.).

Two other genres that became particularly popular in the UK in the 19th Century, were the adventure story and the school story. These adventure stories have their tradition deeply rooted in Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe (1719). Defoe’s work had become hugely popular during the 18th Century, alongside Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels (1726). Gulliver’s Travels interestingly was originally intended for an adult readership, where the author regarded it as ‘a mordant satire mocking English customs and the politics of his day.’24 Further to the collection of adventure stories were Peter Simple (1834) and Mr. Midshipman Easy (1836) by Captain Marryat, who, by many, is regarded as the ‘founding father’ (Knowles and Malmkjær, 1996:5) of the adventure story. The school story, on the other hand, exemplified life in the traditional English boarding school: Thomas Hughes’s Tom Brown’s Schooldays (1857) is considered to be the true beginning of this genre. These two book genres reached a wide audience through the popular, weekly, juvenile magazines in which they first appeared. According to Knowles and Malmkjær (1996:13-14, referring to Turner 1976:38-50) the adventure stories were descended directly from sensationalist chapbooks, a type of street literature, cheaply produced, and from Gothic novels. Many of these stories turned society upside down by depicting the villain as the hero. As a combined result of their plot and the presence of illustrations, this new genre soon found a place with young readers, even though it was also exposed to criticism, as indicated by Knowles and Malmkjær (1996:14)

Many of the stories romanticised the exploits of notorious criminals or boasted titles such as ‘Varney the Vampire’. The penny dreadfuls saw the creation of ‘Sweeney Todd the Demon Barber of Fleet Street’, and the legend of characters such as Dick Turpin, Spring Heeled Jack and Jack Sheppard. Many of these stories were lurid in terms of both narration and illustration and were soon attracting a juvenile readership. As the century progressed, these provoked much criticism from concerned commentators. Salmon, for example, referred to these as the ‘degrading and debilitating dreadful’

In Germany, adventure stories were also typical of the Biedermeier Era where for example Johann David Wyß’s Der Schweizerische Robinson (The Swiss Family Robinson) (1812- 1827) as well as Friedrich Marryat’s Sigismund Rüstig (Sigismund Rüstig) (1843) play significant parts. Finally, sub-categories such as travel books, books about native Indians, colonial writing and books about emigration all form part of the German children’s literary repertoire of this era.

24 https://grupotierratrivium.com (Accessed 1st September 2019). 27

Children’s literature continued to flourish from here and the late nineteenth and early twentieth Centuries became known as the ‘Golden Age of Children's Literature’ across Europe as this period included the publication of many books acknowledged today as classics. This period of time represents a time dominated by artistic, literary, and pedagogic reform movements in many European countries. These trends were also reflected in the field of children’s literature, though, admittedly, without influencing the greater majority of publications (Ewers, 2013:179). A focus placed upon the rediscovery of childhood, as for example expressed in Ellen Key’s Century of the Child.

In the UK, Lewis Carroll’s Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland (1865) in particular marked, according to Darton (1932/1982:260), a turning point in children’s literature because it eschewed the moralising tone mentioned at the beginning of this section in favour of entertainment and enjoyment. Kingsley’s Water Babies (1863) is another well-known, but unusual, children’s book. It is subtitled 'A Fairy Tale for a Land-Baby' and was originally intended as a satire in support of Charles Darwin's On the Origin of Species. It explores many of the issues concerning biologists at the time. It is also, as Knowles and Malmkjær (1996:16) phrase it, ‘a moral tale presented as a fairytale (sic.), a tradition closely related to that of fantasy, […])’. Anne Sewell’s Black Beauty (1877) and Rudyard Kipling’s The Jungle Book (1894) are two other books representative of the First Golden Age in the UK; Selma Lagerlöf’s Wonderful Adventures of Nils a Swedish example of the Golden Age in Sweden. According to Ewers (ibid.), the notion that the child was differentiated from the adult meant that the child ‘had access to a mythic-animistic world view as expressed in fantastical literature, and as such it could be said that children’s literature had evolved to becoming an independent form of writing for the child from adaptations of adult literature.’

Subsequently, children’s literature from the 20th Century can be viewed in two halves: the first half, the interwar period, and the second half, post-war era. I shall first briefly discuss the interwar literature, starting with UK, Sweden, and then Germany, while the next section will address the specific post-war situation in each cultural context.

The interwar period, which saw a slow-down in output of children’s books across Europe (Furuland and Ørvig, 1979/1990), was according to Knowles and Malmkjær (1996), not ‘notable for the production of stories of any quality [in the UK].’ Two books within the UK, however, deserve a mention: firstly, Swallows and Amazons (1930) by Arthur Ransome and

28 secondly, J.R.R Tolkien’s The Hobbit (1937). The former of the two represents a new genre, away from the traditional adventure stories usually set in faraway places, now encompassing ‘local adventure’; Carpenter and Prichard (1984:7, as quoted in Knowles and Malmkjær, 1996:22) refer to ‘small scale and entirely plausible adventures.’

In Sweden, the ethnographer and research traveller, Gustaf Bolinder, played a big role in the Swedish children’s literature during the interwar era through his depictions of South America and Africa. He created, almost on a yearly basis, a children’s book. The picture books also continued to gain prominence in the children’s literature section and played an important pedagogical role in children’s reading. In this area, Sweden was heavily influenced by Danish authors of such books and initially Swedish picture books were published in translation from Danish books.

In Germany, during the era of the Weimar Republic, children’s literature depicting city life became part of the literature aimed at the middle classes. In this literature the notion of detective stories for children was developed as we see in Erich Kästner’s Emil und die Detektive (Emil and the Detectives) from 1929; making Kästner a forerunner of this type of genre within German children’s literature. Adventure and adventure narratives continue to be popular, and are often associated with male rather than female protagonists: according to an analysis in Süddeutsche Zeitung (2019), male heroes, on average, experience far more than twice as many adventures as their female counterparts. Girls are introduced to adventures too, though these tend to take place with the family during school holidays on German horse farms.

From the discussion in this section of children’s literature within Sweden, the UK and the two Germanies, it seems clear that evolutions have followed similar patterns, resulting in a relative ‘homogeneity’ or ‘unity’ of European children’s literature (Klingberg, 1998:204). Before I turn my attention to the role of translation in this context, the next sections will consider and compare developments in the post-war period and discuss the issue of gender in the context of children’s literature.

2.2.2 Post-war Literature in Sweden, the UK and East- and West-Germany

In this section, I will look at the important developments of children’s literature in the post- war period in Sweden, the UK and Germany. This period will see some continuities in terms of the functions of children’s literature, but also further crucial developments and shifts in terms of the perception of children. I will give a separate outline of evolutions in children’s literature in each country, also situating the publication and translation of Lindgren’s Pippi within these specific contexts.

2.2.2.1 Post-war Literature in Sweden

After the Second World War and up until 1960, Sweden began to move away from the traditional patterns hitherto seen in children’s literature. The literature with moralising and disciplinary messages did not satisfy a child audience any longer. In line with the evolutions mentioned above, a recognition that children needed to read books that would encourage their imagination, promoted different types of literature. Also, Swedish literature began to portray various social relations and problems associated with post-war society and in that sense became a literature forerunner in addressing topics which had previously been excluded from children’s literature. This attitude towards society may have sprung from the creation of the Swedish welfare model of the 1930s and 40s of which the child was an integral part (Kenneth Hultqvist, 1998:93). The model influenced the way in which the child was viewed. In fact, the individual’s relationship to society was viewed in a different light; as a new liberal and free individual who was ‘autonomous in his or her relationship to individual life circumstances – but who simultaneously, on the strength of being an individual, can participate in a larger social and cultural community […]’ (ibid.). It was against this backdrop of this individual and critical attitude towards society that many Swedish writers began to create their works for children. Below, I discuss, briefly four writers who in particular have influenced Swedish children’s literature with their fantasy and realism writing: Gunnel Linde (1924-2014), Maria Gripe (1923-2007), Tove Jansson (1914-2001) and Astrid Lindgren (1907-2002). Linde depicted everyday scenarios in the child’s life but with additional fantastical elements. Den vita stenen (The White Stone), Jag är en varulvsunge (I am a Werewolf Club) and Ur Fröken Ensam Hemma åker gungstol belong to her most well-known pieces of writing. Linde became one of the founders of BRIS in 1972 "Barnens rätt i samhället", (Children's Rights in Society) and her writing portrays elements of children’s

30 rights. Gripe’s writing also deserves a mention in that she too writes children’s stories situated in fantasy worlds, but which are simultaneously anchored in reality. Her writing has a magical and mystical tone, and particularly in her later works, there are supernatural and mystical elements depicting motives of fairy tales. Her writing is characterised by these elements intertwined with psychological realism. Her most famous books encompass: Josefin (Josephine), Pappa Pellerins dotter (Pappa Pellerin's Daughter) and Glasblåsarns (The Glassblower's Children). In The Glassblower’s Children, Gripe deals with the topic of good and evil, where good is symbolised through the children. Jansson too has placed her mark on children’s literature with her Moomin stories. These stories belong to a fantasy world which is both conservative and Bohemian (ibid.). The Moomins live in an economic and politically independent state in which they appear to have no material necessities. Finally, the Swedish publication of Lindgren’s Pippi sparked, as discussed in Chapter 1, some initial resistance among defenders of cultural values, because some critics, hereunder Professor Landquist, expressed concerns about Pippi’s negative impact and influence on children. However, according to Furuland and Ørvig (1979/1990:219), children ‘viewed Pippi as a present from Heaven, following all the books about well-behaved children, which they were provided with at home and in school’ (De betraktade Pippi som en gåva från himlen efter alla böcker om välartade barn om de blivit försedda med i hem och skola) (my translation). Pippi can thus be viewed as a turning point in Swedish children’s literature, moving away from the obligation to promote moralism and didactic messages to creating stories spanning from realism to the fantastical. This notion is clearly expressed by Jansson’s biographer Boel Westin, professor emeritus of children’s literature at Stockholm University, who claims that ‘the year 1945 is seen in the Nordic countries as ‘the golden year for children’s literature’’ (Richard W. Orange, 2020:n.p.). Along with Pippi and Jansson’s Moomins, Norwegian Alf Prøysen published his first short-story collection, thereby initiating a career that later included Mrs Pepperpot, a series that has gained worldwide recognition. It was also the year in which Lennart Hellsing, still widely read in Sweden, published his first children’s book too. After the war, the child began to represent the promise of something new and Westin claims as observed by Orange, (ibid.) that ‘[t]here was a feeling that everything was possible.’ It is important to bear in mind Sweden’s neutral position during the war and how this allowed for the Swedish economy to forge ahead. As a result of the economic boom, the Swedish welfare state was built and with it, centrally funded kindergartens formed in 1943. Feminist sociologist Alva Myrdal was instrumental in this pursuit as she wanted to free women by transferring many of the responsibilities for childcare to the state. It was in the midst of this 31 that Pippi came into being. She clearly represents a turning point in Scandinavian children’s literature. Lindgren claims that ‘Pippi was less a role model than a sort of release valve. ‘Pippi satisfies children’s dream of having power,’ she later wrote, ‘and I believe that somewhere in that is the key to her popularity […]. Pippi represents my own childish longing to meet a person who has power but does not abuse it’ (ibid.).

2.2.2.2 Post-war Literature in the UK

Following the Second World War and the side-effects caused by it, Pat Pinset (2012:212) claims that it was recognised that there was a need for developing a new type of children’s literature. As a result of the short intervals between the First and the Second World Wars, ‘there needed to be a new spirit. Where else could this be engendered but in the child?’(ibid.). Many writers of the post-war era shared, perhaps subconsciously, the sentiment that the change needed in society could be achieved through the phrasing of literature (ibid.). Jella Lepman, an influential author and forerunner for the new desire for using literature as a way of establishing hope for the future, had already founded the International Children’s Library in 1946 and went on to create the Board on Books for Young People (BBYP) in 1952. Her aim was to bring children together through literature as a means of avoiding a repetition of the gruesome times she herself had experienced during the Second World War. It is of interest to consider the relatively small volume of children’s literature published during this era, and to view this from OUP’s (Lindgren’s UK publisher’s) perspective. In the immediate post-war period, few children’s books were published by the OUP. The lessening in production was not only due to a paper shortage but also to a new policy within OUP aiming to turn the department of children’s books into a publisher of high-quality children’s literature. It was into this setting that Rosemary Sutcliff arrived with her The Chronicles of Robin Hood (1950), and later with Eagle of the Ninth (1954), Outcast (1955), The Silver Branch (1957), Warrior Scarlet (1958) and The Lantern Bearers (1959) which won her the Carnegie Medal in 1959. As expressed by Ron Heapy (2013:471) ‘the intensity of her writing and her themes of light and dark, high idealism, the father figure, symbolic action and a hero who would overcome a disability’, attracted both a child and adolescent readership. In conjunction with publishing children’s literature of a higher quality, OUP addressed the matching of text and illustrations. Kathleen Lines’ Lavender’s Blue, (1954) is an example of such a creation. Poet Eleanor Farjeon’s The Silver Curlew (1953) was illustrated by Ernest Shepard and The Little Bookroom (1955), by Edward Ardizzone. Both these books won the

Carnegie Medal and the Hans Christian Andersen International Medal. As can be seen from the above, Lindgren was not Oxford’s only female writer. A glance at OUP’s early 1960s catalogue for Children’s Books reveals in addition to Farjeon, Sutcliffe and Lines writers such as, Charlotte M. Yonge, Elfrida Virpoint, Lois Lenski, and Barbara Leonie Pickard. Further, Pippi was not a lone female character. In the inter-war years, OUP produced a very successful series of Herbert Strang “Annuals for Girls,” anthologies featuring stores with school-age or adult female protagonists. By 1963, the catalogue carried 27 titles aimed solely at girl readers, from Hester Burton, Dorita Fairlie Bruce, and Nada Curcija- Prodanovic’s Ballerina. In an email from OUP (26.10. 2020), they could confirm that ‘[t]hese [aforementioned] titles did not achieve Pippi’s popularity, but Oxford was acutely aware of its juvenile female audience and new which works they were likely to turn into their favourite reading.’

Early post-war British literature written for children gave rise to the name ‘The Second Golden Age’, a period that lasted roughly from 1945 to 1970 (Knowles and Malmkjær, 1996:25). It is within this genre of literature that the form and the content of children’s books appears to have been given a real lift: These books offer an exciting narrative whilst at the same time painting ‘some moral truth or lesson’ (Humphrey Carpenter, 1985:1), though it is important to recognise that this does not necessarily imply a reversion to the former didacticism of an earlier period. In post-war Britain, publishers began to build up a new list of books and this attracted numerous authors; indeed, authors who had hitherto focused on adult writing were entering this new field. According to Pinsent (2012:213), ‘[c]haracteristics relating to the contemporary situation can be detected in several literary texts of the post-war period.’ She refers to the aspects of the nostalgic elements of the past combined with the hope for the future. The child began to be viewed again as the innocent child, almost in a ‘Rosseau-esque’ (ibid.) manner; as innocent and pure, and something to be admired. Steven Thomson (1998:263) views the child within the literary world of the post-war era as someone who ‘offers up the promise of an ineradicable core: the good, simple, true voice, that will resist the clutter of society, neutralize its more harmful effects.’ It would seem a new trend was beginning to take form with regard to authors choosing to write for children, for as Blishen states (1975:11, observed in Knowles and Malmkjær, 1996:26) ‘[w]riting for children grows stronger and bolder, as writing for adults grows more … inward, marked by self doubting (sic.) intricacy’. Books such as The Little White Horse (1946) by Elizabeth Goudge, The Doll’s House (1947) by Joan Aiken, The Go-Between (1953) by L.P Hartley,

The Children of Green Knowe (1954) by Lucy Boston and Tom’s Midnight Gardens (1958) by Philippa Pearce, all represent this second golden era to be found within children’s literature; a distinctive area with many distinguished titles which has since then developed and expanded considerably (Hunt, 1994:8). The child protagonists within these works all undergo some form of growth of understanding (ibid.) through their experiences. Pinsent (ibid.) draws our attention to the fact that whilst many works of this era use the large country house as their backdrop, a transition towards more modest settings with working-class characters also begins to take place; though the innocence of the child protagonist maintains the focus. Tom’s Midnight Garden is a good example of such a text. For as Pinsent states (ibid.) ‘[t]he house at which Tom, the book’s focal character, is staying with his relatives has been converted into flats and it is only in his secondary, midnight world, that he returns to its former glory when he visits the large attractive garden of the past.’ Within the context of a wider social awareness gradually finding its way into children’s literature, William Mayne’s A Grass Rope (1957) and Philippa Pearce’s A Dog so Small (1962) each represent this notion. A Grass Rope is set in a ‘northern rural and largely working-class location’ (Pinsent, 2012:220) and views the child as both naïve and innocent, recognising too that the child has to learn to make its own discoveries through experience; thus demonstrating the trend referred to above regarding the child’s understanding. A Dog so Small similarly draws on the social awareness aspects by introducing its setting in ‘typical working-class accommodation’ (ibid.). The protagonist and the other characters in this story are all portrayed ‘in a totally unsentimental and unpatronizing manner’ (ibid.) depicting the working-class for example, by way of introducing the father working for the underground. School stories also continue to form an important part of the post-war era in the UK. These books were set in boarding schools thus representing an era where education, at least for some, took place in this type of establishment. Elinor Brent-Dyer’s Chalet School books as well as Anthony Buckeridge’s Jennings’ series continued to be widespread children’s literature until the 1970s. At this time in history, day schools became more popular and as a result less focus was placed on literary works set in the boarding school. One final author, who, despite the fact that she may not be regarded ‘by the children’s literature establishments as outstanding’ (ibid) but nevertheless deserves a mention, is Enid Blyton. Blyton wrote extensively from the 1930s up until the mid-1960s, covering fantasy, school stories and adventure stories making her the best-selling children’s author of her time. Despite remaining best-sellers, her work was increasingly considered to be at odds with the more progressive post-war context. The tensions between traditional and more progressive children’s literature are also illustrated by the discussions 34 around the publication of Pippi Longstocking in the UK, as outlined in Chapter 1 where debates concerning Pippi’s publication took place within Oxford University Press. The UK publication happened after the American translation of Pippi Longstocking, in 1950. On the American side, the 1950s saw a boom in children’s literature whereas the US had had a limited repertoire of literature up until the post-war era. During the post-war era, American literature developed fast, and the topics treated within children’s literature were both breaking with taboos and presenting controversial topics, which may explain the earlier translation of Lindgren’s Pippi. In the US, 1957 saw the Sputnik crisis which generated specific interest and government money for schools and libraries were provided to buy science and math books. As a result, the non-fiction book market grew rapidly. The 1960s in the US introduced topics of taboo such as alcoholism, divorce, and child abuse. Maurice Sendak's Where the Wild Things Are (1963) and Louise Fitzhugh's Harriet the Spy (1964) are often considered the first stories published in this new age of realism. From the 1960s, the UK also saw important developments in children’s literature. With Roald Dahl’s first children’s novel, James and the Giant Peach (1961), it seems a new genre appears in which fantasy, adventure and magic all play a part. As such Dahl can be seen as the turning point in British children’s literature some twenty years later than Sweden. Dahl paving the way for a more liberal genre of children’s literature in the 1960s, has inspired other authors and literary characters. It appears that in the UK a real growth and development in children’s literature happened later, from the 1960s onwards, with authors such as Roald Dahl, Judith Kerr, Roger Hargreaves, Richard Adams, Rod Campbell, Michael Rosen, Julia Donaldson, Michael Morpurgo, J.K. Rowling, Francesca Simon and of course David Walliams, to mention but a few. These pieces of children’s literature challenge society in different ways but all share the common denominator of entertainment. It is into this setting that Pippi in 2007 appears in retranslation. The book arrived with new illustrations by Lauren Child and was created as a way of commemorating Lindgren’s 100th birthday anniversary. Literature in the UK has, with many of these aforementioned authors, begun to view the child from a different perspective and as a result of this new stance, children’s more contemporary literature deals for example with independence, behaviour and social issues through humour as can be seen in many of the works by the above mentioned authors.

2.2.2.3 Post-war Literature in the two Germanies

German post-war children’s literature must be viewed in the context of the two Germanies; firstly, as a result of the four superpowers’ occupational zones and subsequently as a result of the founding of former East Germany in 1949. Kümmerling-Meibauer (2012:66) points out that in 1945, the whole of Germany suffered a paper shortage following the Second World War which placed restrictions on books being published. Furthermore, as a result of the influence of the national socialistic propaganda, it was considered important in West Germany to place a focus on children’s books that looked towards a democratic way of thinking. This, however, did not mean to say that children’s literature had to be recreated. Instead, works written prior to the Nazi Regime, as well as works from the 19th Century, gained a new focus. Consequently, post-war children’s literature within West Germany ‘either shied away from controversial social and political problems, presented idyllic pictures of a serene German past […] or catered to traditional, classical tastes’ (Zipes, 1986:27). Therefore Zipes (ibid.) refers to this phase of literature as ‘conservatism’. However, the Adenauer government did not stipulate what should and should not be published, in fact, as long as children’s literature continued to act as a vehicle to produce money for the state, the government could, as Zipes (ibid.) states, be viewed as having a ‘laissez-faire attitude toward children’s literature.’ Indeed, Lindgren’s Pippi was published by the Oetinger Verlag in Hamburg in 1949. It created a stir and ‘caused, as a result of the rebellious behaviour of the protagonist, a violent controversy among educators and literary critics’ (ibid.). Whilst Zipes (ibid.) claims that the ‘conservatism phase’ lasted from 1949 to 1967, Kümmerling-Meibauer (2012:67-68) states that 1949 saw a turning point in children’s literature in West Germany and, despite Pippi’s initial controversy, the book inspired, in the long run, a new childhood image as well as an educational ideal. Lise Søgaard (Kristeligt Dagblad, 2019) supports this notion in her book review of Andersen and Glargaard’s new translation of Lindgren’s letter exchange with German Louise Hartung. In this letter correspondence from 1953-1965, Louise Hartung tells Lindgren how ‘German children were to get helped by Pippi.’ German children who had grown up with the Nazi propaganda were to see in Pippi a new role model. Children were encouraged to attend book clubs in libraries. During the 1950s, Hartung managed to establish 27 Pippi book clubs in West Berlin and began organising similar ones throughout West Germany too. Children were to meet on Mondays to read Pippi under supervision. According to Hartung, all the children’s comments referring to completely

36 different places within Pippi, were noted down by librarians and then discussed with the child by way of comparing Pippi to the child’s home life. Finally, the letter correspondence also draws our attention to the fact that Pippi is being read in orphanages to children who had lost their parents as a result of the war, as well as in recreation centres for children from lower social ranks. In one school where 50% of the children in a class of 30 children had lost their father during the war, Hartung managed to establish special “Pippi-lessons” once a fortnight.

In addition to the translation of Pippi, Kästner deserves another mention in this context because his writing extends to the post-war era and addresses controversial, and hitherto unspoken topics, such as divorce and its psychological effect on the child in Das doppelte Lottchen, (Dobble Lottie) (1949). In this novel, Kästner ‘stresses that children and adults should act as equal partners’ (Kümmerling-Meibauer, 2012:67). In his Die Konferenz der Tiere (The Animals’ Conference) from the same year, Kästner develops a political utopia which links directly to contemporary history: The Cold War. In the novel, he assigns the role of peacemaker and bearer of hope to the animals and the children. His post-war literature is characterised by a greater emphasis on social philosophy where he invites his audience to become critical thinkers. Kästner also introduced a children’s magazine Pinguin (1945-1949), the aim of which was to appeal to the childlike reason and solidarity with children from different backgrounds (Kümmerling-Meibauer, 2012:67). Finally, the literature which was to follow in the 1950s and 1960s is characterised by an emphasis on fantasy, such as: Otfried Preußler’s Die kleine Hexe (The Little Witch) (1957), Michael Ende’s Jim Knopf und Lukas der Lokomotivführer (Jim Button and Luke the Engine Driver) (1960) and James Krüss’ Timm Thaler oder das verkaufte Lachen (Timm Thaler, or the Traded Laughter) (1962).

In the GDR, on the other hand, a conscious effort was made to create a unified socialist approach to children’s literature ‘which was to a great degree patterned on models developed by the Soviet Union since 1919’ (Zipes, 1986:29). The decision-making regarding which books were to be published was assumed by the state-owned Kinderbuchverlag (children’s book publishing house). Thomson-Wohlgemuth claims that ‘children’s literature [in the former communist state] was used both as a tool for education and indoctrination. Literary policy explicitly demanded that all literature should be partisan i.e. loyal to the party line’ (2003:242). Children’s literature was generally to present the communist regime in a positive light and to depict heroes emulating the attitude of true socialist beings. The protagonists therefore tended to represent a radiant optimism and a revolutionary attitude (ibid.). This being said, Zipes (ibid.) claims ‘that the development of children’s literature in East Germany

37 can be divided into three phases: 1949-1967, conservatism; 1968-1977, progressive experimentation; 1978 – present, retreat into fantasy and cautious experimentation.’

The immediate post-war literature mainly encompassed anti-war and anti-fascist literature. Thomson-Wohlgemuth (2005:37) states that the very first book to be published in the new republic was Bertolt Brecht’s (1898-1956) Der verwundete Sokrates (The Astonished Socrates) (1949). The title sets the tone for the trend developing within children’s literature: ‘to attempt to align children’s literature with that of adults’ (ibid.). In light of the fact that East Germany strove to produce books with a similar quality to books for adults, and as a means of achieving an alignment with adult literature, renowned authors of adult literature, such as Bertolt Brecht, were approached by the publishers ‘asking for their cooperation in producing new literature [for children]’ (Thomson-Wohlgemuth, 2005:35). Thomson- Wohlgemuth concludes that

[i]n Das sozialistische Menschenbild (the socialist view of humanity), East German children’s literary theorist Manfred Altner envisaged an afﬁliation of the children’s and the adult’s literary system by paying attention to two factors; ﬁrstly, by expanding children’s real-life experience through learning opportunities in literature; secondly, through a heightened concentration on linguistic devices. It was thought that marrying the two would lead to a continuous growth of aesthetic skills in young people and would cause ChL [children’s literature] to become, on the one hand, “a means of ideological debate, emotional enrichment and a tool to conquer reality and [on the other], by avoiding every childish notion, it also becomes accessible to the adult reader and offers equal artistic pleasure to both child and adult” (ibid.).

Kümmerling-Meibauer (2012:70) draws our attention to the fact that most of the 1950s children’s books in GDR followed set patterns whereby the protagonists either belonged to a community [the socialist state] or if not, they would be shown the way back into the community. Examples of such books are: Horst Beseler’s Die Motorbande (1952), Ilse Korn’s Mit Bärbel fing es an (1952) and Benno Pludra’s Schriff Teddy (1956). In addition, a different genre of books entered into the children’s book market. These works dealt with

38 fascism and its effect on the individual and society25. The following pieces of literature belonged to this specific genre: Stephan Hermlin’s Die erste Reihe (1951), Dieter Noll’s Die Abenteur des Werner (1960) Benno Pludra’s Tambari (1960) and Karl Neumann’s Das Mädchen hieß Gesine (1969) (ibid.). The books mentioned above were all published during Ulbricht’s Party leadership (1949-1971). At the same time, books calling for class solidarity emerged, where the need for ‘a membership in the Young Pioneers and Free German Youth’ (Zipes, 1986:29) was encouraged. Topics concerning farm collectivisation were dealt with in children’s books in the 1950s, whereas the topic of children in the city and ‘the need for positive protagonists who assume a responsible role in society’ (ibid.) took a focal point in the late 1950s and the 1960s.

Against the significant growth of children’s literature as a literary market, it appears that, at least for the initial decades, the development of children’s literature in the different countries did not follow the same paths. Of course, there are a number of similarities and continuities in the evolution of children’s literature, but it is nevertheless apparent that Sweden was less conservative and more liberal in its evolution than the UK and that developments took place in different stages. In Sweden, it seems that the welfare model significantly influenced the way in which the child was viewed and that as a result of this situation, a new type of literature was developed. Children’s literature in Sweden depicted the liberty of the child, the individual’s relationship with society and embraced questioning society in a new way. Educators, psychotherapists and neurologists such as A.S. Neill, Alfred Adler, Sigmund Freud and Bertrand Russell, as shall be discussed in more detail in Chapter 3, were influential in the understanding of the child’s needs. The new view of the child in turn affected what was written for children. As such, Sweden’s children’s literature can to a certain extent be viewed as a forerunner to children’s literature in other European countries. This understanding caused a vast expansion of children’s books focusing on everything from humour to social issues. As such 1945 can be viewed as the advent of the modern Swedish novel and as a turning point in Swedish children’s literature. Lindgren, with her Pippi, is associated with the foremost pioneer of the modern genre. Gösta Knutsson too was a forerunner for this new genre with his beautifully illustrated books about Pelle Svanslös (Peter-No-Tail), and Lennart Hellsing’s many books written in verse and put to music, among others Bananbok (The Banana Book). Post-war Swedish children’s literature replaced the hitherto moralising,

25 This was a topic that West Germany had deliberately shied away from (Kümmerling-Meibauer, 2012:70).

39 didactic tone with stories with a new focus on the inherent curiosity and creativity of children.

In the UK, it seems that the post-war context remained more traditional, especially compared to the US. British children’s literature from this era, seems of a more nostalgic nature, perhaps in an attempt to preserve former values and to gain some kind of stability following the volatility of the Second World War. Lindgren’s Pippi had more difficulty gaining access in this context.

In the two Germanies, children’s literature evolved, for obvious reasons very differently, both regarding each other but also compared to both Sweden and the UK. In West Germany, the severe paper shortage combined with the country’s infamous reputation following Hitler’s regime, meant that German children’s literature during the post-war era, followed former writing styles such as, for example, the fairy tale. The literature thus remained traditional. Furthermore, the economic crises inspired sellable publications. It can also be seen from the above that Lindgren’s Pippi was a breath of fresh air in West Germany, and that it became very influential in West German children’s literature. This overview demonstrates too how East German children’s literature was recreated with an anchor firmly rooted in the Soviet State. East German children’s literature became an educational vehicle with didactic and moralistic values. As such, it evolved in accordance with the socialist ideology and as the political situation began to change during the 1970s, books such as Pippi, were finally allowed to find their way in, though in an adapted form, as will be analysed further in subsequent chapters. The different evolutions of children’s literature hence confirm that the publication and translation of Lindgren’s work needs to be situated and considered within different contexts. In neutral Sweden, the focus on the welfare state and the child’s rights movement forced a speedier evolution on what type of literature was acceptable.

One further question which arises in the context of this historical evolution of children’s literature in general, and of the presentation and reception of Pippi specifically, is also to which extent the gender dimension has played a role in the diverse contexts. In the next section, I will therefore present some historical comparative perspectives on the evolution of gendered perspectives in children’s literature, as a further background to the research project.

2.2.3 Gender Perspectives in Swedish, British and German Children’s Literature

In the study of the various national cultures and literature for children, gender has become an increasingly important perspective, which is also of particular relevance to the case of Pippi. In this section, I will briefly introduce some key contemporary considerations on the notion of gender, and link these to literature, before analysing their place in the various children’s literatures under consideration. I will examine the post-war period but also look briefly at more recent evolutions for comparative purposes.

As a starting point, it is worth noting that traditional gender conceptions are binary and tend to be defined in natural terms while contemporary approaches stress the constructed and less binary conception of gender divisions. In traditional children’s literature, the binary nature of this division is reflected in the choice of genres and their orientation towards certain audiences, with different models of behaviour being catered towards boys and girls. Mingming Yuan (2016) claims that within children’s literature, ‘gender stereotyping has been commonly observed, with male characters described as dominant and masculine, female characters subjective and mild (Diekman & Mumen, 2004; Masiola & Tomei, 2013)’ (ibid.). The binary nature of gender is largely questioned in contemporary discourses, as Judith Butler (1990a), amongst others, suggests a necessity to differentiate between sex and gender, arguing that it is through sociological and cultural influences that we form our identities. The impact of society is manifold and manifests itself in a variety of ways, among others through the media, films, advertising, fashion, cultural expectations, and literature. It is therefore important to note that, like other norms and values, gender can be impressed as a normative framework. This is particularly important in the context of children’s literature given its educational aims and the notion that children’s minds are easily impressionable (Thomson- Wohlgemuth, 2003:242). Holly Adams (2016: ii) therefore considers how children’s literature can be held responsible for conveying gender characteristics. She states that children’s books have ‘the ability to educate, entertain and influence children’. Rather than focusing on the child’s susceptibility, she stresses children’s ability to construe their own notion of gender identity, whilst supposing that what children read, will influence their understanding of gender norms. In light of these considerations, notions of identity have also come to take a crucial place in recent scholarship on children’s literature, as demonstrated by Tricia Clasen and Holley Hassel (2017:1-2), who support the notion that ‘[b]ecause children’s and young adult books are targeted at youth, portrayals of gender can be

41 particularly powerful for readers whose conception of their own gender identity is in the process of forming and evolving’ (2017:11).

As the concept of gender has a normative dimension which is linked to social expectations and models, I will now have a closer look at this dimension of children’s literature in Sweden, the UK and Germany. I will start with a brief historical outline and reference to some key studies on gender representation in Swedish, UK and German literature. Next, I will discuss this matter in the more specific context of the post-war era.

Swedish literature depended initially, as already mentioned, on translation and therefore gender perspectives within Swedish children’s literature followed until the early 19th Century largely those of the Anglo-American worlds. That said, Sweden also produced its own gendered literature with traditional boy-girl divisions during this period. Bolinder’s adventure stories, mentioned above, were aimed at a boy readership, whereas his wife, Ester Bolinder, predominantly wrote stories for girls. Lilla Sif hos indianerna (Little Siff at the Red Indians) (my translation) (1921) is an example of one of her books. Beskow’s Tomtebobarnen (Children of the Forest) picture book (1910) differentiates between the genders through its illustrations. Female characters are depicted carrying out traditionally housewifery roles, such as cooking, cleaning, sewing, and spinning wool, whereas the male protagonists are portrayed in traditional male roles either carving wood or playing soldiers. Lagerlöf’s The Wonderful Adventures of Nils, mentioned above, lends itself to a boy readership too, partly because the protagonist is male but also because of his journey across Sweden. The small selection of Swedish children’s literature referred to above all demonstrate that literature written by Swedes during the first half of the 20th Century also had clear gender divisions. Boys were encouraged to read adventure stories and to partake in fun activities. Girls on the contrary, were depicted in the familiar settings of the home.

As indicated, similar observations on gender divisions can be made in relation to the UK children’s literature from the 18th Century. This is for instance seen through the gendered choice of protagonists in specific genres such as the fairy tale, where the main characters are seen to follow their quests and females are portrayed as submissive. Such gender divisions are also suggested in the settings of the stories, where male protagonists often find themselves in faraway places, be that in castles of splendour or foreign countries, and female characters are anchored in domesticity, often in poverty where their destiny is to look after their ailing fathers. Children’s literature therefore promoted the notion of manliness whilst also addressing the strength and importance of the Empire. Guy Arnold (1980:79) gives the

42 example of G.A. Henty whose plot is often set in one of the many colonial wars, where brave young middle-class men would fight for England. Henty was a propagandist whose writing ‘epitomised the culmination of the public-school ideal and the public-school boy’s place in the Empire’ (Knowles and Malmkjær 1996:9). A further example can be seen in The Religious Tract Society which created The Boys’ Own Paper (BOP), a type of magazine that according to Knowles and Malmkjær was ‘to elevate the notion of ‘manliness’ and to make it available to a mass readership' (1996:14). Many well-known and influential authors published in the BOP, which serialised Talbot Baines Reed’s The Fifth Form at St. Dominic’s and W.H.G. Kingston’s From Powder Monkey to Admiral, which according to Avery, ‘startlingly suggested that poor boys might after all rise in the world (1975:192)’. Such literature demonstrates how historical and political processes gave rise to ‘boys’ own adventures’ (Joseph Bristow, 1991/2006:1). Literature for girls tended, as already mentioned, to follow the traditional expectation of the female gender, so when the first weekly number of the girls’ counter magazine, The Girls’ Own Paper, was published in 1888, it can come as no surprise that rather than entertaining its readership with adventure stories, the focus was on educational and improving articles. As can be seen from Knowles and Malmkjær’s research (1996), the 19th Century juvenile fiction was indeed clearly intended for boys whereas little literature was written by British writers for girls. Knowles and Malmkjær (ibid.) point out, '[g]irls’ stories that were to become classics were pioneered in the United States, the two best known being: Little Women by Louisa M. Alcott (1832 – 88) published in 1868 and What Katy did, by Susan Coolidge (1845-1905), published in 1872' (1996:15). These ‘were rooted in domesticity’, and moralistic and religious didacticism characterised girls’ fiction throughout the century (ibid). The way in which the characters within the books intended for girls were shaped is of interest to our understanding of the didactic aim of the stories. These aims, as can be seen in for example Charlotte Young’s literature, illustrate very clear distinctions between the roles of the father and mother, as represented by society. The role of the father was elevated and remote whereas the mother’s role was to be found somewhere between the father and children (Robert Leeson,1985:79). Importantly, this observation demonstrates not merely a division of social responsibility but of ‘human qualities’ (ibid.) where ‘males are equated with courage and wisdom and females with love and purity' (Knowles and Malmkjær, 1996:15). This division is also seen in Blyton’s later novels. In this occurrence, the expectations of society were to educate young men and women quite differently. Whereas boys’ literature often carried a didactic message, boys were nevertheless able to enjoy such literature as ‘at least they were imparted in narratives which did contain 43 exciting events and descriptions of strange places’ (Knowles and Malmkjær, 1996:15). Girls’ literature, on the contrary, was deeply rooted in domesticity and in the institution of the family (ibid.). This has also influenced the reception because literature written for girls by writers such as Yonge, Ewing and Molesworth, never achieved the status of children’s classic; a status awarded to narratives such as Ballantyne’s (ibid.). Barbara Wall (1991:90) claims that it is possible the language used in the British girls’ literature was just a little too preaching. Wall points out that the success of Little Woman, unlike its British equivalents, may have been because ‘the preaching is made acceptable by the quality of the voice in which it is uttered. … This story of four sisters is told, quite simply, by one of themselves … who uses the same easy colloquial language that the girls themselves use in their conversation’ (ibid.).

In Germany, similar sociological frameworks dictate the gender specific literature available to children between the 17th and 20th Century. The Maiden's Mirror, a study on the role of women in the early modern age by Cornelia Niekus Moore (1987) argues that ‘we see girls viewed both as potential wives and mothers (in courtship and cosmetics manuals) and as possible spinsters’ (ibid.). By the end of the seventeenth century a literature for girls' amusement per se arrives, though ‘only under a cloud of dark suspicion that it might subvert virtue's development’ (ibid.). Grenz (1981) also deals with the topic of gender-specific literature where she focuses on the morally didactic literature from the 18th Century up until, and inclusive of, the Backfischer literature from the 19th Century. According to Kümmerling- Meibauer (2012:49), a gender divide in children’s literature in Germany appears in 1860. She claims (ibid.) that this separation within literature came as a result of the different education and expectations of boys and girls. Magazine publications addressing boys and girls also came into being at this time and these include Töchter-Album (1855-1931), Herzblättchens Zeitvertreib (1856-1897), Kränzchen (1889-1934), Der neue deutsche Jugendfreund (1842- 1918) as well as Der gute Kamerad (1886-1944; 1951-1968) (ibid.). Busch’s Max und Moritz (1865) emerged at this time too with a specific appeal to a boy readership; a reminder of the adventure stories predominantly written with boys in mind during the Biedermeier era as well as Hoffmann’s stories. Within Germany, stories such as Hoffmann’s Struwwelpeter and Busch’s Max und Moritz, the two authors between them, managed, as Kümmerling-Meibauer claims (2012:49) to create a new child image: that of the anarchistic child, not as a means of encouraging such behaviour, but rather as a way in which to discourage unwanted behaviour.

After all, it is made particularly clear in Struwwelpeter that ill behaviour warrants consequences.

Kümmerling-Meibauer (ibid.) draws our attention to the fact that as far as girls’ literature was concerned, the narrative patterns of eighteenth century morally didactive literature were used until the mid-nineteenth century. The last third of the nineteenth century represents a time in which the Backfischroman emerged. Within this category of books, aimed at the adolescent girl depicting stereotypical roles for women, Clementine Helms Backfischchen’s Leiden und Freuden (1863) represents the first German love story for girls. Emmy von Rhodens’ Der Trotzkopf (1885), despite appearing some twenty years later, does however, according to Kümmerling-Meibauer (ibid.), pave the way for girls’ educational literature rooted in the genre of love stories. Much as these books, on the one hand, aimed to educate young women in their housewifery roles, they also influenced, on the other hand, the literature that was to follow; a girl-specific literature that would break with the traditional family image and focus on female puberty, the importance of female friendships and professional experiences (Wilkending, 2003, as observed in Kümmerling-Meibauer: 2012:50). Further children’s literature for girls followed, where letter correspondence and diary entries (Hermine Villinger), autobiographical novels (Adelheid Popp) and stories about women’s working lives (Helene Raff) form part of these types of writing (ibid.).

Within broader German-language literature, we have to look to the Swiss author Johanna Spyri for a book featuring a girl as the main character. As already mentioned above, we see a similar picture in Little Women where within Anglophone literature we have to look at the US for a successful piece of children’s literature featuring female protagonists. Spyri published Heidi, Lehr- und Wanderjahre (Heidi: her years of wandering and learning) in 1880, a novel about the life of a young girl who is being looked after by her grandfather. The novel is set in the Swiss Alps and it is made clear from the comments inside the book’s cover page: Eine Geschichte für Kinder und auch für Solche, welche die Kinder lieb haben (a story for children and also for those who are fond of children). This comment indicates in a clear manner, as stated by Blamires (2009:395), that this book was intended for a dual readership. Blamires (ibid.) states further that ‘Heidi tends to be thought of as a girls’ book, but this unjustly restricts its appeal. It has, undeniably, a central female character in Heidi and a preponderance of other female figures, but the male characters – the grandfather, Peter the goatherd, Herr Sesemann, the man-servant Sebastian and Dr Classen – all have substantial roles to play.’ Despite the central female character, Heidi is not merely a girls’ book as stated

45 by Blamires ‘[i]t is a pity to treat Heidi as a girls’ book just because it has a central female character’ (ibid.). This story, unlike Struwwelpeter, is about a little girl who displays almost superhuman behaviour. She is made into what Zipes describes as ‘some kind of an extraordinary angel, a nature child with holy innocence, incapable of doing evil, gentle, loving, and kind’ (1999:166). The message in this story is representative of the time in which it was written, ‘Heidi learns that the world is static and directed by God’ (1999:166). The underlying message of Heidi is that the notion of being rich must be seen in terms of possessing faith in God, and, as Zipes (1999:166) comments ‘behaving like a good Christian — that is, making sacrifices to benefit the wealthy and looking forward to paradise in the world hereafter.’ Undoubtedly, Heidi represents the innocent child so well-known of this era and she ‘too, is a figure of the infantile, regressive fantasy which desires a lost innocence that never was’ (Zipes, 1999:167). And since according to Zipes ‘natural equals Christian in this book, there is no way in which children can comprehend what really is a natural or socially conditioned drive’ (1999:167).

The gender-specific pieces of literature mentioned above for both Sweden, the UK and Germany, spanning from the 19th Century until the post-war era, suggests that literature intended for girls tended to be situated in safe proximities; be that the family house or the Pensionat (guest house). Boys’ literature, on the contrary, is often set in faraway and exotic places. Although this trait appears to be shared for the literature of the countries studied for this project, the motivation behind may be partly different. In the UK, there has been a particular drive towards promoting the empire and manliness in literature aimed at boys’ whereas in Germany, literature for this readership was either purely didactic, written as a warning for the naughty or anarchistic child, or as entertainment through adventure stories. As stated above, children’s literature saw a major change in its focus in the aftermath of the Second World War, breaking with the traditional moralistic stories for children around 1945.

In the section that follows, I shall first discuss the developments and changes in protagonists, readership and portrayal within Swedish children’s literature, before discussing those same areas within the German and the English children’s literature.

Although some Swedish authors continued to write with traditional gender divisions as is evident in children’s literature by Gösta Knutsson with his richly illustrated books about Peter-No-Tail (Pelle Svanslös), and Lennart Hellsing’s The Banana Book (Bananbok), new literary genres were introduced, and significant changes also related to gender representation and models, as female protagonists were gradually introduced alongside the

46 familiar male main character. The Totte and Lotte stories by Gunilla Wolde (late 1960) is an example of an equal choice male and female protagonist, within the new paradigm of depicting everyday questions and scenarios. The same applies to later texts such as Carin Wirsén’s Rut and Knut (1998), Ulf Stark’s Kan du vissla Johanna? Can You Whistle, Johanna? (1992) and Sven Nordqvist’s Pettson och Findus (Pettson and Findus) (1985). Jujja and Tomas Wieslander’s Mamma Mu (Mamma Moo) (1993) discusses the notion of daring to be different and following one’s heart seen from a female perspective. The gender perspective has continued to evolve in Sweden and more recently, in 2012, the author, Jesper Lundqvist, influenced Swedish children’s literature significantly due to introducing into the language a new gender-neutral pronoun, hen, instead of han or hon (he or she), hence breaking more radically with binary gender norms. Olika Publishing House (Olika meaning ‘Different’) has in recent years set about promoting equality and diversity in children’s literature. Some of the books published are Asa Mendel Hartvig’s The Konrad serial in which a boy wears a dress and also books about female pirates. Founding publisher Marie Tomičić states (publishingperspectives.com) ‘[w]e believe that books work as a mirror - in which children can see themselves and feel they are part of the society - and as a window, through which they can learn about people different from themselves. We believe this helps create an inclusive society in which differences exist side-by-side.’ From this perspective, children’s books are a powerful tool in helping create an inclusive society. Such examples bear witness to a need for diversity and inclusivity in literature aimed at children in today’s Sweden.

In the UK in the immediate post-war era, authors continued to write with traditional gender divisions as is evident in C.S. Lewis’ The Lion, The Witch and Wardrobe (1950). According to Adams (2016:20), Lewis continues the tradition of the gendered world of fantasy with his representation of male and female characters. Despite the fact that women’s roles were gradually changing during the early post-war era (ibid.), social expectations still placed women in the domestic sphere and strong male figures in the land of excitement, and thus, Lewis’ text represents the traditional gendered portrayals of man and woman. Alan Garner’s The Weirdstone of Brisingamen (1960) and The Moon of Gomrath (1963), its sequel, both follow Tolkien’s framework and can be seen, as pointed out by Inglis (1981:238), as ‘ready examples of the Tolkien formation’ and can thus be seen as a piece of literature aimed at a male readership. A British author who, according to Carpenter and Prichard (1984:322) attempted ‘to get away from the conventions of the children’s novel’ was Penelope Lively. With The Ghost of Thomas Kempe (1973), she ‘[broke] the ranks of the Tolkien formation’

(Inglis, 1981:226) though the story is viewed from a male protagonist’s stance. This novel won Lively the Carnegie Medal in 1974. Two further children’s books that deserve a mention in the context of gender perspective within British children’s post-war literature are books by Nina Bawden and Robert Westall. In Carrie’s War (1973) and The Peppermint Pig (1975), Bawden depicts through her writing ‘the child’s view of the world’ (Knowles and Malmkjær, 1996:27). Despite the fact that the protagonist in Carrie’s War is female, Knowles and Malmkjær (ibid.) claim that ‘unlike The Coral Island or Tom Brown’s Schooldays, [it] is not gender-specific in terms of implied readership.’ Westall’s Machiner Gunners (1975) has on the one hand been praised by critics for depicting authentically working class children (Robert Leeson, 1985:137) whilst on the other, heavily criticised by David Rees (1984) for elevating the ‘macho-man’, stereotyping women and social class divisions and for preserving racist attitudes. Finally, when viewing contemporary children’s literature in the UK, the gender perspective has continued to evolve. In Dahl’s books we are introduced to both male and female protagonists as seen for example in Danny the Champion of the World and Matilda. While J. K. Rowling also presents both male and female main characters, she allows for her male and female protagonists to feature side by side as demonstrated through Harry and Hermione. However, as stated by Sophie Heywood (2020: n.p.) critics note that the Harry Potter series (1997-2007) only has one female lead protagonist and that therefore the white, cisgender, able-bodied male remains the default for heroes. David Walliams develops his characters further at times, where for example the villain is played by a female character as seen in Gangster Granny and The Boy in the Dress offers a different perspective on gender representation. Contemporary children’s literature within the UK, therefore, shows some tendency towards both diversity and inclusivity.

In West Germany, from the 1950’s onwards, two of the most successful authors of German children’s literature were Michael Ende and Otfried Preußler. According to Adams (2016:29), ‘Preußler and Ende both deal with stereotypes in their writing, their texts are progressive of the time as emphasised qualities of gender are punished and portrayed in parody whilst gender neutrality is displayed as heroic and admirable.’ Preußler created a ‘sympathetic little witch’ (Härer 2013) as a means of liberating the witch from her role as evil woman. Not all characters are depicted in stereotypical manners and characters are freed from their gender binaries. The two authors thus support both male and female heroes who can collaborate to save the day. Lindgren’s Pippi inspired (Sophie Heywood, 2020: n.p.) a new school of anti-authoritarian novels including Christina

Nöstlinger’s Fiery Federica (1970). Here the lead protagonist is female and bears resemblance to Pippi with her superhuman powers and positive attitude towards life.

In East Germany, children’s literature was heavily influenced by the Soviet State where many books appeared in translation originally written by Russian authors such as Akardi Gajdar, Valentin Katajew, Samuil Marschak and Nikolaj Ostrowskij (Kümmerling-Meibauer, 2012:67). When viewing children’s books written by East German authors from a gendered perspective, it is important to bear in mind that the state strove, at least on the surface, towards equality between men and women (Susanne Kranz, 2005:81). Because men and women were viewed as equal, with both genders expecting to work and both genders earning a similar wage (ibid.), there was less focus on children’s literature aimed at a specific gender (Elka Borchardt, 1998:15). That said East German children’s literature can be viewed in the context of gender as discussed by Borchardt (ibid.). She observes the role of female characters in children’s books and divides them into three categories consisting of female characters in supporting roles, female protagonists, and finally female co-heroes. In the first category, female characters are reduced to supporting roles where they become willing helpers to the male protagonist. Examples representative of this notion can be seen in Karl Neumann’s Frank und Irene (1964) as well as in Günter Görlich’s Den Wolken ein Stück näher (1971) where the females voluntarily undertake caring and supporting roles. In the second category concerning female protagonists, Jurij Brezan’s Das Mädchen Trix und der Ochse Esau (1959) and Gunter Preuß’ Julia (1976) represent confident and proactive female protagonists who are eager to ensure an element of fairness in society. Finally, Günter Görlich’s Das Mädchen und der Junge (1981) as well as Wolf Spillerner’s Wasserramsel (1984) represent children’s literature where the protagonists are carried out by male and female characters working side by side. In this brief observation on gendered children’s literature in former East Germany, it is clear that male and female characters take on different tasks. That said, none of the female characters are reduced to submissive roles but rather they portray a commit to others and to society as a whole. It can be seen from the above, that gender issues are more noticeable in British children’s literature than German, and that based on these canonical works, German characters are more likely to appear as gender neutral unbound by constraining gender roles (Adams, 2016:68). This notion is confirmed in recent German children’s literature for example by Cornelia Funke’s Ink Heart Trilogy (2003-2007).

In conclusion, whilst the evolutions in the UK have been slower, all literatures analysed demonstrate an evolution towards more gender neutrality or equality, in line with social

49 evolutions and norms. This evolution is very prominent in the Swedish children’s literature as stated above in the more recent examples. As expressed in Adams’ (2016) analysis of the UK and German cultures and texts, time has undoubtedly influenced the way in which authors of both countries portray gender. (Lundqvist, 1979:9), who describes literature as ‘one of the “homes” of gender stereotypes’, therefore argues that the exploration of children’s literature is significant when working towards gender equality. This relates again to the question of norms expressed in children’s literature, and their evolution. This has a particular relevance for the case of Pippi specifically. Lindgren’s character has been seen as a norm breaker in general, as demonstrated above and as we will see again in the next chapter, because of her independent spirit. She is therefore ‘a symbol for the liberated girl/child’ (Lynch, 2016:422) and clearly displays traits traditionally associated with the characteristics of male protagonists: climbing trees, saving lives, experiencing adventures frequently set in faraway places and demonstrating her unusual physical strengths. These elements and their reception will be demonstrated further in the next chapter, focusing on Pippi in literary and translation studies, and subsequently in the analysis of the initial and more recent translations of Lindgren’s work.

Children’s Literature and Translation

The definitions and national perspectives explored above demonstrate on the one hand that children’s literature follows a number of broad patterns and functions, across time and space, whilst it also evolves around cultural contexts. As shown in the case of Sweden and its development of children’s literature, the role of translation in the mediation between cultures is a key question, both with consideration to individual texts, which sometimes become international ‘classics’ and with regard to the ‘transfer’ of models or norms that translation may also entail (D’hulst, 2008/2012:139-155). I will discuss universalist and culture-specific perspectives on the translation of children’s literature, and link this to the question of translation strategies.

According to Bamberger, translations fulfil an essential role in children’s literature and are ‘of even greater importance in children’s than in adult literature.’ This appreciation is linked to a universalist perspective on children’s literature, because, as observed by Lathey (2006:1), he bases this view on ‘apparent universality of ‘classics’ such as Grimms’ tales, Pinocchio, Pippi Longstocking, or Alice in Wonderland.’ Bamberger argues more specifically ‘that

50 children are not interested in a piece of literature because it is a translation, as may be the case for some adults, but in the power of narratives as ‘adventure stories, fantasies and so on, just as if the books were originally written in their own languages’’ (Bamberger, 1978:19). Certain representatives of Comparative Literature defend a similarly universalistic approach to children’s literature: French comparatist Paul Hazard, for instance, stressed, in his book Les Livres, les enfants et les hommes (Books, Children and Men) (1983), the importance of an international understanding of children’s literature. Hazard emphasised the distinctive qualities of childhood, arguing that the commonalities between children effaced national differences, creating a ‘republic of childhood’. Bamberger echoes this position, claiming that ‘we can now rightly speak of a genuine world literature for children that can do much to further international understanding. Children all over the world are now growing up enjoying the same pleasures in reading and cherishing similar ideals, aims and hopes’ (Bamberger, 1978:21). The universalist approach is therefore built on a perceived shared perception of childhood and childhood heroes, It can thus be grounded in some of the essential features and functions of children’s literature, such as education, which have been discussed above. This account also relates to the transfer (D’hulst, 2008) of literary models or genres, as outlined in the historical perspectives above, with literary models such as adventure stories, fairy tales or school stories being shared through translation and incorporated across cultures.

Despite the clear international success of certain children’s classics, this universalist approach to children’s literature in translation nevertheless raises a number of questions, as argued for instance by Lathey (2006). The latter is critical of Bamberger’s list of international classics, first of all because it demonstrates a dominance of North European texts. Bamberger’s “universalism” is therefore perceived as being culturally specific: on the point of the selection of texts for translation it is indeed important to note that this does not only depend on the success of texts in their original version: Alice in Wonderland, Pippi and the more recent Harry Potter books, but also on power relationships in the so-called “galaxy of languages”, which are related to relationships of cultural dominance (Even-Zohar, 1978) and centrifugal and centripetal forces (Pascale Casanova, 1999/2007).

A second criticism which Lathey directs at Bamberger relates to the suggestion that children, when faced with a translation, remain unaware that what they are reading is a translation and not a piece of literature written in their own languages. According to him, this second point is open to question since ‘there are times when it is those very qualities of the unfamiliar that attract and captivate young readers’ (2006:1). Contrary to Bamberger, he hence advocates a

51 foreignising approach or reading of children’s literature in translation, rather than a universalist or domesticating one. In this respect, Lathey’s argument differs from Goodwin- Andersson (2016:39-40), who argues that the translation of children’s literature is often perceived to be target-oriented. She claims that for this particular genre, the target culture can introduce powerful constraints based upon educational, social and cultural expectations of the receiving language community. From this perspective, children’s literature differs from broader contemporary critical approaches to literary translation, developed for instance in post-colonial studies, where foreignization is a more current norm, or as expressed in theoretical stances such as Venuti’s notion of abusive fidelity: a translation practice that ‘values experimentation, tampers with usage’ and ‘seeks to match the polyvalencies and plurivocities or expressive stresses of the original by producing its own’ (Venuti, 1995). In light of my discussions above, in the case of children’s literature there may indeed be added considerations to arguments of compatibility and/or suitability. Shavit argues, as also observed by Lathey (2011), that adjustments to source texts are put in place as a means of achieving what is considered educationally ‘good for the child’ in the target culture of the period. Nikolajeva therefore suggests (2011) that the translation of children’s literature is ‘beset with a number of material and ideological challenges.’

If the premise is that literature must be adapted to the young audience in terms of its linguistic competence, life experience, practical and encyclopaedic knowledge, cognitive capacity and psychological maturity, translation policies will also take these aspects into consideration. Translated texts are also likely to be adjusted to cultural conditions depending on the concept of the child and childhood. What is acceptable in one culture may be offensive in another; what is considered sufficient literary competence in one culture may be perceived as far too advanced in another. As a result, some children’s books can be rejected altogether within another culture, while others may be subjected to substantial alterations in the process of translation and publishing. Polysystem theory (Even-Zohar, 1990) can be used to explain how participating in different cultural and social systems affects the value and significance of a literary text.’ (2011:405).

The ‘ideological’ considerations are then closely related to the pedagogical aspect of children’s literature which has been addressed above in this chapter, and the role of various agents and gatekeepers.

The tension between universalist approaches and foreignising or domesticating perspectives hence merits careful consideration and contextualisation. Firstly, the historical and comparative analysis above demonstrates that, in spite of certain continuities and shared features, children’s literature has evolved over time and space, and sometimes at different paces, so it is difficult to perceive the circulation of texts outside their contexts of production and reception from a purely universalist perspective. The discussion moreover needs careful consideration in terms of different types of norms relating to children’s literature, education, as well as translation.

Norms in children’s literature and education may for instance include some of the elements distinguished above, such as an evolution towards gender neutrality, but also other forms of inclusivity, if we think of retrospective discussions about children’s literature such as Hergé’s Tintin in Congo. The issue of translational norms, on the other hand, ties in with broader discussions about the responsibility of the translator, and their relation to the source- and target-culture and text, and audience, but again within the specific context of children’s literature. As put by Oittinen (2000), for instance, translators for children are responsible to the author of the original and to the target-language readers, but they are also responsible to themselves as human beings, and to their own child images’ (ibid.). As a result, she defends the need to implement creativity, interpretations of the text, into the translation of children’s literature as she feels that a closer reader involvement can be achieved through adaptation. As in the case of children’s literature itself, this increases the focus on the child-reader, despite reservations such as Lathey’s (2011) that there is a danger that the intensity of such a focus on the child reader risks moving the translation too far from the source text. In sum, the study of these debates demonstrates an interesting interplay between different stakes and priorities, in which a changing view on the child and its needs, and the related shifts in children’s literature itself, also raise questions with regard to shifting translational norms: these do no longer focus only on the rights of the source text and culture, or on the suitability within the target culture, but are increasingly child-centred and therefore potentially more norm- breaking. This evolution is of particular interest to the case of Lindgren’s Pippi as a groundbreaking work in children’s literature, and indicates the need to consider the various translations within their respective timeframe and translational as well as social norms, allowing us potentially to contrast the early translations under examination with more recent representations.

In conclusion, this chapter has considered key features and continuities in children’s literature, and demonstrated the evolution of norms in literature, gender, as well as translation. Building on the insights into these general and culture-specific features of children’s literature, the next chapter will focus in more depth on the literary and translational scholarship based on Pippi, which will also inform the translational analysis.

Chapter 3 Literature Review: Pippi in Literary and Translation Studies

This chapter will provide a context for the research and analysis of Pippi Longstocking in translation by shedding light on the place and analysis of Pippi Longstocking in literary studies and translation studies. The first section will consider research perspectives on Lindgren’s work in terms of the understanding of the (source) text, with a particular focus on the study of the main character, genre, style and gender. The second section will consider existing research on the translation of Pippi Longstocking with particular attention to the adaptation of sociocultural frameworks and norms, and of ideological references. This chapter will hence underpin my analysis in a twofold way, as a point of reference and contextualisation for the Swedish and international understanding of the text and for the research context in translation studies in which this project is situated.

Pippi in Literary Studies

After the publication of Lundqvist’s study of 1979, Pippi has been examined from a variety of viewpoints. I will briefly present the key archival research on which this project has been able to draw and then examine existing research on Pippi within literary studies. With regard to literary studies, it is worth noting that some scholars have based their research on translations and not on the Swedish source text, so this section will draw both on the Swedish context and on the international understanding of the work, a tension which has been elaborated upon as part of the previous chapter in relation to children’s classics more broadly. More specifically, Russell (2000) and Hoffeld (1977) both refer to Pippi in translation, the former to Pippi in British English and the latter to Pippi in American English. All other scholars mentioned in this literary study, refer to the Swedish Pippi. In my analysis of literary studies, I will focus on the following key perspectives in order to gain an insight into Pippi as a character, the generic perception of the work (comical features and style, and fairy tale), and finally the link to gender. Whilst not exhaustive, these perspectives will allow me to shed light on some key debates regarding Lindgren’s work, as well as contextualise the further analysis in the current project.

3.1.1 The Character of the ‘Autonomous Child’26

Pippi has, ever since its publication in 1945, caused much debate regarding the main character’s disobedience, her free spirit and her ability to live independently. Eva Maria Metcalf points out (1990:124) that when the book made its first appearance, Swedish critics disapproved, claiming that it undermined adult authority and that it was “demoralizing and contrived.” For, as Metcalf says, ‘what sort of example is Lindgren setting for children by implying that it is perfectly satisfactory for a child to make it on her own? And such an obnoxious child!’ (ibid.). According to Metcalf (1990:133), when Pippi appeared in Sweden, the book broke with traditional norms and reader expectations:

it upset readers' expectations by inverting value patterns, role models, and the stereotypical uniformity and predictability of the traditional girl's book. Just as Pippi had done with Villa Villekulla, Lindgren turned a few things upside down and brought new life to the old, dilapidated house of the girl's book that had once been new and respectable (1990:133).

Scholars such as Rees (1988:144) and Royer (1998) as well as the children’s author Michael Rosen (2016)27 confirm that some adults harboured, and to some extent still do harbour, adverse reactions to the glorification of disobedient protagonists within children’s literature and, as Russell states it, ‘respond to Pippi in much the same way as they do to the work of Roald Dahl – they are horrified by the attack on adult society and values’ (Russell, 2000:168); he argues that it is ‘comedy’s vital satirical view of the ‘normal’ adult world that causes unease among the adult readers’ (2000:168) 28.

26 Henrik Berggren 2010. 27 https://www.irishtimes.com/culture/roald-dahl-the-bad-influence-1.2775842. 28 For example, in Dahl’s children’s novel George’s Marvellous Medicine, we deal with young George and his hatred towards his grandmother. Dahl’s improbable plot, caricature and grossly exaggerated behaviour all form part of the humour used to portray satirical comedy. Dahl frequently uses black humour in which farcical elements are implemented as a device to express human suffering as more comic than pitiable. Royer (1998) discusses how Dahl, like Lindgren, enters into the child’s mind, and thus views the world from a child’s perspective. His implied criticism of adults as well as his contempt for social institutions, a view expressed, among other places, in Danny, the Champion of the World, has on the one hand made his works popular with adolescents and encouraged young people to read (Dahl’s ultimate aim with his books (West 1992:65-6)) whilst on the other hand brought mixed reactions from critics. Rees (1988:144), for example, has expressed that Dahl’s literature is too black and white, two-dimensional and unreal. Other critics are of the opinion that it is wrong to portray adults so frequently in a negative light, as they fear this has a negative effect on his young readership.

However, not all critics consider Pippi as the ‘archetype of an anti-authoritarian, subversive children's novel’ (Metcalf, 1990:133). Firstly, Metcalf claims (ibid.) that an opposing view exists, as ‘[l]iterary critics on the "left" like Eva Adolfsson, UIf Ericksson, and Birgitta Holm regard Lindgren's books as fundamentally escapist and affirmative of middle-class values’. Furthermore, Pippi is not always represented as a norm breaker, but has become an example of somebody with the strength to turn the whole of society upside down, including on a physical level. Nikolajeva comments indeed on Pippi’s astonishing strength and stresses that at no point does Pippi use it as a weapon against adults (2006:59) but only against ‘vile, unfair (and exclusively male) adversaries’, in the process also challenging the customary view of men being physically stronger than women. Finally, it appears that ‘the original impetus of revolt against the stuffy and highly regulated bourgeois childhood found in Pippi, has lost its edge’ (ibid.), the books having long been accepted in school curricula. Nevertheless, as Metcalf states (1990:133), ‘Pippi's ambiguous, elusive personality, which is full of contradictions and self-irony, cannot very easily be put at the service of any hegemonic cultural or educational apparatus’. The only way in which this could happen would be if Pippi’s character were to change to fit social norms better, so that, as Metcalf puts it (ibid.) ‘Pippi becomes a pastiche of herself’. Metcalf argues that in fact this did happen when the stories of Pippi were made into a Hollywood film in 1988. ‘There she became a mere shadow of herself, and her original creative spark and exuberance were transformed into flat, stereotyped merrymaking and sentimental show business’ (ibid.).

In line with Metcalf’s comments about the sad clown which I discuss below, Boëthius claims (2009:55) that other researchers have also stressed that the key focus of Pippi is on a lonely child. Lindgren has often written about lonely children as we see for example with both Bröderna Lejonhärta (1973) (The Brothers Lionheart) (1975) and Mio min Mio (1954) (Mio my Son) (1956). Pippi, however, is the first of Lindgren’s lonely orphans (although strictly speaking she is not an orphan, but this we only learn in the second book Pippi Goes Aboard where Pippi’s father comes to visit). Boëthius (2009) maintains that Pippi is lonely because she lives on her own in her large house. He also claims that both her parents are dead and that it is only in Pippi’s imagination that her father has survived a shipwreck and swum to safety on a small island. However, Boëthius also establishes that unlike Lindgren’s other protagonists, Pippi is not sad, nor is she unhappy about her situation. On the contrary, she is ‘merry, humorous and full of jokes’ (2009:55). She is, however, also, according to Boëthius (2009:55), ‘wild, ill-mannered and disobedient’ and Boëthius places Pippi in the context of 57 the debate on uncivilized youth and bad children which took place during the 1940s in Sweden. Lundqvist (1979) also refers to this debate, which, according to Boëthius (2009), had already started at the beginning of the century and only represented ‘the tip of the iceberg’ (2009:56). The underlying issue was that there was and had been for quite some time ‘a belief that the younger generation no longer cared about traditional norms and values’ (2009:56), and newspaper headings in the 1930s repeatedly referred to the topic of ‘Disobedient Children’ or ‘Wild Youth’ (ibid.). According to Boëthius (ibid.), Lindgren followed the debates with interest, and she wrote a letter29 in 1939 with the heading “The Revolt of Youth” to the paper in which she defended the rising generation against the critics. One topic in these debates was that with the introduction of open-air dance floors and the breakthrough of modern jazz music, young people gathered in new social surroundings. Critics referred to the debates relating to the new media and new forms of entertainment as ‘the misery of the open-air dance floor’. Lindgren herself had also been a dance floor girl. When she got pregnant30 aged 18 and caused a scandal31 in her hometown, she became an obvious example of modern youth gone astray (Boëthius, 2009:58). Lindgren’s life had taken a sudden turn away from the promising career she had begun as a journalist at her local paper in Vimmerby. She gave birth to her son, Lasse, in Copenhagen as this was the only place within Scandinavia where she could keep the name of the father from the authorities32.

It is of interest to consider within this context that the first Pippi book came into being in 1945. It poses the question whether Lindgren created Pippi as a deliberate answer to the ongoing debates on ‘Ill-mannered Children’ and ‘Wild Youth’. Boëthius (2009:58) claims that ‘[t]he debate on the behaviour of modern youth […] directly concerned the author of Pippi Longstocking’ but that Pippi herself must be placed in a slightly different context. He argues (2009:58) that ‘the discussion about the rising generation was broad.’ Therefore, according to Boëthius (2009), Pippi as a character must be placed in the debate on morally neglected or bad children ‘the so called “Vanartslagen”’ (Bad Children’s Law in Boëthius’ translation). A central idea in this law, initiated in 1902, was that ‘society had a duty to fulfil

29 The letter can be seen in Lundqvist (1979). 30 It is important to know that the pregnancy had nothing to do with the open-air dance floor scenes. Instead, Lindgren had entered into a relationship with a married man, the editor of the Vimmerby Tidende (Vimmerby Newspaper) (my translation). 31 “Aldrig har så många skvallrat så länge om så lite, åtminestone inte i Vimmerby” (Strömstedt, 1979:203) ‘Never have so many gossiped so long about so little, at least not in Vimmerby’ (my translation). 32 In addition, this brought her out of reach of the Swedish child welfare authorities, in 1926 more powerful than ever (Boëthius, 2009:59). 58 and the child a right to receive education and care’ (2009:58). If the Swedish authorities recognised that parents were incapable of supplying a child with a good education or unable to support a child morally, the authorities had the right to send the child to public education and also to remove the child from its home, even against its parents’ will, and instead send it to a “barnhem” (a children’s home) (my translation) (Boëthius, 2009:59). In 1924 the law was further intensified as ‘the committees were now also obliged to intervene when a “child was in danger of being bad”’ (ibid.). Boëthius continues that orphans were the first to be taken care of and that young unmarried mothers ran a risk of losing their children, if it was considered by the authorities that they were incapable of providing their child with a sound education (2009:59). It may also be the case that Lindgren found inspiration for Pippi (and others of her protagonists) in her own sad situation of having to leave her new-born son in Copenhagen for the first three years of his life:

The experience of having to give her child away left deep scars in her [Lindgren]. As Lindgren’s biographer, Magaretha Strömstedt, has called attention to, this is probably one important reason for Astrid Lindgren’s deep and everlasting commitment to exposed children (1977/2002, 206, 217-221) (Boëthius, 2009:60).

According to Boëthius (2009:61) ‘the debate on the treatment of bad children culminated in the first half of the 1940s’ and as such it coincides with the debate on the misery of the open- air dance floors, referred to above. During this time, many reports were written as a means of trying to deal, on the one hand, with the rise in youth crime and young people’s new found pleasure in the dance scene and, on the other, to deal with the ‘institutions for neglected and bad children that in the 1930s were subjected to very severe criticism’ (2009:61). The outcome of the reports was that ‘Else Kleen, married to the Swedish minister of health and social affairs’ (Boëthius, 2009:61) inspected some of these institutions and wrote a number of reports that ‘accused the reformatory homes33 of being brutal and cruel to the children’ (2009:61). Equally it transpired that ‘[w]hipping and isolation appeared to be often used as educational methods’ (2009:61). The result of Kleen’s discoveries was a decline in

33 Boëthius refers to the Swedish word ‘Skyddshem’ (a home of protection) (my translation) but claims in his footnote 1 (2009:59) that the word is problematic to translate into English: ‘the English word for “Skyddshem” is “reformatory”. But reformatory can also mean “uppfostringsanstalt”, an institution for young criminals convicted in court. As ‘skyddshem’ was an institution for young persons who only ran the risk of being criminal I have chosen the word ‘reformatory home’. – ‘Skyddshemmen’ disappeared in Sweden in 1946, when they were replaced by ‘ungdomsvårdsskolor’ (community homes). 59 reformatory homes but also a ‘very detailed official report on the treatment of bad children’ which was delivered by The Youth Welfare Commission in 1944 in the very same year that Lindgren sent her first manuscript of Pippi Longstocking to Bonnier’s Publisher.

In relation to this, Boëthius claims (2009:62) that ‘[w]e have reason to believe that Astrid Lindgren attentively followed the debate that Else Kleen had started’ and we certainly know from Strömstedt’s biography of Lindgren (1977) that Lindgren had first-hand experience of the public children’s homes. Lindgren visited a small child in a children’s home (a little girl born at roughly the same time as her own son). Boëthius comments on Lindgren’s experience as written by Strömstedt in her biography on Lindgren:

What she met was decay, hopelessness and a terrible smell. The little girl in her lap whined all the time without saying anything […] [“Det var precis som om hon ville säga: Egentligen är jag väldigt rädd för att vara här, men ännu räddare är jag för att tala om varför jag är rädd”.] (It was as if she wanted to say: I am actually scared to be here, but I am still more scared to tell why I am scared) (Strömstedt, 1977/2002, 217, my [Boëthius] translation) (2009:62).

Lindgren’s depiction of the children’s home in Chapter 3 of Pippi Longstocking reflects her negative view of the institution. Pippi does not wish to go to the children’s home and as I discuss above, she uses her wit and eloquence to let the authorities know that as she is already in a children’s home, there is no need to send her to one: “Jag har redan plats i ett barnhem”, sa Pippi. “Vad säjer du, är det redan ordnat? Frågde den ene av poliserna. “Var ligger det barnhemmet?” “Här”, sa Pippi stolt. “Jag är ett barn, och det här är mitt hem, alltså är det ett barnhem […] (2012:32–33)34.

Lundqvist offers a further interpretation of Pippi in the educational context in Sweden in the first half of the twentieth century, which places additional emphasis on the notion of autonomy in Pippi. According to Lundqvist (1979), in the early 1930s a ‘new conception of childcare and education gained ground in Sweden.’ This newly found notion ‘arose from a growing interest in and knowledge of child psychology, fertilized not least by

34 ‘I am already in a Children’s Home,’ said Pippi. ‘What’s that? Is it already arranged?’ asked the policemen. ‘Which Children’s Home is that?’ ‘This one,’ said Pippi proudly. I’m a child, and this is my home’ (1954:23). 60 psychoanalytical theories about the origin of neuroses’ (1989:97). Both the neurologist (and father of psychoanalysis) Sigmund Freud and especially the psychotherapist Alfred Adler fuelled discussions about education. Rather than seeing the child as an empty bucket into which knowledge was to be filled, the child was beginning to be recognised as an autonomous learner; the teacher’s role could thus be viewed as that of a facilitator in the child’s quest for knowledge. Adler, Bertrand Russell and Alexander Sutherland Neill, the founder of the Summerhill School, led debates and were interviewed in Sweden during the 1930s which intensified the discussion about their views on child psychology and education. In particular, they were pioneers of the debate on the abolishment of corporal punishment (which as a matter of fact did not enter into force until 1958). It was also as a result of these discussions that ‘children’s play began to be accepted as a necessary part of sound physical and mental development’ (1989:98). Pippi was discussed in this context and she was viewed firstly as ‘a completely free child, nobody brings her up, leads her, confines her, punishes her’ and secondly as symbolising ‘children's desire for power, or, more accurately, superiority’ (ibid.). As such ‘Pippi represents most children’s dreams’ (ibid.) and stands in sharp contrast to the majority of contemporary children’s books. Indeed, during her research on ‘the moral tendency in children’s books’ published after 1945 (36 out of 145 Swedish original titles) [Lundqvist] found only a handful that did not conform to the moralistic and pedagogical norms that dominated the children’s book market; and none broke this mould as totally as Pippi Longstocking’ (1989:98). With education at the forefront in Sweden during the 40s and 50s, Lindgren uses the classroom as means of ridiculing the educational institution; Hoffeld observes (1977:50) that the classroom is the very place where Lindgren organises for her protagonist to make fun of the teacher’s rigid attitude towards moral values. In so doing, she achieves on the one hand to ridicule the school system whilst on the other hand, she gives Pippi the upper hand by allowing her to poke fun of the teacher’s morals

Not only doesn't she [Pippi] know the "right" answers, she clearly doesn't need to know them when she can fabricate such wonderful responses. The purposes of the classroom are held up for ridicule when we realize that it is the teacher's own Puritanical morality (and thus the morality of the society) that Pippi is aping in her responses […] (ibid.).

In this way, according to Nikolajeva, Lindgren uses Pippi as a means of stirring and waking up ‘the old, stale, conservative, slumbering Swedish society, represented by the philistines of 61 the tiny little town’ (Nikolajeva, 1989:98). Pippi shows us that adults are not always right and that adults do not always know best. Pippi herself, however, does not develop as a character and Nikolajeva compares her to Mary Poppins, claiming that she ‘is perfect from the beginning’ (ibid.) and rather than changing, she ‘acts as the catalyst’ (ibid.).

3.1.2 Comical Features and Style

In terms of genre, Metcalf observes that the ‘Pippi books are often described in English- language reference works as “comic fantasy” (see Hoffeld 1977)’. Most Pippi scholars agree that the Pippi books contain vast numbers of references to comical elements, and the reference to fantasy is also recurring, as will be discussed next. As a first comical feature, Metcalf points out (1990:130) that Pippi’s full name for example is so ridiculous that the reader can only smile and wonder what is coming next ‘Pippilotta Delicatessa Windowshade Mackrelmint Efraimsdaughter Longstocking, or Pippi Longstocking for short, is fully as outrageous as her name promises.’ Metcalf claims (1990:130) that Pippi ‘without doubt [is] one of the funniest and most beloved characters in children's literature in the industrial world.’ Pippi has become a touchstone within children’s literature and according to Metcalf ‘[m]uch of the story's popularity and enduring quality rests on its special kind of humor’ (1990:130).

Both Russell (2000) and Metcalf (1990) refer to carnivalesque tendencies in the Pippi books. Nikolajeva (2006:68) draws our attention to the fact that Pippi has been viewed in the light of carnival and stresses the importance of remembering that carnival does not just represent ‘the grotesque, the upside-down structures, scatological humor, theatre, marketplace and so on’ though she readily admits that many of these elements are indeed present in the Pippi books. She reminds us (2006:69) that ‘the deeper meaning of the carnival goes beyond these superficial details.’ Instead we must view carnival as a temporary reversal of power and its subversive effect (Bakthin, 1981). Lindgren uses different devices to create Pippi as a comical figure who, as Lundqvist states (1979:100), represents ‘two frequent archetypes in (comic) art: the senex puer motive (i.e., the wonder child) and the mundus inversus motive (the topsy-turvy world). Her strength and wisdom make her wondrous—she is only nine— and her behavior and speech defy the tenets of normal logic.’ Humour is hence linked to

62 various dimensions, in particular Pippi’s independence, as already discussed, Pippi’s appearance, and also her language.

In terms of appearance, scholars draw further links between Pippi and the figure of the clown for as Metcalf points out ‘[w]ith her potato nose, her shoes twice the size of her feet, her red hair sticking straight out from her head, and her hodge-podge of ill-fitting clothes, Pippi certainly has the looks of a clown’ (1990:133). Hoffeld (1977:48) comments ‘[s]he [Pippi] is a girl, and many girl protagonists are pretty, but Lindgren allows her to be at best comical looking, at worst ugly. And her behavior can be as ridiculous as her appearance’. Nikolajeva comments on Pippi’s appearance too (2011:128) drawing our attention to the fact that it is not accidental that Pippi’s hair colour is likened to that of a carrot, rather than being described as ginger, or that her nose is likened to a potato. These descriptions form a metaphor of vegetables, and according to Nikolajeva (2011:128), Moebius (1985)35 maintains that ‘Pippi is an unfinished unearthly creature, a little mandrake root, coming from the underground realm, which accentuates her non-human nature.’ Building on the carnivalesque attitude mentioned above, Pippi’s activities also resemble those of a clown. We see Pippi balancing elegantly on the horse in the circus scene and yet clumsily eating cream cakes at the tea party. She appears to be happy on the surface and yet, in the final chapter of the first book in the trilogy, she gives the impression of being lonely; in other words, Pippi displays contrasting features, just as we know them from the characteristics of the clown

this produces her wise ignorance, which uncovers, familiarizes, and dismembers conventions and the emptiness of small talk. Like all clowns, Pippi is awkwardly graceful or gracefully awkward. She dives into pies and stumbles into puddles, yet she can walk a tightrope with ease and climbs trees and rocks as quickly and nimbly as her monkey. She has one further characteristic of a clown, an inner sadness and solitude that is hidden under a thick layer of merry-making (1990:133).

A related area of humour explored in Pippi, is that of her already mentioned physical strength. Hoffeld observes (1977:49) ‘[i]t is funny and shocking, too, that so many of the episodes entail Pippi's victories over boys and men. Lindgren clearly intends this to be part of the humor. And it is not the kind of sophisticated war-between-the-sexes humor one finds in some books supposedly written for children.’ The most striking scene to demonstrate the

35 No page number is given. 63 humour expressed through Pippi’s strength, is perhaps the scene where she challenges the strongest man in the world, Mighty Adolf. The humour becomes serious to the adult reader, who, bearing in mind the time in which the book was written and perhaps Lindgren’s political stance as expressed in her published diaries (2014), may realise that the name Adolf is by no means accidental. Lindgren wants her audience to associate the name with the former infamous German leader.

Hoffeld (1977:49) points out that certain of these scenes also bring to mind a form of slapstick comedy, à la Laurel and Hardy, and the circus elements in Chapter 7 underpin the notions of comedy. Pippi was created at a time when Charlie Chaplin and Laurel and Hardy were popular, and Lindgren was inspired by these films as can be seen for example in the two policemen’s appearance and also in the way in which Pippi, like a circus clown, will fall over, get up and brush herself off again.The comic qualities of the Pippi stories are also of a verbal kind. Even when Pippi's actions are farcical, they are accompanied, and emphasised, by her witty volubility. According to Metcalf, Lindgren’s linguistic features and rhetorical devices are deliberately put to use as a means of drawing on the humour to be found in childhood:

Clever puns, parody, and gallow's humor are all presented in a manner to which children can relate. All these humoristic rhetorical devices are based on a fundamental emotional situation that is especially strong in childhood, but that lingers on into adult life, namely, the desire to be strong, clever, and independent (1990:131).

Research shows that Lindgren uses humour in Pippi for a variety of purposes. Language is thus used to create humour to which the child can relate but it is also an opportunity for Lindgren to express her political, ideological and pedagogical views. She manages through playful language to convey messages referring to social and political concerns, using Pippi as her mouthpiece:

The incongruity of the tall tale, in which events disguised as facts are taken far beyond the limits of credibility, is reflected and intensified in the language of the Pippi books. In the guise of Pippi, Lindgren subverts society's suppressive forces through the playful manipulation of language. Substitutions and inversions, distortions and exaggerations appear in the smallest building blocks of language, in

single words and names. They intrude into the sentence structure and grammatical logic, and they are equally omnipresent on the conceptual level (1990:132).

Pippi also makes errors in language and logic which contribute to a comical effect and claims that ‘[they] are funny because the readers/listeners know better’. Pippi's tendency to equate all school knowledge with "pluttification" (i.e., "fartification") and her refusal to acknowledge the symbol of the letter "i" by calling it "a straight line with a little fly speck over it", delights the reader/listener who has just accomplished the difficult task of learning to read and write. However, it also ties in with Pippi’s subversive stance as she outsmarts the teacher at school and ridicules the quantification of knowledge and formal learning outside of any practical context. A form of humour which is associated with this is Pippi’s incongruous logic. There are indeed times where Lindgren allows Pippi to express her thoughts in a somewhat contradictory manner. Nikolajeva coins new terminology for these ways of speaking by way of explaining (2006:65) that we are to understand an incompatible notion (my italics) as a sentence that is incorrect from a logical view point or that is incorrect ‘according to selective rules, which govern how words can be connected semantically.’ One example that demonstrates this notion is from Chapter 6 of Pippi Arranges a Picnic. Pippi has just washed the kitchen floor, using plenty of water whilst skating around on two scrubbing brushes attached to her feet. Annika wonders whether Pippi doesn’t need to dry the floor: “Ska du inte torka golvet?” undrade Annika (‘Aren’t you going to dry the floor?’, asked Annika) to which Pippi replies “Nä, det får soltorka”, sa Pippi. “Jag tror inte det förkyler sej, bara det håller sej i rörelse.” (2012:65) (‘no, it can sun-dry’, said Pippi. ‘I don’t think it will catch a cold as long as it keeps moving’) (my translation)36. Nikolajeva points out (2006:66) that ‘[g]rammatically it is a correct sentence but naturally a floor can neither move nor catch [a] cold.’ In Chapter 11 Pippi Celebrates her Birthday Party, we see another example of incongruity. Pippi has just reassured Tommy and Annika that there are no ghosts in the attic, and despite this she insists that ‘För att även om dom inte finns, så behöver dom vel inte skrämma folk från vettet för det skulle jag tro’ (1945:135). (‘Cause even if they don’t exist, that’s no excuse for scaring people out of their wits …’) (1954:119). The aim of this linguistic device is often to ridicule the adult, though in the above example, it seems that it is used on the one hand to calm Tommy and Annika down and on the other, to express some kind of confusion as to whether there really are ghosts. All these examples demonstrate that ‘by breaking the rules of

36 (‘No, it can just vapporate’, said Pippi ‘I don’t s’pose it’ll catch cold as long as it keeps moving’) (1954:53). 65 logic, Pippi draws the reader’s attention to their existence, showing a powerful verbal creativity typical of children’ (Nikolajeva, 2006:66).

Finally, Nikolajeva points out (ibid.) that ‘Pippi is an excellent illustration of Lacan’s concepts of the Imaginary (preverbal) and Symbolic (verbal) language.’ Most children’s books present the child’s ability to use and appreciate the Imaginary language as a deficiency whereas being able to access the Symbolic order is considered the ‘desired goal’ (ibid.). Nikolajeva claims that there are very few children’s books where ‘the Symbolic order is openly interrogated’ (ibid.). Pippi Longstocking is an exception. This is again closely linked to Pippi’s attitude towards school education: she does not go to school, cannot spell or read and she does not show any pleasure in learning how to accomplish any of these skills. However, because, ‘Pippi is what she is, she not only gets away with it, but can insist on her right to remain at the Imaginary stage (ibid.).37 The typical “Pippi logic” demonstrates that Lindgren’s work represents all four stages of cognitive development through its protagonist. What this demonstrates is that Pippi can be viewed as an unusual child in an unusual world. This is not the world she enters into when she goes to school or visits her friends at their tea party. In those circumstances, Pippi is very much the unusual child in the ‘normal world’. Instead, Pippi creates an unusual world or a topsy-turvy world through her logic. Whether this is when she decides it is quicker to walk backwards, rather than turning around, sleeping with her feet on the pillow or rolling out the biscuit dough on the floor, it is Pippi’s unusual world.

3.1.3 Fantasy and a Fairy Tale World

Beyond the genre of comedy, Nikolajeva observes (2006:53) that Lindgren’s protagonists often have ‘common traits with the traditional folktale hero, the youngest son or daughter, the oppressed, the powerless, the underprivileged, gaining material and spiritual wealth during a period of trials.’

37 The ‘imaginary stage’ is one of the stages of cognitive development proposed by the psychologist and developmental biologist, Jean Piaget (1896-1980). He believed that there are four stages of intellectual developments and that children move through these stages. They might move through the stages at different rates, but they will always move through them in the same order. The stages are sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete operational and formal operational (David Henry Feldman, 2004:175-231). 66

Outside of her extraordinary physical strength, Pippi does not have any magic powers, as we would normally associate with fairy tales. That said, she does on occasion display sorceress tendencies, as seen for example when she eats the poisonous toadstool. Nikolajeva explains that ‘any dictionary of myth will tell us that this ability signals belonging to “the other world.”’ In addition, the American translation (Viking, 1950) begins ‘[w]ay out at the end of a tiny little town’ which implicitly refers to fairy tale elements but also to Beskow’s The Tale of a Tiny Little Woman (1897). Therefore, the opening scene can be viewed as an invitation to an interpretation of Pippi as a fairy tale. Of course, once we perceive her in this light, it is also easier to relate to her supernatural powers. In accordance with Nikolajeva’s belief (ibid.) it is thus important that ‘we apply ‘suspension of disbelief’ as proposed by J. R. R. Tolkien (1968),38 if we are to understand Pippi properly’. Bergsten’s comment (1978:27) on Mary Poppins can as suggested by Nikolajeva ‘just as well concern Pippi’ (2006:55) because as Bergsten says: ‘[c]haracters in realistic stories are normally supplied with a past; they have parents, have had a childhood, grow up and develop. The figures of myth and fairy tales, however, often step out of nothing. They simply are’ (1978:27).

Pippi can also be compared to E.T.A. Hoffmann’s ‘alien child’; a character that appears out of nowhere and sometimes disappears mysteriously at the end (Nikolajeva, 2006:55). Like Antoine de Saint-Exupéry’s The Little Prince (1943) and J. M. Barrie’s Peter Pan (1902), Pippi could be viewed, as Nikolajeva suggests (ibid.), as ‘a character whose ontological status is vague and obscure.’ Much as it is possible to compare Pippi to a fairy tale character and claim that she somehow belongs to this genre as a result of her supernatural powers and unusual ability to survive situations such as eating poisonous toadstools or fighting a savage bull, the fairy tale analogy does not take away possible considerations of Lindgren’s political concerns at the end of the Second World War or of the links with her own life experiences. Pippi’s representation has indeed also been connected to the author’s growing concerns about Nazi Germany (Surmatz, 2007). As already mentioned, this would be illustrated by the fact that the strongest man in the world, whom Pippi fights, is called Adolf. Pippi’s character is essentially free and she experiments with things that most children would try out: picking a poisonous toadstool, tasting it and hopefully surviving it too.

38 This terminology was originally coined by Samuel Taylor Coleridge in 1817 with the publication of his Biographia literaria (Biographical sketches of my literary life and opinions). 67

3.1.4 Gendered Perspectives in Pippi

Beyond being an unusual child, Pippi has also been considered as an unusual girl. Because of Pippi’s untypical independence, some interpretations consider that gender is of no matter in Lindgren’s text, whilst some readings to the contrary associate this independence with a feminist intention.

Odendahl (2002:1) claims indeed on the one hand that Pippi Långstrump is ‘a truly feminist children’s novel in every aspect’. She states that feminism is deeply and deliberately rooted in Pippi’s behaviour and concludes that Lindgren must be viewed as a forerunner of the feminist Simone de Beauvoir, in realising the importance of empowering girls from an early age (Odendahl, 2002:2). Odendahl also explains that the ‘important thing is that girls realise that they too have this choice. Strömstedt’s biography of Astrid Lindgren argues furthermore that it is difficult to gain a proper insight into Lindgren’s view on gender roles:

It is difficult to get any real understanding of gender roles in Astrid Lindgren's books. She has always been a child of her time and her various environments, and of course her books reflect the current values of both the farming environment and the middle- class environment in which she was to end up herself39 (my translation) (Strömstedt, 2007:276).

Strömstedt further explains that Lindgren’s books describing the adult world up until 1981, by and large, all depict a traditional, idyllic and uncontroversial image, also with regard to gender roles (Strömstedt, 2007:276). Many of her children’s books, Pippi Långstrump included, are not tied to any conventions or patterns. Whilst girls can fight and climb trees they also play with their dolls. Boys can cry and dare express their innermost feelings (Strömstedt, 2007:277). Regarding Pippi, it is easy to make assumptions suggesting that she must be a model for feminism. However, in doing so, one forgets the sides of Pippi that do not fit this bill. Strömstedt sums this up as follows:

39 Det är svårt att få någon riktig ordning på könsrollerna i Astrid Lindgrens böcker. Hela tiden har hon varit ett barn av sin tid och sina miljöer, och naturligtvis speglar hennes böcker de gängse värderingarna både i bondemiljön och i den medelklassmiljö där hon sedan hamnade. 68

Much has been said about Pippi, including that she is not really a girl, but a boy in disguise. She never cries, she is fearless and tough and strong, and when she grows up she wants to be a pirate. This may sound plausible; however, it ignores important characteristics of Pippi. Her strength is also part of the motherly kindness that she always shows Tommy and Annika. And just remember how the book about Pippi Longstocking came into being! It is the strong mother Astrid who tells her daughter Karin about the strong Pippi - and the doors between the living world and Pippi's world is open’40 (my translation) (2007: 277).

According to Strömstedt’s analysis, Pippi is a feminist work to the extent that it features a character refusing to be ‘trapped in a girl's reduced role’. She may as such incarnate the skepticism of Astrid Lindgren, as a peasant girl, towards ‘upper-class women and their weaknesses and idle lives’ (2007:279). Strömstedt therefore speculates as to whether Lindgren in fact used this experience as a means of getting her own revenge over the petit bourgeois women through the norm breaker, Pippi; the little girl who is not afraid to speak her mind, to follow her heart and do what is right and regardless of sex. Rebecca Long (2017:283-286) adds to this perspective by illustrating how Pippi challenges the girl-boy division of roles between Tommy and Annika, claiming that Lindgren creates ‘freedom in fantasy’ by subverting gender patterns.

Lisa Lynch (2016) and Rebecca Long (2017) also both view Pippi from a gendered perspective in their research. Lynch claims for example (2016:422) that ‘Pippi has continued to be a symbol for the liberated child/girl since the first book, Pippi Långstrump [Pippi Longstocking] was published in Sweden in 1945’. Lynch comments on how Pippi’s behaviour towards society and its norms was challenging long before the first Swedish curriculum for preschools was issued in 1998 (Skolverket 1998). With this new school curriculum, Lynch clarifies, as pointed out by Eidevald and Lenz Taguchi (2011) that ‘the national educational system and gender equality work became an obligatory task for preschool teachers’ (ibid.). In Long’s essay (2017) on gender restrictions in children’s literature, she views Pippi as an example of a piece of literature in which the reader has the

40 ’Mycket har sagts om Pippi, bl.a. att hon egentligen inte är någon flicka utan en förklädd pojke. Hon gråter aldrig, hon är orädd och tuff och stark, och när hon blir stor vill hon bli pirat. Det kan låta bestickande men då glömmer man viktiga egenskaper hos Pippi. Styrkan hos henne hör samman med den moderlighet och omtanke hon hele tiden visar Tommy och Annika. Och tänk på hur boken om Pippi Långstrump kom till! Det är den starka mamma Astrid som berättar för sin dotter Karin om den starka Pippi – och dörrarna mellan vardagsvärlden och Pippis värld står öppna.’ 69 ability to reimagine his/her ‘gendered experience of childhood’ (2017:281). She claims that Pippi belongs to the fantasy genre and that it is this type of genre that enables such reimagining. Pippi experiences through her physical strength but also through her acts of narration an empowerment. Long draws our attention to the fact that it is this type of empowerment in the protagonists that encourage the child reader to reimaging, and even reclaiming his/her concept of gender in childhood.

On the whole, the literature review on Pippi Longstocking in literary studies so far confirms that Pippi has been seen as an unusual child, whose autonomy and incongruous logic offers a break away from social norms, in terms of education and gender in particular, two aspects which had proven strong references for the production and gatekeeping of children’s literature in Chapter 2. The work therefore has both a subversive and comical effect, linked to principles of carnivalisation. These essential features of Lindgren’s work are also what is at stake in the translation and reception of her work at an international level, as will be addressed in the next section on the presence and analysis of Pippi in Translation Studies and in the current research on the initial translations of Pippi in the UK and in East and West Germany respectively.

Pippi in Translation Studies

This section will focus on the analysis of Pippi within the discipline of Translation Studies. Following a short overview of areas of study, outlining the translation reception from a linguistic and geographical point of view, I will first consider existing scholarship on sociocultural adaptation processes of Pippi Longstocking in translation and then discuss the ideological reception and adaptation of the text in translation. The sociocultural and ideological positioning of the text have indeed been at the heart of Pippi’s reception in translation, highlighting again, as demonstrated in Chapter 2, the centrality of values and cultural norms in the reception of children’s literature.

3.2.1 Areas of study

Pippi Longstocking has been translated into more than 70 languages, and this section will consider key findings in existing scholarship on these different language versions. There are several studies of different languages (including French, Dutch, German, Danish, British and American English, Afrikaans, Norwegian and Icelandic) from Swedish. Metcalf (1990) discusses Pippi’s reception in the USA, whereas Annas (2018) writes about Pippi in South Africa, focusing on its translation and reception. Van den Bossche (2011/2018) views Pippi in different media in Flanders. Åberg, Kurwinkel & Schmerheim and Löwe (2018) focus on film adaptations of Pippi, whereas Nikolajeva, Bjorvand, Ehriander, and Druker (2018) examine the illustrations of Pippi in picture books. Boase-Beier et al. also incorporate essays written by scholars (Gustafsson, Sundmark, Arvidson and Führer) who view Lindgren’s work from an artistic stance: they examine, among other features, the hidden folk songs and rhymes in Lindgren’s works which originate from her childhood and form part of Swedish children’s repertoire of songs ‘sung in schools and nurseries’ (ibid.). Other scholars focus on the manipulation of language within Pippi (O’Sullivan, 2003), and how Lindgren’s political interest at the time in which she wrote has been interpreted in translation (Surmatz, 2007), indicated how texts can be sensitive in certain contexts (Karl Simms, 1997) and how translators deal with conveying a message in the target text. Most of the publications I have studied concern the English and German translations as well as the international reception of the work, as studied by Kümmerling-Meibauer (2011) and Surmatz (2011). Scholars who have studied the British version, published in 1954 by Oxford University Press as well as the new translation, published in 2007 by the same publisher, include, among others, Laura Hoffeld (1977), Ulla Lundqvist (1979), Maria Nikolajeva (2001,2006), David Russell (2000), Ulf Boëthius (2009), Charlotte Berry (2013) and Elizabeth Goodwin-Andersson (2016). The German versions (1949, 1957, 1965, 1967, 1974, 1986,1988,1999, 2001, 2007) have been studied by Surmatz and Kümmerling-Meibauer (2004, 2007, 2011, 2012), Angelika Nix (2009, 2011), Svenja Blume (2001), Gillian Lathey (2006) and O’Sullivan (2003), to mention but a few. The American version (1950) by Viking Publisher, has been studied by Björn Moebius (1985), Eva Maria Metcalf (1990, 1995), Elizabeth Goodwin-Andersson (2016) and Mathilda Haraldsson (2014).

3.2.2 Sociocultural Adaptation

This section first looks at sociocultural adaptation processes in the translation of Pippi. In the first instance, it will focus on the translation of cultural references and it will then move on to consider processes of adaptation relating to cultural norms, particularly with regard to the representation of children’s behaviour. As we have seen, both of these areas relate to key considerations in children’s literature and therefore invite a reflection on representational choices in translation of this particular case-study and of children’s literature more broadly.

Firstly, drawing on specific examples and scenes, scholars have studied the translation of a number of cultural references in Pippi: this area poses particular challenging in the translation of children’s literature in terms of reader knowledge and encyclopaedic knowledge. Areas that are often changed in translation of children’s books are ‘foreign food, weights and measurements, currency, flora and fauna, feasts, customs and traditions’ (2011:409) to enable the target audience to understand the text with ease. Klingberg (1986) and Nikolajeva (2011) discuss certain adaptations which are offered in Pippi by way of dynamic equivalence, providing the target-culture reader with a similar experience or equivalent reference to that of the source-culture reader. Therefore, the translator is encouraged to carry out adaptations where necessary to meet those needs. This notion is illustrated by Annas who points out (2011:47) that ‘when comparing the games [Annika] used to play with the games she plays with Pippi, the English Annika thinks of “croquet” while the Afrikaans Anneke thinks of “klippie-hink” (hopscotch)’. In doing so, the source- culture reader is offered an experience of croquet, whereas the target culture an experience of hop-scotch. What is achieved is that they are each offered an experience of a familiar game. In another example, Afrikaans stays closer to the source text, as pointed out by Surmatz (2005:266) by referring to ‘rabarberpoeding’ (rhubarb pudding), whereas the English translation for example, talks of ‘strawberries and cream’ to render an equivalence for the Swedish ‘rhubarb pudding.’ Nikolajeva (ibid.) discusses the issue at stake when a translator may be too keen to ‘preserve the foreign flavour’, as illustrated in the chapter where Pippi is baking gingerbread biscuits. Here the American translator has chosen to keep the Swedish name for the biscuits and as a result calls them pepparkakor – a kind of Swedish cookie. The foreignisation carried out adds an exotic element to the baking, whereas in fact, it would have been possible to call the biscuits ‘gingerbread biscuits.’

According to Nikolajeva (2011:409) Pippi has also been subjected to a variety of other manipulations in translations into different languages. As Pippi is a challenging children’s book that, as Nikolajeva expresses (ibid.), ‘interrogates the adults’ authority and shows a

72 liberated, competent child that may feel alien and threatening in other cultures, some changes are also ‘the result of ideological values and views of education, when, for instance, inappropriate behaviour is altered or deleted’’ Nikolajeva (2011:407). Scholars who have conducted research into comparisons between the US (1950) and the UK (1954) versions also comment on the adjustments between the two translations. Goodwin-Andersson (2016), who studies the differences of socio-cultural purification and examines the paratextual and metatextual elements, claims for example that the initial US version (1950) has undergone numerous moderations, and has been subjected to what Klingberg (1986) refers to as ‘purification’ at a much higher level than the UK version. With regard to the retranslation from 2007, drawing on Catford’s (1965) and Vinay & Darbelnet’s (1958), Haraldsson’s (2014) main analytical attention is to be found in her comparison of the 1950 and 2007 translations into English on a structural and lexical level. In addition, she examines how the two translators manage to move Swedish cultural elements into their respective target cultures. Both scholars agree that the initial US version has been significantly altered in accordance with target norms.

O’Sullivan similarly investigates translators’ reasons for changing, adapting or manipulating language in view of cultural norms for the target child readership. She claims (2003:197) that ‘[a] rich source of such observations are [to be found in] the many translations of Astrid Lindgren’s Pippi Långstrump (1945), which give a good indication of what was perceived by the target cultures, at the time of translation, to be unacceptable for child readers.’ O’Sullivan draws our attention to a specific scene in the final chapter of the first book, as a means of demonstrating her point: Pippi, Annika and Tommy are playing in the attic where Pippi suddenly finds some pistols in an old treasure chest. Pippi fires them in the air and offers them subsequently to her friends who happily accept them. In the German translation from 1965, which does not form part of the corpus for my project, Pippi does not give the pistols to her friends. On the contrary, ‘she instructs them – and the readers – by changing her mind, putting them back in the chest and declaring “Das ist nichts für Kinder!” (Lindgren, 1965:205) (“that’s not right for children”), a sentiment totally out of character’ (O’Sullivan, 2003:197). Ironically, Pippi herself had just minutes before made fun of such moralising when firing the pistols. O’Sullivan suggests (ibid.) that an explanation for such a change could be that ‘post-war Germany didn’t want its children to be encouraged to use weapons.’ Surmatz (1998:138) however, draws attention to the fact that in the original West German translation of Pippi (1949), this reference to pistols is kept. This being said, in the scene

73 where Pippi eats a poisonous toadstool, this fungus is edited in the first German version from 1949 to become a harmless, edible fungus as a means of preventing German children from imitating Pippi’s behaviour.

Similar adaptations occur in the French version of Fifi Brindacier (Pippi Longstocking). Pippi’s name, as O’Sullivan points out (2011:72) had to change in French as a means of getting away from the connotation of ‘having a pee’. In the German translation, however, the name has been kept, despite the fact that a similar connotation exists. The same associations apply in Spanish and Russian where she is named respectively Pippa and Peppi. Friot (2003)41 states that the first translation of Pippi into French in 1951 was more of an adaptation than a translation and claims that this had been put into place as a means of meeting target norms. This view is also supported by Valérie Landais (2001:113) in her master’s dissertation. According to Forest (2007)42 it was not until the arrival of the retranslation in 1995, that the French realised that ‘the French translation had been butchered for the sake of realism.’ It seems thus plausible to assume that the first translation from 1951 with its severe alterations and censorship led to a less popular reception of Pippi in France. Sara Van den Bossche (2011:13) supports this claim by stating that ‘in an effort to please the adult establishment, one had normalized Pippi: She had been transformed from a strange, socially maladjusted child into a fine young lady.’ In the French Pippi version, additions appear frequently where Pippi regrets her bad behaviour and apologises for it (Nikolajeva, 2001:409) and the result is a much tamer protagonist. Pippi in her toned-down version did not cause any form of controversy, ‘and this might be one of the reasons why Pippi Longstocking has been largely ignored in France’ (ibid). Even with the new translation from 1995, Pippi by and large never managed to obtain quite the ‘same canonical status in the French-speaking regions as in Sweden and Germany’ (ibid.). According to Heldner (2012:14) Lindgren herself viewed ‘the case of Pippi in France as a missed opportunity.’ Heywood (2015) links the adaptation of Pippi to ‘the emphasis on the moral reconstruction of France in the post-war period.’ (ibid.). Importantly, Pippi was, according to Heywood, reduced to two thirds of its original size in French. Heywood explains that certain types of behaviour ‘such as lying or moral ambiguity were often condemned, even compared by readers to that of

41 https://www.cairn.info/revue-le-francais-aujourd-hui-2003-3-page-47.html#pa8 (Accessed 11th September 2019). 42 https://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/books/3668234/Pippi-Longstocking-the-Swedish-superhero.html (Accessed 11th September 2019). 74

“blouson noirs.”’ The following quote exemplifies the concern Pippi caused as expressed by one reader at Hachette43:

the character of Fifi does not conform to the norms of the Bibliothèque Rose. Fifi is a liar from the beginning to the end of these two books. […] And what is her ambition in life? ‘To become a ferocious pirate and spread death and terror in my wake.’ This Fifi seems to be the little sister of our blousons noirs.44

Further editing carried out in the French Pippi version relates to Pippi’s horse where Pippi’s horse has been downsized to a pony (ibid). When challenged by Lindgren, the French publisher stated that ‘[i]t might be possible to persuade good little Swedish children that someone is capable of picking up a horse, but French children, who had just been through a world war, had too much common sense to swallow such a tall tale’ (ibid.). Lindgren replied to the French publisher (1983) indirectly questioning his decision to adapt a horse for a pony:

I only asked the publisher if he could send a little picture of an actual French child lifting a pony with one arm. That young child could have a secure future as a weightlifter. Sometimes a person wonders how publishers know so much about children, whether Swedish or French or other kinds.

It is clear from the above examples, that the French version of Pippi has been adjusted in accordance with target norms. Often offensive behaviours in translations of Pippi are dealt with by way of adaptations in various languages. Even something like drinking coffee which to the source-culture reader may seem totally innocent, has been adapted in other translations to tea or other types of drinks. For as Nikolajeva states (2011:210) ‘[r]etaining coffee makes the situation more deviant and attracts the target-text readers’ attention to details, which the source-text reader will not even notice […]. The question in each individual case is whether the cultural detail is indeed significant.’ Such examples will also be considered in my analysis, in conjunction with other stylistic differences, and the broader question of social, literary and translational norms

43 Hachette refers to a group of about 40 publishing houses covering all editorial genres and the entire consumer and education book markets. 44‘Le personnage de Fifi se conforme bien mal aux normes de la Bibliothèque Rose. Fifi est une menteuse du commencement à la fin des deux ouvrages. […] Son ambition dans la vie? ‘Devenir un tout petit pirate très féroce. Et semer la mort et l’épouvante autour de moi’. Cette Fifi semble avoir une certaine parenté avec nos blousons noirs.’ (S14 C36 B6, folder Fifi Princesse). 75

3.2.3 Political-ideological Adaptation

In this section, Surmatz’s research (2004, 2005, 2007) is of relevance as it deals predominantly with the West German translations of the Swedish source text placing a focus on international politics. Within the context of political-ideological adaptations, Surmatz has paved the way for new research, not discussed by other scholars. Surmatz (2005:159) deals with the German reception of Pippi and its international context, which is also reflected in its title ‘Pippi Långstrump als Paradigma. Die deutsche Rezeption Astrid Lindgrens und ihre internationaler Kontext’ (‘Pippi Långstrump as paradigm. The German reception of Astrid Lindgren and her international context’). The German translation has been reworked several times45 since its first translation in 1949. Each of these revisions is based on the first translation and has been carried out in an attempt to meet target norms and target expectations. In 1957 for example, the chapter in which Pippi hands Tommy and Annika a pistol, has been reconstructed ‘[…] die Verlagsleiterin und Tochter Heidi Oetingers, Silke Weitendorf, […] mitteilt, daß sie die Auflagengeschichte zumindst in bezug auf die Pistolenszene rekonstruiert hat’ (Interview between Surmatz and Weitendorf’ (June 1997) (the publishing director and daughter of Heidi Oetinger, Silke Weitendorf, [...] announces that she has reconstructed the editing history at least with respect to the pistol scene’ (my translation). Following the first four revisions, Hans Ritte (1987) questions why certain passages within Pippi have not been revised (2005:123). He claims that ‘ […] die andersartige Lebenssituation, in der sich die kindliche Zielgruppe der Übersetung befindet, kann zu Eingriffen in die überlieferte Textgestalt verleiten, die in einer späteren Zeit nicht mehr verständlich sind […]’ (The different kind of life situation in which the child target group of the translation is located can lead to interventions in the traditional text form, which are no longer comprehensible in a later time) (my translation). In terms of reception, Surmatz suggests that in the case of the German version, it is Cäcilie Heinig that one reads and not

45 The revisions took place in 1957, 1965, 1967, 1974, 1986, 1988, 1999, 2001 and 2007. The 1999 revision coincided with the 50th anniversary of the book’s first publication in 1949. 76

Lindgren46. He therefore seconds (2005:123) Ritte’s provocative question as to whether the German Pippi perhaps is merely a fake copy of the ‘real’ Pippi:

Ist die deutsche Pippi dennach eine Verfälschung der „echten Pippi“, eine Pippi, die nicht nur etwas anders aussieht47, sondern auch ein reduziertes Innenleben hat, die moralischer ist als ihr Vorbild und auch ihrer Respektlosigkeit nicht ganz so weit geht? […] Was mit Pippi in der deutschen Übersetzung passiert, ist also eine Fortsetzung dessen, was sie in Schweden schon einige Jahre früher passiert war: der Widerspenstigen Zähmung, wenngleich gesagt werden muß, daß Pippi auch nach diesen wiederholten Zähmungsversuchen immer noch der kleine Übermensch“ ist […]

(Is the German Pippi therefore a distortion of the “real Pippi”, a Pippi which not only looks a little different but also has reduced her inner self; someone who is more morally correct than her role model and whose disrespect has been toned down? […] What is happening to the German translation, is thus a continuation of what had already happened in Sweden a few years earlier: The taming of the Shrew, although it must be said, that Pippi is still the little uebermensch, despite these repeated taming attempts […]) (my translation).

Surmatz also places the translations of Pippi in an ideological framework. She coins new terminology and refers to this phenomenon as translation of internationality (2007:25). Surmatz is particularly interested in two international political aspects within this context: ‘namely the books’ subtext against Nazism, militarism and totalitarianism on the one hand, and colonialism and post-colonialism on the other’ (2007:25). She analyses translation elements ‘in order to see what happens internationally to these elements of totalitarianism and colonialism’ (2007:25). I will first develop the examples relating to totalitarianism, and then the references to colonialism. As mentioned in Chapter 2, Lindgren’s choice of the name Adolf to represent the strongest man in the world, a circus director, seems deliberate in the context of publication, all the more so because the character speaks with a strong German

46 Schließt aber nicht aus, daß man zumindest solche Übersetzungsfehler bereinigt, die sich aus das Verständnis des Kontextes negativ auswirken, und Einschübe beseitigt, die von der Übersetzerinaus pädagogischen oder sonstigen Gründen hinzugefügt worden sind. Man will Lindgren lesen und nicht Cäcilie Heinig (Lecture 1987). 47 This refers to the fact that the illustrations of Pippi changed in the German translation as mentioned above. 77 accent. I demonstrate in the table below, how this is rendered in the source text as well as in the American and British translations. Surmatz views the circus scene as an example of a direct reference to the totalitarian state. In the Ur-Pippi48 text there are further direct references to a totalitarian state. One in particular underpins Lindgren’s political stance: In a mockery of the many political speeches of the time, Pippi climbs onto a chair and lifts one arm straight up into the air in a well-known manner “[hon] slog ut med ena handen i en imponerande gest” (Lindgren [1944], 89f), which translates as “she struck one hand upwards in an impressive gesture”. As Andersen (2014:199) points out, we know from Lindgren’s diaries that Lindgren despised Hitler whom she referred to in her ‘Krigsdagboker’ (War diaries) as ‘Adolf’ (my translation)49. Scholars have considered what happens to these references to the totalitarian state in some translations and in terms of reception. First, in the German translation the German accent entails a natural reduction of this ‘heterolingual’ element (Rainer Grutman, 2006:17-47) but in some cases the German translations (Oetinger, 1949 and Berlin Kinderverlag, 1975) rely on a compensation mechanism to mirror the linguistic device from the source text by introducing an element of foreignisation. The circus director speaks in a gypsy-like accent often associated with circus folk. Referring also to the German and British translation, Surmatz (2007:30) shows how the American and British translations deal with the fact that the circus director speaks with a German accent in the Swedish source text. Different strategies have been used as a means of meeting specific target culture norms.

Table 1 British and American translations on the circus director’s accent

Swedish Source American British English Back Translation Text Translation Translation of Swedish

48 Ur-Pippi refers, as mentioned in my introductory chapter, to the first manuscript written by Lindgren – the very manuscript she submitted to the publishers first time round. This manuscript was subsequently edited, toned down in places and made to fit the publisher’s expectations of what was considered appropriate for a children’s book. Ur-Pippi has, just like the Pippi trilogy, been translated into other languages. 49 Lindgren has nevertheless been accused of being sympathetic to Nazism on the basis of an entry in her diary. In 1940 as the war intensified, Lindgren commented on Sweden’s position as a neutral country wedged in between Finland, bordering Russia, and Norway, occupied by the Germans. Lindgren’s concern for Sweden’s future position is expressed as follows: The worst thing is that soon we dare not wish for Germany's defeat anymore, because now the Russians are beginning to stir again. During the last few days, they have under various pretexts occupied Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. And a weakened Germany can for us here in the North only mean one thing - that we get the Russians over us. And I think that I would rather say 'Heil Hitler' for the rest of my life than get the Russians over us. Anything more sinister than that one can certainly not imagine (...) Dear God, do not let the Russians come here to us! (Andersen, 2014:187) (my translation).

P83: Mine damer P98: Ladies and P71: Ladies and My ladies and my och mine herrer! Om gentlemen, in a chantlemen! In ze gentlemen! In a ett ögonplick moment you will be next moment you moment you will kommer ni, att få privileged to see the vill zee vun of ze come to see the schkåde alle tiders Greatest Marvel of vunders uff all time, greatest miracle of störste onderverk, all time, the ze zdrongest man in all times, the den schtarkaste man- Strongest Man in the ze vorld, Mighty strongest man in the nen i världen, World, the Mighty Adolf, who nobody world, strong Adolf, Schtarke Adolf, som Adolf, whom no one has effer beaten yet. who nobody as yet ännu ingen har has yet been able to And here he is, has conquered. besägrat. conquer. Here he ladies and comes, ladies and chantlemen. Mighty gentlemen, Allow Adolf! me to present to you THE MIGHTy ADoLF.

Surmatz comments on the differences between these two translations and concludes that there may be two reasons for the lack of foreign accent in the American translation: firstly, American children’s literature would have been used as a pedagogical tool and for this reason spelling and grammar errors would not have been appropriate. Secondly, it is possible that poking fun at foreign accents would have seemed discriminatory towards immigrants (Surmatz, 2005:322-334).

As time moves on, any reference to Hitler and his regime seems to become more and more obscure. Children will no longer associate the strongest man in the world with Hitler, nor will they necessarily recognise any of the other references mentioned above. By opting for a gypsy accent, the link to the totalitarian state has been somewhat diluted in the German text; though of course, the circus director is still called Adolf and he is still the strongest man in the world. Furthermore, even in the original source culture, on the basis of a ‘bi-national digital cooperation project for students on the analysis of the translations of Pippi’, Surmatz (2007) concludes that today’s Swedish readership does not recognise any references to Nazi Germany or Hitler; the reason for this was explained by one of the participants: ‘there is 79 basically no proper history teaching in Swedish schools anymore.’ (2007:25). This research therefore demonstrates how the understanding of political/historical references shifts with time.

In addition to the references to totalitarianism, Surmatz considers the rendering of colonial references, and the ‘possibly racist implications’ of Lindgren’s text, which may be ‘no longer acceptable to many of today’s readers.’ She suggests that the adaptations may ‘blind us to some of the political implications of the book when it was published’ (2007:26). Surmatz (2007:1-2) highlights the importance of remembering that ‘any non-Scandinavian readers might not be aware how their interpretation of Lindgren may have been coloured by target text adaptations which are not to be found in Lindgren’s Swedish source text.’ According to Surmatz, the issue we (the translator and the reader) are up against ‘is the awareness that some text elements have become canonized and permanent, whereas others have become anachronistic or have been deemed ‘unsuitable’ or inappropriate in other cultures’ (ibid.). Surmatz concludes that ‘these two sides of the international reception might be summarized as fascism and racism’ (ibid.). She looks at specific translation issues, demonstrating how Lindgren’s ideas have been misunderstood, misinterpreted or even deliberately skewed. She gives examples of racist elements within the books and comments insightfully on the diachronic impact of today’s interpretations of such matters. Surmatz is one of the few Lindgren scholars who have considered the texts in a manner which bears some resemblance to translational stylistics as will be outlined in Chapter 4. She has for example analysed the omission and replacement of the word “Neger” in the East-German translation and the consequences for the humorous implications of these decisions. Another important detail Surmatz pays attention to is the colour of Pippi Longstocking’s stockings. With Pippi’s arrival in Germany in 1949, many people might have associated the brown colour of the stocking with the Hitlerjugend (2005: 293) and for that reason the German illustrations of Pippi all portray her with a stripy stocking. Surmatz points out that a number of translations have tried to solve the question of ‘race and possibly racism’ (2007:32) by leaving out “Negro” or trying to retain a sense of foreignness by changing “Negro” to “Cannibal”. Needless to say, introducing a “Cannibal” King comes with its own set of complications. As Nikolajeva observes (2006:50) ‘Pippi has also been repeatedly accused of racism, as she is happy to become a ‘cannibal princess’ and even considers painting her face with shoe polish to look black.’ Lindgren wrote the books in the early 1940s in Sweden, and Lindgren’s daughter, Karin Nyman claims in the preface in the 2012 Swedish Pippi edition that at that

80 time Africa and people with different skin colours to the average Swede, and hot sunny countries in faraway places, were all considered exotic, and the use of the term ‘Neger’ would not have been an expression on Lindgren’s part of a racist view. In her war time diaries Lindgren questions the neutrality of Sweden during the Second World War, realising that the Swedes were in fact indirectly helping the Germans use their railway systems to transport soldiers and weapon to Norway and happily selling their iron ore to the Germans for further weapon productions. This kind of information about Lindgren’s political views makes us realise that it is unlikely that she would have wanted to express fascist views. As her daughter Karin Nyman writes to the reader in the more recent Swedish edition of Pippi Longstocking, published in 2012: To the reader [...] In the 1940s, ‘negro’ was the agreed Swedish name for people with black skin colour who lived in different parts of the world to ours. There simply were no black people living in the Nordic countries, very few Swedish children had ever seen a black person, and TV did not yet exist. "Black people" were exotic. In the 2000s, the publishers of Pippi Longstocking began to see the word Negro as so insulting, that they asked themselves whether they should omit the word from the text, wherever it occurred. Replace it, rewrite it. [...] The matter is not quite as simple as you might think. Pippi can never be made into a child of the 21st Century. And it has always been impossible to get her to behave appropriately. The disgracefulness itself, no one touches. However, nowhere in the books do we see her appearing prejudiced.

Nils Nyman, Lindgren’s grandson, supports this view:

[we] the family honored the broadcaster’s desire to change the TV version but chose to keep the term in future editions of the books. In 2006, the family added a preface explaining that today, the word is considered “offensive,” but that when the books first appeared, “Negro” was a common expression for people with black skin who lived in other parts of the world than ours (December 2014).

In today’s world there is a risk that Pippi’s comments could be considered racist, if they are not seen as an ‘ideological barometer of their times’, to use Ann Miller’s (2007:18) expression to refer to similar issues in Tintin. Nyman finishes her statement by saying, ‘[w]e, Astrid Lindgren’s rights holder after her death, have not wanted to grant a modernisation of her Pippi Longstocking books’ (my translation). As for other examples of literature, the question we are left with is, thus, how do we respect Lindgren’s work in its historical context

81 whilst at the same time connecting it to our time, a question whose currency was illustrated by a debate in the Danish and Swedish press in 2015. The debate was fuelled by a pair of curtains from the Astrid Lindgren Theme Park. The curtains depicted Pippi on Cannibal Island dressed in a grass skirt and wearing a crown. Next to Pippi stood two island inhabitants busily fanning her with long palm leaves. A visitor to the theme park complained that the curtains portrayed a racist message: "It is terrible. It's a typical racist image from colonization, with children who are slaves to Pippi," claimed Abrahamsson, who was visiting the park with his family.50 The result of the debate was that the curtains (designed in 1948 by Danish illustrator Ingrid Vang Nyman) were removed from the shop and also from the website, the people who had already bought the curtains had their money refunded and an apology was issued.

To conclude, Lindgren’s Pippi is doubtlessly an example of a piece of children’s literature that breaks with norms of education and society, at least initially. This is particularly clear from various aspects of the character and the literary world which illustrate a lack of conformism. The section on Pippi in translation has shown how the book has been adjusted to meet target norms. The reason for these adaptations can be manifold, though most commonly they take place when the connotations in the source culture are either absent from the target culture, or different in the target culture. Finally, examples of adjustments are taking place if the translator/editor considers the ideology expressed in the source text to be unacceptable in the target culture. As we have seen, this can be in terms of educational values, but also in relation to ideological shifts in context. This chapter underpins the idea developed in Chapter 2 that the international circulation of a literary character may be accompanied by specific adaptation processes. Chapter 4 will elaborate on the methodology to analyse these dynamics further for the English and German contexts. I will outline how this project focuses on norms and ideology and how it simultaneously combines style and linguistic choices through a translational stylistics methodological approach and linguistic sociological perspectives. These methods will then be applied in Chapters 5 and 6 and will allow me to focus further on the links between language, representation and reception.

50 http://sverigesradio.se/sida/artikel.aspx?programid=2054&artikel=5958571 (Accessed 1st May 2019). 82

Chapter 4 Methodology

Introduction

As explained, this project is a comparative case study of the translation of Lindgren’s Pippi into English and German and it investigates the different reception of the book in its respective contexts. In this chapter, I will build and discuss the methodology for my analysis of the German and English translations, which focuses particularly on the translations in West and East Germany and on the initial UK translation, while also including external comparisons, with the later German reedition (2007), on the one hand, and with the first US edition (1950) as well as the 2007 retranslation in English. As outlined in chapters 1 and 2, these comparisons allow an investigation of the different developments of children’s literature in the various contexts, including Sweden, and to examine the links between text and context. Translated children’s literature provides ‘fertile ground for examining this relation, precisely because its defining characteristics – the asymmetric relationship between adult author/translator and the child reader […] defy any straightforward conceptualization of context and its relation to text’ (Jan Van Collie and Jack McMartin 2020:14). It is therefore crucial to approach this thesis from a methodological stance that will best cast light on this interrelationship.

As argued by Van Coillie, various methodological frameworks have been used in the study of children’s literature and translation and the relationship between text and context (van Coillie and McMartin, 2020). Itamar Even-Zohar’s polysystem theory (1979) was the first model addressing the position of children’s literature directly: it brought translation studies scholars to gradually turn their attention from the text-internal to the text-external, whilst simultaneously shifting the focus from a prescriptive to a descriptive mode; and with this also shifting the focus from the source to the target text. The shift in focus from source to target text has been reinforced by the work of Gideon Toury (1995) who was interested in identifying culturally and historically specific norms that determine dominant translation strategies in a given target culture (ibid.). Toury particularly paved the way for studies on norms and their influence on translations. I shall be discussing these notions in more detail below, within the broader framework of Descriptive Translation Studies. It is within this framework that my main methodological framework of Translational Stylistics, developed by Kirsten Malmkjær, will be presented, a methodology that looks at stylistic processes of

83 meaning-making in translation and their relation to context. It is worth noting that, alongside descriptive translation studies, functional approaches such as the Skopos Theory have also been applied to the study of children’s literature. This methodology is also important because it views translations as a purpose-driven language act where various participants (client, source and target publishers and receiver) play their part in the commissioning and carrying out of the task. When considering the purpose of the translation of children’s literature, it is clear that the dilemma between the disproportionate relationship between adult author/translator and the child audience immediately raises questions concerning who the client and the receiver of such translations are. Initially developed by Hans Vermeer (1978), Christiane Nord (1991) developed the Skopos Theory further by way of combining textual analysis of the translation with a treatment of the intended text functions. These functions are always inseparable from the target culture. What is central to Nord’s development of the Skopos Theory is her belief that translation always establishes an act of intercultural communication. In other words, Nord considers the texts function as well as an analysis of the context and the agents involved. Other relevant developments in Translation Studies include the “cultural turn”, proclaimed by Susan Bassnett and André Lefevere in 1990, ‘signaling a trend to situate source and target texts within the source and target ‘culture’’ (Van Coillie and McMartin 2020:14). In this context, researchers explore the way in which sociocultural factors such as poetics, ideology, politics, power, ethics, colonisation, and ethnic and gender identity influence translations and the role of translators as cultural intermediaries (ibid.). Venuti claims (2012: 276) that translations are seen ‘as a cultural political practice that might be strategic in bringing about social change.’

For this project, I will undertake a translational stylistic analysis embedded in relevant sociocultural frameworks, taking into account developments in and beyond translation studies in order to focus on the complex relationships between text and context. The focus on stylistic choices will allow me to identify patterns within the translation which I will then relate back to their literary and cultural contexts as a means of gaining a better understanding of Pippi’s representation in translation into English (1954), West German (1949) and East German (1975). As opposed to some of the other frameworks mentioned, Translational Stylistics will enable an effective combination of a bottom-up and top-down methodology, which integrates an in-depth focus on both text and context. Indeed, as I will demonstrate below, Translational Stylistics builds on various approaches and insights developed within related disciplines, including sociological analytical frameworks and critical linguistics. I will

84 present these different frameworks and the way in which they can link together, before discussing the key principles of Translational Stylistics within the context of Descriptive Translation Studies.

The first section of this chapter will focus on sociological frameworks by exploring the Circuit of Cultures model developed by Hall (2013) as well as the Bourdieusian sociological framework (1996). This section will allow us to place language in the context of society and thus gain a better understanding of the relationship between language and society. The next section looks at critical linguistics, discusses the way in which text comes to mean what it means and as such it brings us to an understanding of the importance of linguistic choices. Kress and Hodge’s syntagmatic models display clearly the relevance of Halliday’s findings and how language can be used to express ideological viewpoints. They discuss the interrelation of objects and events and how such relationships come to inform and influence the reader/listener.

Drawing on the sociological and critical linguistic framework, the second part of this chapter situates the translational approach for this thesis within ‘Descriptive Translation Studies’ as originally developed by Gideon Toury (e.g. Toury 1995). First, I will consider the notion of equivalence as developed within this type of research, and the notions of shifts51, strategies and norms involved in relationships of equivalence. These concepts will then be linked to a translational stylistics approach, as developed mainly in the works of Kirsten Malmkjær (2003, 2004), in order to obtain an analytical method that allows for a stylistic and contextualised analysis of translational choices and their patterns in meaning-making.

Sociological Frameworks

This section will explore the link between language and society as analysed in Stuart Hall’s Circuit of Culture model based on du Gay’s model, and in the work of Pierre Bourdieu.

51 I will be applying Chesterman’s shifts and strategies and referring to these in Chapters 5 and 6. 85

4.2.1 Stuart Hall: The Circuit of Culture

The Circuit of Culture model can help us gain a better understanding of representation and how this concept fits into that of culture. Hall maintains that ‘it [language] has always been regarded as the key repository of cultural values and meanings’ (Hall, 2013:1) and claims that ‘it is through the privilege of language that we can ‘make sense’ of things in which meaning (my italics) is produced and exchanged’ (ibid.). He sees this as a process called the Circuit of Culture, which consists of five key stages: production, consumption, regulation, representation and identity.

Figure 1 Circuit of Culture

The Circuit of Culture examines five key processes in a development cycle of an artifact including production, consumption, regulation, representation, and identity. Adapted from du Gay et al. (1997).

Hall claims (1980:110) that it is the moment of production that initiates the cultural circuit. It is through production that meaning-laden representations, practices and artifacts are introduced into the circuit of culture where they are consumed and propagated. Hall claims (ibid.) that ‘[p]roduction encodes the frames of reference embedded in the producer’s local practices and technical skills into these circulating textual artifacts that go on to become “professional ideologies, institutional knowledge, definitions and assumptions, assumptions about the audience, and so on.”’

Consumption, seen from Hall’s perspective, is to be understood to mean the moment when textually encoded artifacts are read and decoded. As Hall states (ibid.), ‘[b]efore an artifact 86 can have an ‘effect’, satisfy ‘a need’, or be put to a ‘use’, it must first be appropriated as a meaningful discourse and be meaningfully decoded.’

According to Hall, culture is indeed, put simply, about ‘shared meanings.’ The concept of culture or ‘shared meanings’ are what constitute a sense of belonging and it is what ‘gives us a sense of our own identity, of who we are and with whom we ‘belong’’ (ibid.). Therefore, it would seem appropriate to claim, as Hall does (ibid), that ‘members of the same culture must share sets of concepts, images and ideas which enable them to think and feel about the world, and thus to interpret the world, in roughly similar ways.’ In other words, members of the same culture share a set of roughly similar ‘cultural codes.’ Hall expands on his notion of representation by suggesting that ‘thinking and feeling are themselves ‘systems of representation’ in which our concepts, images and emotions ‘stand for’ or represent, in our mental life, things which are or may be out there in the world’ (ibid.).

Hall points out (ibid.) that if any meaningful verbal exchange is to take place, the participants must share the same linguistic codes; they must ‘in a very broad sense, ‘speak the same language.’’ Hall does not mean that in a literal sense; nor does he mean that just because somebody speaks our language, we will automatically understand everything he or she says. On the contrary, he means that in order for us to understand what we hear, we interpret the meaning, for ‘[m]eaning is a dialogue – always only partially understood, always an unequal exchange’ (ibid.).

Within one culture there will, of course, be differing opinions on any topic and several ways of interpreting and representing it. Culture is, as Hall explains (ibid.), ‘about feelings, attachments and emotions as well as concepts and ideas’ and he concludes that cultural meanings above all ‘are not only ‘in the head’. They organize and regulate social practices, influence our conduct and consequently have real practical effects’ (ibid.).

Representation is then defined as the way in which members of a culture use language to produce meaning. As Hall states (ibid.) ‘[i]t is us – in society, within human cultures – who make things mean, who signify.’ With this definition, it becomes understandable that objects, people and events can have no fixed, final or true meaning. As a result of this, meanings will always change from one culture or period to another.

Because cultures are different, Hall points out (ibid.) that one important idea of representation is ‘the acceptance of a degree of cultural relativism between one culture and another, a

87 certain lack of equivalence and hence the need for translation as we move from the mind-set or conceptual universe of one culture or another.’ This phenomenon Hall calls the constructionist approach to representation and he contrasts it with both the reflective and intentional approaches52.

Producing meaning depends on how we carry out an interpretation, and the interpretation is ‘sustained by actively using the code – encoding, putting things into the code – and by the other end interpreting or decoding the meaning’ (Hall, 1980:130). Hall points out that because meanings are forever changing and slipping, codes cannot be viewed as fixed laws or as unbreakable rules, but rather, they must be viewed more as operating like social conventions. The Circuit of Culture Model does not deal specifically with translation but rather with the relationships between language and culture. It is however relevant to view these models in a socio-political light in that they deal with manipulation of language at various levels. If the study and understanding of ideology can be viewed as a socio-political activity, then, as Gutt (2005:26) puts it ‘it seems fair to say that practically any act of human communication has social and political aspects that are worth studying, and translation is no exception to this.’ The research questions within this thesis are centrally concerned with the translational choices made by the translators of my focal texts. These translational choices may reflect aspects of the different cultures into which the books entered. When translating, moving text from one language to another, the cultural differences will inevitably have to be considered.

4.2.2 The Bourdieusian Sociological Framework

To be able to place stylistic findings within a broader cultural framework in line with the models of representation above, my analysis will also relate to a Bourdieusian framework, which has important connections with the field of Descriptive Translation Studies to which I will come back to below.

52 There are many theories about how language is used to present the world. Hall refers to three: the reflective (does language simply reflect a meaning which already exists out there), the intentional (expressing only what the writer intends to say) and the constructionist (claiming that meaning is constructed in and through language). 88

Bourdieu (1984) examines texts from a sociological perspective and has been used extensively to gain an understanding of the role of texts in their contexts. Bourdieu emphasises that social space is constituted by several fields. These fields comprise, among others, cultural, political, literary and economic arenas and each field has, as Bourdieu and Wacquant point out (1992:97) ‘its own logic of social positions that are occupied by different people and institutions.’ Each of these fields represents a form of struggle, where agents and institutions ‘seek to preserve or overturn the existing distribution of capital’ (Wacquant, 2008:268) and as Durmuş points out (2018:169), ‘strive for advantageous social positions that provide them with different degrees of power and status.’

Bourdieu (1984:101) explains how social practice comes into being through the following formulation: [(Habitus) (capital)] + field = practice. Field relates to a system of social position structured internally in terms of power relationships. Durmuş (2018:167) explains that Bourdieu’s theory is an equation that ‘suggests that social practice is the outcome of structural forces situated within a given field interacting with habitus and capital.’ Bourdieu (1994:170) conceptualises habitus as ‘a structured and structuring structure’. By this he means that habitus gains its structure by one’s upbringing, educational background as well as other life experiences. Durmuş (2018:167-168) claims that habitus also ‘plays a role in structuring one’s present and future practices, which may contribute to the modification of the field(s) in which one participates.’ Durmuş applies Bourdieu to Translation Studies and explains that this notion is of interest to the translator in as far as it positions the ‘translator’s habitus […] as a point of intersection which mediates between norms and rules of the field in which he or she operates and his or her internalized dispositions’ (ibid.).

Bourdieu points out (1994:116) that habitus is open to transformation. Any transformation in habitus will almost certainly take a considerable amount of time, because ‘habitus is also enduring’ (Durmuş 2018:170) If, however, as Durmuş expresses it (ibid.) ‘one field changes more rapidly than the habitus of the individuals who occupy it or if the gap between one’s habitus and new field conditions is unbridgeable, the practice of the individuals may turn out to be obsolete or resistant.’ This phenomenon is referred to by Bourdieu (1997) as ‘hysteresis effect’.

If the translator experiences hysteresis of habitus (if the field changes more quickly than the translator’s habitus), then ‘this can be the source of misadaptation as well as adaptation, revolt as well as resignation’ (Bourdieu, 1990:62). In order for the translator to overcome

89 any such discrepancy, he or she may need to adjust his or her habitus ‘to the changing rules of the field [he or she] is working for or by the translator’s resistance and his or her effort to modify the field’s structure’ (Durmuş, 2018:170).

The Bourdieusian sociological framework lends itself well to a discussion and understanding of some of the translational choices and Pippi can usefully be viewed in the framework of a sociopolitical context. Whilst the analysis of linguistic and stylistic variations within the translations cannot be achieved solely through this framework, it will offer a relevant explanatory tool for the analysis of certain cultural norms, taboos and references in my corpus.

Critical Linguistics

Critical linguistics offer an additional framework for linking ideology to discourse, in this case at the level of language, as argued by Malmkjær (2001:102).

Critical linguistics is a socially directed application of linguistic analysis, using chiefly concepts and methods associated with the ‘systemic-functional’ linguistics developed by M.A.K. Halliday. Its basic claims are that all linguistic usage encodes ideological patterns or discursive structures which mediate representations of the world in language; that different usages (e.g. different sociolinguistic varieties or lexical choices or syntactic paraphrases) encode different ideologies, resulting from their different situations and purposes; and that by these means language works as a social practice: it is not a transparent medium for communication about an objective world but it promulgates a set of versions of reality and thereby works as a constantly operative part of social processes.

I will first look at Kress and Hodge’s syntagmatic models and then at Fowler et al.’s view on critical linguistics, with particular attention to the link they establish between language and society. I will build on this further by considering Thomson’s focus on the notion of ideology in relation to language.

4.3.1 Kress and Hodge’s Syntagmatic Models

Kress and Hodge (1979) consider language to be ‘one of man’s most remarkable attributes, as it is ‘an absolute precondition for nearly all our social life’, and ‘the medium in which most organized thought and communication proceed’ (Kress and Hodge, 1979:1). They claim that language is given to the individual by the society in which he or she lives. Therefore, language is a key instrument in both communication and socialisation and as such it is ‘the means whereby society forms and permeates the individual’s consciousness’ (ibid.). Kress and Hodge look to find a theory that places a central focus on the social use of language, that is, on the relations between ‘language and society’ and between ‘language and mind’, whilst also retaining the study of syntax and the basic rule systems of the language. They draw on Whorf (1936:73), who already in the 1930s recognised ‘linguistics not as a autonomous discipline, but as an indispensable aid in a project of immense importance, the investigation of cultures, the uncovering of profound and inaccessible levels of thought’ (Kress and Hodge, 1979:4). Whorf’s work has on the one hand, paved the way for an understanding of how language relates to thought, but, on the other, it has also shown how language relates to perception. ‘Psychologists have found there to be no ‘pure’ act of perception’ (ibid); in other words, there can be no seeing without thinking. Kress and Hodge (ibid.) conclude that therefore, ‘the flux of experience is an interpretation through means of interpretative schemata, initial expectations about the world, and priorities of interests.’ According to Kress and Hodge (ibid.), the brain is only capable of receiving a fraction of what is initially perceived and even less of that fraction is stored in the brain. In order to be able to share our perceptions, language is needed. It is through language that we can name concepts, familiarise ourselves with these, classify them and remember them; and most importantly, ‘what has a name can be shared’ (ibid.). Furthermore, Kress and Hodge (ibid.) draw our attention to the fact that ‘[l]anguage fixes a world that is so much more stable and coherent than what we actually see – therefore it takes its place in our consciousness and becomes what we think we have seen.’ In other words, what language gives us is a ‘social construction of reality’ (Berger and Luckmann, 1967). Languages are, as Kress and Hodge (1979:5) express it, ‘systems of categories and rules, based on fundamental principles and assumptions about the world. These principles and assumptions are not related to or determined by thought: they are thought.’ Kress and Hodge discuss language in the context of ideology, defining ideology as ‘a systematic body of ideas, organised from a particular point of view’

(ibid.). These ideas are expressed through language, and as language is given to us by society, and ‘immersed in the ongoing life of society’, the ideas will be articulated in accordance with this. As such language can be viewed as ‘the practical consciousness of that society [… which] is inevitably a partial and false consciousness’ (ibid.). Furthermore, Kress and Hodge (1979:7) regard language as ‘consisting of a related set of categories and processes. The fundamental categories are ‘models’ which describe the interrelation of objects and events.’ The models, known as syntagmatic models, are listed below. They provide an initial classification of events and make it possible to demonstrate interpretations of text.

Figure 2 Syntagmatic Models

actionals transactive

Syntagmatic models non-transactive

relationals equative

attributive

Transactive models illustrate events in which an actor (the subject) affects an object: ‘[t]he batsman struck the ball’ (Kress and Hodge, 1979:7). Non-transactive models suggest no such causal relationship between entities, but only a process engaged in by an entity: ‘[t]he batsman runs’ (ibid.). These models are actional and the action in question is realised in the verb. Relational models, in contrast, illustrate that one entity can be identified by means of several descriptions, as in ‘the man on the bus is the vicar’ (equative) or they attribute a quality to an entity, as in ‘her musicality is outstanding’.

As Thompson points out (1984/2007:119), these models ‘provide an initial classification of events and profoundly affect their causal interpretation.’ In transactive constructions, the relationship between the two entities tends to be clearly causal, whereas non-transactive formulations, as a result of their ‘immediacy and indeterminacy’, can make the action seem ‘extraordinary, magical and mysterious’.

Furthermore, the models can be conflated as Thompson demonstrated through the following example based on Halliday: the sentence, ‘[t]he warder marched the prisoners’, which looks transactive (the warder caused the prisoners to march) can in fact be analysed into two non- transactives (Thompson 1984/2007:120):

(A) The warder caused x. (B) The prisoners marched.

(where x = B).

According to Kress and Hodge, the effect of this linguistic process can be analysed in the light of an ideological power struggle. An incidence caused by the actor, the warder, loses its power simply by allowing the syntactic participants, the prisoners, to carry out the action, the marching:

‘The effect of this linguistic process is to reassign the actor roles in the two conflated models. The real actor of the process is denied credit and responsibility for the action he performs, and this credit is assigned to the syntactic participant who is regarded as more powerful. It is a thing not lightly done. The ideological function is clear. (1979:59)

Fowler et al. (1970) are interested in the link between language and society; and they too refer to the syntagmatic models. Furthermore, they draw on Halliday’s account of grammatical structure and linguistic function in order to ‘explore the links between grammatical structure and the social world’ (Thompson, 1984/2007:118). They are interested in examining how language functions in social and political practice and claim to provide ‘a demonstration of work in progress towards what [they] regard as an original, critical and practical theory of language in society’ (1979:4). They claim (ibid.) that language is ‘a part of a social process.’ If what we say expresses social meanings, then ‘the act of articulation in context affects the situations and relationships which formed these meanings in the first place’(ibid.). In other words what is achieved through discourse is a reaffirmation and consolidation of existing social structures. Interviews can be used as good examples to demonstrate this reinforcement. A typical interview will involve the interviewer and the interviewee, each using markedly different kinds of speech, and because the interviewer is the one asking questions, he or she has the power to ‘manipulate the behaviour of the interviewee’ (ibid.). In other words, Fowler et al. imply that interviews are ‘a mechanism of control of one individual by another’ (ibid.) and they demonstrate how ‘linguistic structures

93 are used to explore, systematize, transform, and often obscure, analyses of reality; to regulate the ideas and behaviour of others; to classify and rank people, events and objects; to assert institutional or personal status’ (ibid.).

Regarding an interpretation of the syntagmatic models discussed above in relation to Kress and Hodge, Fowler et al. refer to this kind of conflation of syntagmatic models in the surface form of a sentence as transformations, a term borrowed from Chomsky (1957); but in Fowler et al.’s work, Thompson explains, the notion of transformation is ‘used to refer to processes by which elements present in underlying structures are deleted, combined and reordered in surface forms, so that the latter must be interpreted by reconstructing their derivation’ (Thompson, 1984/2007:120). Nominalizations and passivizations are two common types of transformations. Nominalization occurs when sentences or part of sentences are turned into nouns: ‘[w]e concluded53 that pH determined the rate’, ‘[a] conclusion was reached that pH determined the rate’, ‘[t]hat pH determined the rate was concluded’54 The effect of such transformations can be diminishing the sense of activity, eliminating agency, modality and tense, thus transforming processes into objects. Passivization is the transformation by which a sentence with a verb in the active voice is transformed in such a way that its object becomes the subject with the original subject becoming an adjunct or being left out, as when “the dog chased the cat” is presented as “the cat was chased by the dog”, or simply “The cat was chased”. The notion that this is a transformation assumes that the active voice is “standard”. Note, however, that it is not necessary to make this assumption, and that the effect of active versus passive voice is the same whether the assumption is made or not. The effect is similar to the one seen in nominalization: a sense of deletion of actors causing a shift in focus of the attention of the reader/hearer, always at the expense of others. Such actions are often used in newspaper headings and they can help to reduce complexity. Thompson argues (1984/2007:121) that ‘reducing the complexity of an argument and limiting the terms which it contains is a drastic intervention.’ Equally, it can be used as a means of hiding agency. As Halliday and Matthiessen (2014:217) claim, ‘it is understood that both what we choose to say and the way in which we organise our expression will essentially convey a given meaning and, thereby, act as a reflection of how we perceive particular events and happenings’.

53 Nouns that should be verbs are red; transitive active versions of the nouns are blue; and transitive passive versions of the nouns are green. 54 http://jaffeerevises.com/nominalization%20examples.htm (Accessed 19th November 2018). 94

Transformations can thus be viewed as a linguistic device that can suppress and distort material ‘contained in the underlying structure’ (Thompson, 1984/2007:121). Finally, language both simplifies and mystifies, but in addition, it also provides individuals with a system of classification; and according to Thompson (ibid.) ‘as a means of classification, language imposes order on the world, facilitating both the individual’s flux of experience and society’s control over conceptions of reality.’ The difficulty, however, is that different groups within society have different systems; they do not share the same classification system. These systems are ‘strained by the contingencies of interaction and by conflict of interest’ (ibid.). Therefore, classification becomes a place of ‘tension and struggle’ on two different levels (Thompson, 1984/2007:122). The first level refers to the struggle between individuals as they try to impose their system onto others, or indeed do the very opposite, where they give way to higher supremacies. The second level represents the struggle that takes place between different groups in society.

Whilst Fowler et al. argue that our understanding of the world is affected by the lexis and grammatical structure (nominalization, passivization and classification) used in its description, Thompson (1984/2007:124) doubts whether ‘an understanding of social phenomena can be conveyed by this kind of linguistic approach’. According to him, Fowler et al. have been unable to define ideology successfully. They have overlooked the fact that different groups in society do not just have different systems of classification, they have in addition also got different ideologies, ‘that is, different ways of making sense of the world’ (ibid.). Thompson elaborates on the importance of ideology and concludes (ibid.) that ‘[t]he analysis of ideology is fundamentally concerned with language, for language is the principal medium of the meaning (signification) which serves to sustain relations of domination.’ Thompson outlines an alternative approach to the analysis of ideology. He places his focus on three main areas. Firstly, he maintains (1984/2007:127) that ‘ideology must be conceptualized within the framework of a general social theory, a theory which explores, among other things, the relations between action, institutions, power and domination.’ The second area he wishes to address is that of methodology and the third area is the area of epistemology. Thompson is of the opinion that ‘to study ideology is to study the ways in which meaning (signification) serves to sustain relations of domination’ (ibid.). For as Bourdieu writes (1977:20) ‘[l]anguage is not only an instrument of communication or even of knowledge, but also an instrument of power. One seeks not only to be understood but also to be believed, obeyed, respected, distinguished.’ What Thompson wants to clarify is that 95 language is a powerful tool. It is used as a way of infusing ‘the meaning of what is said as well as the saying of it […] with forms of power’ (ibid.). Different groups of society have a differential capacity to make a meaning stick. Thompson concludes that it is due to the link between meaning and power that language is so closely linked to ideology.

4.3.2 The Hallidayan Framework

In this section, I will be discussing Halliday’s systemic framework (1973) as a means of understanding how what is written on the page comes to mean what it means to the reader. In other words, Halliday (2014) is interested in discovering how any given text comes to mean what it means. In order to gain an understanding of this phenomenon, he proposes a functional framework to language. In this framework, Halliday sets about to analyse grammatical functions of language. I will be using Halliday’s systemic framework in Chapters 5 and 6 as a means of analysing and describing the adjustments between the source text and its translations. This being said, as the Hallidayan framework has not been developed specifically for literary texts, it will, in the analysis, be supplemented by narratological concepts, such as focalisation (Genette 1972), which also determine the text’s interaction with the reader.

According to Halliday (1973:7), it is important that we begin to understand how language is used and what the purposes made available to us through language are. This is key to an understanding of how we can express ourselves in a meaningful manner: A functional approach to language [such as his own] means, first of all, investigating how language is used: trying to find out what are the purposes that language serves for us, and how we are able to achieve these purposes through speaking and listening, reading and writing.

In the Hallidayan framework, there are two prominent stances from which to view a text: viewing the text as an object or viewing the text as an instrument for discovering facts about something else (Halliday and Matthiessen, 2014:3). The grammarian will be interested in discovering both why something comes to mean what it means, but also what the text tells us about the system of the language in which it is spoken or written. These two elements must be seen as complimentary, both need to be present, for as Halliday claims (2014:3), it only becomes possible to explain what a text means, when we relate it to the linguistic system as a

96 whole, but equally, it is necessary to understand what the text means, if we are ‘to use it as a window on the system’ (ibid.). Halliday demonstrates how different options within a given system make it possible to manipulate the language in a variety of ways. There are three main grammatical metafunctional systems, clause as message, clause as exchange and clause as representation, from the Hallidayan framework that will be explored within this study and used in Chapters 5 and 6 to underpin the analysis of the English and German translations of Pippi, each located at the level of the clause. Halliday claims (2014:64) that ‘a clause [is] a unit in which meanings of three different kinds are combined’. The clause at once organises a message (a textual function), serves as a means of exchanging information (an interpersonal function), and represents a situation (an ideational or representational function). In what follows, I will first look at the organisation of the message, clause as message, as described by Halliday through the concepts theme and rheme. I will then look at the interpersonal function and how exchanges of information are organised according to this model. Finally, I will look at the representational function of language. These functions are important to our understanding of how language comes to mean what it means and therefore, they will cast light on the analysis of my research in Chapters 5 and 6.

As a means of gaining a clearer understanding of what we are to comprehend by organisation of information in the clause, I will discuss the concept of theme and rheme. Halliday claims that ‘[i]n English the clause is organised as a message by having a distinct status assigned to one part of it’ (ibid.). He calls this part the theme, and the remainder of the clause the rheme. In most languages, the first part of the clause is the theme and the remainder of the clause is the rheme. The theme sets the scene and ‘it positions the scene in relation to the unfolding text’ (ibid.). The theme is what the speaker or writer decides to use as their point of departure and it provides the setting for the remainder of the message, the rheme. It is, however, possible to create a clause where the theme + rheme structure is set up as an equation. This structure is known as thematic equative (see Table 2).

Table 2 Thematic Equatives55 what (the thing) the duke gave my aunt was that teapot

55 Halliday, 2014:69. 97 the one who gave my aunt that teapot was the duke the one the duke gave that teapot to was my aunt what the duke did to that teapot was give it to my aunt how my aunt came by that teapot was she was given it by the duke

Theme Rheme

The examples in Table 2 show how the focus of the text changes, depending on which element of the text is fronted and thus becomes the theme. Halliday points out (ibid.) that as is so often the case in language, ‘in contrast with the typical pattern there is a standing-out or marked alternative, exemplified by you’re the one I blame for this, with you as theme, in which the usual relationship is reversed and the nominalization (a group of elements) becomes the rheme’. The writer always has a choice of how to structure the clause and by analysing the thematic structure of the text clause by clause, we may be able to discern patterns of choices of themes and rhemes that contribute to our understanding of the text.

The second grammatical system, clause as exchange, will be discussed. I will be observing the metafunctional system, a system functioning simultaneously on several layers, within the concept of clause as exchange; that means to say, clause as exchange is a notion in addition to clause as message, working simultaneously. When considering clause as exchange, in relation to the interpersonal level distinguished by Halliday, our focus changes from the structure of the clause to the clause as the locus of information exchange. In a dialogue, the speaker’s role may be to seek information, and the listener’s role to provide the information required, and there are, Halliday claims, two main fundamental types of speech roles: ‘(i) giving and (ii) demanding’ (ibid.), as can be seen in Table 3 below taken from Halliday (2014:107).

Table 3 Giving or demanding, goods-&-services or information

Commodity exchanged

Role in exchange

(a) Goods-&-services (b) information

(i) giving ‘offer’ ‘statement’

would you like this teapot? he’s giving her that teapot

(ii) demanding ‘command’ ‘question’

give me that teapot! what is he giving her?

Table 3 illustrates on the one hand how a speaker can demand an object or an action and receive a non-verbal response in an exchange of goods-&-services; and on the other, how they can ask for information and receive it from an interactant in an exchange of information. Table 3 therefore shows the four ‘primary speech functions available: offer, command, statement and question’ (ibid.). A speaker can lead the listener to provide the information required by way of adding a (mood) tag (ibid). These tags tend to be added to the end of the clause as a question, for example ‘Give me that teapot, will you?’

Having discussed briefly clause as meaning and clause as exchange above, I will now move to the third and final mode of clause organisation within Halliday’s systemic metafunctional grammatical system: clause as representation. Halliday claims (2014:59) that this level of organisation is to be seen as an extra layer on top of the two metafunctional lines of meaning examined above. This third function views clause from the experiential perspective. Here it is important to establish that there are two very different types of process relating to the experiential perspective: the one we observe ‘going on out there’ (ibid.), our outer experience, and the one happening inside ourselves, in the ‘world of conscience’ (ibid.), for example, in our imagination, thoughts and feelings. Halliday refers to these two types of process as the material and the mental process respectively. A third component of consequence to this analysis has to be supplied before it is possible to draw the components together to create a coherent theory of experience. In order to be able to draw the material and the mental components together, we need to be able ‘to relate one fragment of experience to

99 another’ (ibid); this third component Halliday refers to as the relational process. I shall be looking at the material clause, then moving to the mental clause and finally looking at the relational clause. The example below, taken from Halliday (2014:169), demonstrates clause with the three metafunctional lines of meaning taking place simultaneously.

Table 4 Clause with three metafunctional lines of meaning

well usually Means mostly, doesn’t it, Mary?

Textual Theme Rheme

textual topical

Interpersonal Mood Residue Mood tag Vocativ e

Subject Finit Predicato Complem finite subject e r ent experiential Token Process Value

Syntagm: Conjunc Adverbia Verbal group Adverbial Verbal Nominal Nominal tion l group group group group

group group

In the example in Table 4, we can see that the clause, when viewed from an experiential stance, construes a relationship of significance between a word and its meaning. Experiences are viewed as a flow of events; one event leading to another. The first adverb in this clause ‘usually’ signifies the second adverb ‘mostly’. It is the process ‘means’ (a verb marked for present tense) that connects these two participants. The two participants are involved in the process of meaning. They are respectively the Token and Value in the relationship of signification and all three elements are equally important components of the experiential clause. The flow of events is divided into groups of change by the grammatical system: ‘each quantum of change is modelled as a figure – a figure of happening, doing, sensing, saying, being or having […]’ (2014:59). A figure consists mainly of three components and these are, as can be seen from the table above: 1) a process unfolding through time (a verb), 2) the participant involved in the process (the subject) and 3) circumstances involved with the

100 process (often an adverbial group or a prepositional phrase) (not expressed in Table 4). The first two components are inherent, but the circumstantial elements are mostly optional augmentations of the clause. Halliday uses the example ‘[b]irds are flying in the air’ to demonstrate the above point. The participant is ‘bird’, the process is ‘are flying’ and the circumstantial element is ‘in the air’. The circumstantial element is an ‘attendant’ as it is not directly involved in the process. The third line of meaning expressed through clause as representation is both a mode of reflection, as well as a way of establishing grammatical order within the infinite flow of actions. The grammatical system, known in Hallidayan terminology as the Transitivity System, is what is used to impose this order. Experiences are broken down into manageable chunks, known as ‘process types’. There are many different process types, and these are used to distinguish between different experiences: the outer and the inner experiences. The outer experiences, referring to the experiences we gain from what is happening in the world around us of which we are part, are viewed through the material process type, whereas inner experiences, our own interpretations or playing back of the outer experiences, are recognised as mental process types. A third component, the relational process, is a necessary additional process type, as it allows us to relate one experience to another. With this third type of process, we can classify and identify, just as we can see from the example in Table 4: ‘usually means mostly’. These are the three main process types in the English language, although (ibid.) behavioural (people are laughing), verbal (so we say that …) and existential (so today there’s Christianity in the South)56 processes also exist and play an important part.

So far, I have discussed Halliday’s systemic framework with regard to the composite affair, consisting of a combination of ‘three different structures deriving from distinct functional components’ (Halliday, 2014:309). These components are known as metafunctions in systemic theory and they must be viewed as ‘the ideational (clause as representation), the interpersonal (clause as exchange) and finally, the textual (clause as message)’ (ibid.). These processes are equally important, and they are ordered.

In conclusion, through the examples from the Hallidayan framework, we can see that language can be expressed in many ways. When components are swapped around in the clause, the message is delivered differently, and for each of these organisational changes, the

56 These three less used, but still equally important, processes are particularised within the transitivity system by Halliday as follows: 1. Behavioural: Behaviour + Process, 2. Verbal: Sayer + Process (± Receiver) and 3. Existential: Existent + Process. 101 meaning is reflected in a different light. To summarise, meaning is, within the Hallidayan framework, positioned in a metafunctional system. A clause can be viewed as message, where theme and rheme play significant roles. The theme can be marked or unmarked depending on how the speaker wants to convey his or her message. Within the theme rheme construction, the theme plays a fundamental part in the way discourse is organised. As we have seen, clause can also be displayed, simultaneously to the theme and rheme notion, as an exchange. In this interpretation, the clause is organised as an interactive event involving the speaker and the listener. There are two specific roles in the exchange: the commodity of goods-&-services and the commodity of information. Together these two variables define the four primary speech functions of offer, command, statement and question. Whereas the textual line of theme and rheme is used to describe the clause when viewed as a message, the interpersonal line of mood and residue is used when interpreting the clause as an exchange. Here, mood describes collectively the subject and the finite, and residue the remainder of the clause. The organisation of the figures within the clause is what carries the message in its intended direction. Finally, the clause can also, and again simultaneously to the first two layers of meaning, be viewed as representation. Here the clause takes on an experiential line of organisation. The experiential clause construes a quantum of change as a configuration of a process where participants are always involved. Circumstantial elements act as attendants as these only really serve as sentence augmentations. In the experiential clause there are three main types of clause: the material, the mental and relational. It is through the transitivity structures that the representational meaning is expressed: what the clause is about. Halliday also draws our attention to the importance of voice and how clause as exchange can be either operative or receptive.

Halliday’s framework gives an insight into the relation between language and meaning and its relevance to Translation Studies will become clear in the next section on Descriptive Translation Studies, which will demonstrate how different linguistic choices made by translators influence the representation of Pippi in other languages. Descriptive Translation Studies will also allow us to relate these shifts to translation norms and strategies, which relate back to the sociological and cultural frameworks which have been outlined for reference at the start of the methodological chapter.

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Descriptive Translation Studies

As already mentioned, the field of Descriptive Translation Studies was developed by Gideon Toury in the 1980s and has evolved into a key strand of Translation Studies. It generally focuses on patterns and connections, with a view to relating these to theoretical constructs (Milles et al. 2010:288). Key notions in Toury’s approach are his definitions of equivalence and translational norms behaviour as a goal ‘beyond descriptive studies’ (Toury, 1995:5). As a starting point I shall discuss the notion of equivalence as used in Descriptive Translation Studies and the role of norms within this. In relation to this, I will also examine the notion of translation shifts, building on Andrew Chesterman (1997), as well as translational strategies such as foreignisation and domestication as proposed by Lawrence Venuti. Given the diachronic perspective of my corpus, I will extend this discussion with a consideration of the retranslation hypothesis. Finally, I shall consider the framework of Translational Stylistics in order to link concepts of norms, shifts and strategies to linguistic and stylistic realities and choices.

4.4.1 Equivalence in Descriptive Translation Studies

The notion of equivalence has been problematised in a seminal paper read by Gideon Toury at the International Symposium on ‘Translation Theory and Intercultural Relations’ at Tel Aviv University in 1978 and reprinted as Toury (1980). Here, Toury maintains (1980:38) that there has been a tendency towards a source text orientation in translation studies and argues that this focus makes it difficult ‘to supply a sound starting point and framework for a descriptive study for actual translation.’ Malmkjær claims (2005:33) that when the source text is the vantage point of a translation, a hypothesis must be assumed in terms of the conditions striving towards equivalence; such conditions can never be proper translation equivalents as they can never be completely obeyed

In source text orientated theories of translation equivalence, a postulate is made regarding the conditions which an item must fulfil in order to be equivalent to another. These conditions can never be completely complied with by any item. Therefore, no pairs of items can be proper translation equivalents, and therefore no

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translation can be adequate, that is, no translation is a proper translation as defined by the theory. (2005:33)

Malmkjær (ibid.) points out that the dilemma concerning proper translation equivalence is approached by Toury by considering ‘translations as imperial phenomena which occupy a certain position in the literary polysystem of the culture in which they exist’ (ibid.). This is the fundament of descriptive translation studies: using the target text as the starting point for analysis, linguistic and cultural choices made are compared to the relevant parts of the source text in order to ‘establish translation equivalence by means of a mapping of target text segments onto source text segments’ (Toury, 1995:37). Toury claims (ibid.) that translation can be described as ‘subject to constraints of several types and varying degree.’ He maintains (ibid.) that in order for the translation to be adequate, it is a prerequisite to be able to manoeuvre freely, or as far as possible between all these ‘constraints’, including those that he refers to as norms. I will first consider this concept of norms, before looking at the notion of shifts and strategies in descriptive translation studies.

4.4.1.1 Norms in Descriptive Translation Studies

Norms have been identified by sociologist and social psychologist as the ‘general values or ideas shared by a community – as to what is right and wrong, adequate and inadequate […]’ (Toury, 1995:55). Toury (ibid.) claims that norms are acquired by the individual through socialisation and that they ‘always imply sanctions – actual or potential, negative as well as positive’. In the case of translations, he claims, there are three main groups of norms: initial, preliminary and operational norms (op. cit.:56-61). Initial norms influence ‘the basic choice which can be made between the requirements of the two different sources’ (op. cit.:56); in other words, the translator’s decision regarding to what extent he or she adheres to the norms of the source or target system. Preliminary norms, according to Toury (op. cit.:58), have to do with ‘two main sets of considerations which are often interconnected: those regarding the existence and actual nature of a definite translation policy, and those related to the directness of translation.’ As such, preliminary norms can be viewed as factors external to the translational process itself.

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The third group of norms, operational norms, on the other hand, refer to the translator’s decisions during the process of translating. They tend to reflect the translator’s choice with regard to the decision made when selecting the initial norm. However, as far as the relation between preliminary and operational norms is concerned, and as stated by Toury, there may be “mutual influences” between them, or even “two-way conditioning” (op. cit.:59). It is these norms, according to Toury (1995:61) ‘that determine the (type and extent of) equivalence manifested by actual translations.’ Examples and references to norms will be developed in Chapters 5 and 6, but Toury’s approach suggests that translations comply with cultural norms as understood by the actors involved (the translators, censors, editors).

4.4.2 Translation shifts

The focus on the target text implies an attention for the shifts operated in translation, which can be of a linguistic or more strategic nature. To discuss types of shifts, I will rely on Andrew Chesterman’s typology of local translation strategies, including syntactic, semantic or pragmatic shifts57. We shall see how translational shifts can support the notion of equivalence at these three levels, and with translation strategies and norms. Chesterman’s typology will underpin the corpus analyses in Chapters 5 and 6, in combination with sociological frameworks and a critical linguistics approach and integrated into a translational stylistics approach. As a starting point, I will cover the various types of shifts which Chesterman includes in the syntactic, semantic and pragmatic level respectively, though these levels are often related and there are a considerable number of overlaps and grey areas as pointed out by Bergen (2006).

4.4.2.1 Syntactic Shifts Syntactic strategies refer to translational adjustments altering the grammatical structure of the target text in relation to the source text. These shifts can be linked to differences in language structure in the source and target text but, building on the Hallidayan framework, it will be important, in the analytical chapters, to consider their specific relevance in terms of meaning-

57 Chesterman lists a further ten subcategories for each group and draws our attention to the fact that there are considerable overlaps between these categories. 105 making. Some of the shifts will of course be more meaningful than others in the context of the literary text and the corpus analysis of syntactic shifts in Chapters 5 and 6 will therefore aim at a relevant selection.

Chesterman labels his first syntactic strategy ‘literal translation’ and claims that this, according to many translators, is the default strategy. What we are to understand by this is that the translator tries to stay as close to the source text as possible, thus avoiding any grammatical jeopardising. Further to the list of syntactic strategies are ‘loan translations’ where individual terms and larger linguistic structures, that are foreign to the target text, are borrowed from the source text. ‘Transposition’, a terminology borrowed from Vinay and Darbelnet (1958) refers to any form of adjustment in word-class; for example, in adjective to adverb or verb to noun. ‘Unit shifts’, a term borrowed from Catford (1965) describes the change that may happen at unit-levels; for example, when a phrase is translated as an independent clause. Furthermore, the ‘phrase structure change’ refers to changes that take place within the internal structure of the noun phrase or verb phrase. According to David Bergen (2006:118) […] such changes include number, definitiveness and modification forms in the former, and person, tense or mood in the latter.’ The ‘clause structure change’ strategy describes the adjustments made when a clause changes from active to passive, finite to non- finite, transitive to intransitive in the verb phrase and rearrangement of the clause constituents. The ‘sentence structure change’ refers to any change in the sentence unit. Predominantly, it describes the change that can take place in the relationship between main clauses and subordinate clauses. ‘Cohesion change’ refers to the type of adjustment made when pronouns, ellipsis, substitution and repetition are changed one way or other. It may for example be deemed necessary to repeat the noun from a previous clause rather than using a personal pronoun for reasons of clarification. ‘Level shifts’ encompass phonological, morphological, syntactical and lexical levels. Chesterman claims (1997) that one example of such a shift would be that of how questions are often translated into English. It is possible to pose a question in English by implementing the standard syntactic device of inverted word order. In doing so, the intonation and the punctuation in the form of a question mark become crucial, as it would otherwise make this look like a statement. The ‘scheme change’ is the final strategy Chesterman deals with under the section of syntactic strategies. This change refers to rhetorical schemata and includes parallelism and alliteration. In poetry it also covers metrical rhythm and rhyming.

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4.4.2.2 Semantic Shifts This level of strategy refers to change of meaning. When changing a word within a translation from the word that would have been the obvious first literal translation of the source language word or phrase, there are, according to Chesterman (1997), numerous ways in which this can be achieved. Chesterman refers (ibid.) to the ‘synonym strategy’ as his first example of semantic strategies. Rather than using the most obvious semantic exchange, the translator chooses to use what he/she considers to be more appropriate. The ‘autonomy strategy’, is a strategy used when the translator chooses to employ an antonym instead of the initial source word translation. When using such strategies, negations are frequently required as we, for example, see it in ‘that was expensive’ becoming ‘that was not cheap’. Furthermore, the ‘hyponym strategy’ refers to a subcategory of a superordinate taxonomy and can, as stated by Bergen (2006) be carried out in three ways:

1. SL hyponym => TL hypernym (cat is a hyponym of the hypernym animal)

2. SL hypernym => TL hyponym (flower is a hypernym of the hyponym thistle)

3. SL hyponym A => TL hyponym B (both hyponyms of the same hypernym)

The ‘Converse strategy’ describes the phenomenon that happens when pairs of opposites are used to express the opposite point of view, whereas the ‘trope strategy’ describes a strategy used to deal with figures of speech or metaphors. It is clear from the above that there are numerous ways of dealing with semantic shifts. A translator will choose freely from the various strategies and decide which taxonomy is most suitable in each case. These linguistic decisions can be conscious or non-conscious.

4.4.2.3 Pragmatic Shifts Pragmatic shifts refer to the function of text and its relationship with the reader. These strategies are put into place when it is deemed necessary to clarify something in the translation that is obvious to the source culture but not necessarily to the target audience. Six main pragmatic approaches will be discussed briefly below. The ‘cultural filtering’ strategy is, as Bergen expresses (2006:122), ‘the concrete realisation, at the level of language, of the global strategy of domestication or target culture-centered translations.’ In other words, such strategies are often used when translating cultural-bound items. Educational systems are good examples of items that tend to vary vastly from culture to culture and here the translator

107 needs to be acutely aware of the exact terminology used in each country. As an example of this, the German GCSE grading scale in England is reversed in relation to the one in Germany. They both state that ‘4’ is an average grade, but in England the higher the number, the better; in Germany, it is the exact opposite where 1 is the top grade. The ‘interpersonal change’ strategy affects the overall style of the text and as such it makes it more/less informal, more/less technical. This type of strategy is often used in user manuals, where passive verb forms become active verb forms and where the impersonal addressee is adjusted to a more personal addressee. The ‘illocutionary change’ concerns the change that takes place when for example speech changes from direct to indirect or from reporting to a command. The ‘visibility change’ refers to the type of adjustment made which makes the author or the translator appear more visible. This can happen when a footnote is added, or explanatory notes are added on behalf of the translator. Finally, the ‘coherence change’ strategy is very similar to the cohesion change mentioned above. Rather than focusing on the micro-levels, this strategy places focus on the on the higher textual level. In other words, it allows for larger chunks of text, such as splitting paragraphs, to be rearranged. The ‘explicitness change’ is a strategy that can make the target language either more (explicitation) or less (implicitation) explicit by either adding or omitting information ‘that could in principle be deduced from the source text’ (Bergen, 2006:123). It may for example be deemed necessary to add into a translation, as we see it in the very opening sentence of Pippi ‘in a Swedish town’, to clarify to the reader that the story is set in another country.

To conclude, semantic, syntactic and pragmatic shifts all set about to achieve changing something from the source text. Where they differ from one another is that their adjustments happen at different levels. Bergen claims (2006:124) that the most important thing to bear in mind is that good professional translators must continuously make changes to the translated text in order for the target text to concord with its target culture. Such linguistic adjustments allow for a more idiomatically correct sounding piece of writing. Linking language to meaning-making and ideology, I will also consider the axiological and cultural impact or significance of shifts. Social values and references are as demonstrated in Chapter 2, particularly important and present in the context of children’s literature and will be a key focus in the analytical chapters, linking stylistic choices to the sociocultural frameworks analysed at the start of this chapter. With a view to analysing processes of meaning-making, I will also link Chesterman’s typology to the Hallidayan framework analysed as part of this

108 chapter, approaching them through critical linguistics as relevant to the translational stylistics approach which I will explain below.

4.4.3 Translation Strategies

Before presenting the key principles of a translational stylistics approach, I will briefly indicate how the local shifts classified by Chesterman can be linked to broader translation strategies such as Lawrence Venuti’s notions of foreignization and domestication.

In support of Venuti’s stance, Racheva (s.d.:2) discusses the importance of a cultural orientation where she points out that there is an important link between translation and culture:

Translation involves “crossing boundaries” – disciplinary, linguistic, cultural, even physical. It requires not only linguistic comprehension and knowledge of two or more languages (often called source and target languages) but as well an understanding and appreciation of the cultures expressed through and embedded in these languages. Culture has for a very long time been underestimated and not much attention has been paid to its important role and its influence on the translation process. Probably the first ones to point out the inevitable interaction between translation and culture are Susan Bassnett and Andre Lefevere (1990:45), as well as the translation theorist Lawrens Venuti who insists that the scope of translations studies needs to be broadened to take account of the value- driven nature of the sociocultural framework (Venuti, 1995).

The importance of linguist and cultural knowledge linked to translation is key to Venuti’s work. He theorises translation in accordance with poststructuralist perceptions of language, discourse and subjectivity as a means of clarifying their relations to cultural difference, ideological contradiction, and social change. Venuti’s interest lies in a move away from the typical attempts to marginalise and exploit translations as a product and process that could pass for the source text and thereby render the translator invisible. Rather than following the prevailing nature of such translation theories, Venuti advocates foreignising translations, and thereby uses techniques such as the explicitness change, discussed above, or the integration of foreign words and cultural concepts. In other words, by foreignising the translation, Venuti

109 wishes to make it clear to the reader that this is translation. At the same time, however, he still recognises its contradictions: its subjectivity and relativity that still involves some form of domestication in that ‘it translates a source text for a target culture and depends on dominant target-culture values to become visible when it departs from them’ (Racheva, s.d.:14). Venuti states in his The Scandals of Translation: Towards an Ethics of Difference (1998) that ‘[d]omestication and foreignization deal with the ‘question of how much a translation assimilates a foreign text to the translating language and culture, and how much it rather signals the differences of that text’’. It is worth noting that the strategies are not always used consistently; furthermore, they can be hybrid. In other words, binary models are not necessarily sufficient, and compensation and universalisation strategies can be used. Beyond their binary or situated nature, the strategies proposed by Venuti confirm an important link between translational choices and cultural frameworks, as analysed already in this chapter in relation to language and meaning-making processes:

[a] translation always communicates an interpretation, a foreign text that is partial and altered, supplemented with features peculiar to the translating language, no longer inscrutably foreign but made comprehensible in a distinctively domestic style. Translations, in other words, inevitably perform a work of domestication. Those that work best, the most powerful in recreating cultural values and the most responsible in accounting for that power, usually engage readers in domestic terms that have been defamiliarized to some extent, made fascinating by a revisionary encounter with a foreign text. (1998:5)

In Chapter 2, I have already discussed foreignization, domestication as well as universalization as possible literary translation strategies. In a post-colonial context where the emphasis lies on the representation of the “other”, the former has sometimes been associated with a plea for ‘abusive fidelity’ (Venuti), whilst it is also worth noting certain ‘militant’ tendencies in the field of feminist translation (von Flotow, 1991:69-84), which has become ‘a combative inter-discipline’, transforming ‘ marginality into a cultural value’( José Santaemilia:n.d.) and aims to ensure that feminist identities can be created into a ‘plural exercise in political, sexual and artistic self-affirmation’ (ibid.). Von Flotow notably advocates hijacking (1991:69-84) as a translational approach. Such militant strategies have not dominated the study of children’s literature in translation so far, as demonstrated also by the absence of a gender perspective in the recent volume edited by van Coillie and McMartin, (2020) (dedicated to Children’s literature and translation). So, whilst gender considerations

110 may have increased in children’s literature, translation studies have developed less of an emphasis on this field. Evidence of changing norms in this field may remain subtle and will be appropriately studied through the translational stylistics analysis detailed below.

Beyond the gender perspective, as we have seen in Chapter 2, translational norms specific to children’s literature can vary between the exotic and the domestication, in line with social views on children and children’s literature. As noted, however, norms in children’s literature have also evolved, and some have argued (Oittinen 1993, 2000) towards a more child- centered approach in translational norms, through creative practice. In the analytical chapters, the focus will lie in the interaction between the shifts in translational norms and other literary and social norms linked to the view on cultural values in general and on children’s literature and the child in particular, in order to examine the link between text and context.

Retranslation Hypothesis

To the extent that the corpus under consideration includes a number of translation revisions as well as retranslations, I will conclude the section on strategies with a further discussion on what has been labelled the ‘retranslation hypothesis’. The retranslation hypothesis was first addressed in an essay by Antoine Berman (1990). Retranslations are often viewed as translations implemented as a means of filling ‘the lack, the decay, the deficiency or faltering’ of the first translation (Massardier-Kenney, 2015:73). Berman suggests (1990) that it is through the initial translation, which he views as ‘blind and hesitating’, that it becomes possible to create ‘an accomplished translation’ (the retranslation). It is, however, important to consider that the first translation can be an adaptation if the target culture was not deemed ready for change, and this changes with the retranslation. Therefore, retranslations are often viewed as ‘better’ translations, and they tend notably to be considered as more source-text oriented: it is indeed deemed that initial translations are often more domesticating if the target culture is not aligned with the source culture. As cultures evolve and the transgressive force of a text diminishes, a retranslation can be more foreignising (Michał Borodo, 2020:31). In the context of Pippi and the revisions or retranslations of Lindgren’s work in German and English, this hypothesis is of particular relevance.

The notion of ‘progress’ in retranslation, however, is not universally accepted and merits further consideration. Annie Brisset (2004) criticises the notion that there are only two

111 possible outcomes of retranslations, that of ‘lack of accomplishment’ or ‘great’ translations that are put in place as an everlasting piece of work. Instead, she claims that this view of translation is ‘an ahistorical linear progression’ driven by an outmoded idea of the source text being the only source of stable meaning. Rather than viewing translations and retranslations as incomplete and inadequate, Brisset (2004) advocates a need for a case study situating each retranslation in its ‘chronotope’ and ‘intellectual ecosystem’, again confirming the link between text and context. Finally, she draws our attention to the fact that any inachèvement (lack of completion) is an essential characteristic of every representation. Massardier-Kenney (2015:81) shares this notion and claims that retranslations exist, not because the first translation is flawed, but rather ‘because they are the necessary condition for the survival of the canonical source text’ (ibid.). In this setting, cultural norms undoubtedly play a role. Toury (1999), however, suggests that retranslations set out to overcome a deficiency or fill a gap in the target system and to bring in something that was not there before. He claims that retranslation, like translation, should be considered an act of planning because it always involves an element of change, however slight, on behalf of the receiving culture. It is thus clear that (re)translation is as much a socially and a culturally embedded phenomenon as it is a textualized one. In order to be able to analyse translations and retranslations within all their complexity and with reference to different contexts and norms, I will draw on a stylistics model, which will, as already mentioned, allow a combination of bottom-up and top-down analysis and enable me to analyse the relationship between text and context, particularly also for retranslations, from a descriptive rather than teleological perspective.

Translational Stylistics

As Malmkjær has argued, the study of stylistics is different to that of “style” in that it focuses on the process of meaning-making and not just on formal occurrences. Translational Stylistics, then, tries, in line with Descriptive Translation Studies, to address the contextual reasons underpinning certain stylistic choices in the translation. Translational Stylistics hence draws together the various frameworks outlined in this chapter, from functional meaning- making to sociological analysis and descriptive translation analysis. The focus on meaning- making will link together syntactic shifts with semantic and pragmatic changes and be

112 analysed in relation to translation strategies as relevant, in my interpretation of translational choices in my corpus.

In order to give an in-depth insight into the methodology of Translational Stylistics, I will first discuss the notions of style and stylistics in more detail. Then, I will discuss the model of Translational Stylistics as developed by Malmkjær in relation to translations of Hans Christian Andersen’s fairy tales. I will analyse the potential and limits of this model and demonstrate how it will be applied to the analysis of this project.

As Boase-Beier points out (2014:4), ‘the concept of style is a complex one’. Wales (2001:371) describes style as ‘the perceived distinctive manner of expression in writing or speaking’, so a person’s or a text’s style can be characterised by specific patterns created by any of a vast range of linguistic devices. However, Boase-Beier points out (2014:4) that this definition of style begs additional questions, such as: ‘What do we understand by “perceived”’ and ‘What does “distinctive” mean’?’ In addition, when style is discussed in the context of translation, further complications arise: we are no longer dealing with one text; on the contrary, we are looking at the style of two texts, the source text and the target text. There are many scholars who have written extensively on style in translation. Geoffrey H. Leech and Michael N. Short (1981/2007) define two traditional views of style, the monist perspective, and the dualist perspective. Both Boase-Beier (2006) and Malmkjær (2003, 2004) have adopted the dualist perspective as a means of discussing style in translation. Their main focus thus lies with the style of the text (translation style) whereas scholars like Mona Baker (2000) and Gabriele Saldanha (2011) claim that rather than ‘seeing style as a way of responding to the source text, they propose to find stylistic idiosyncrasies that remain consistent across several translations by one translator despite differences among their source texts’ (Saldanha, 2014:100). In other words, their concern lies with the style of the translator. Baker was the first translation scholar to advocate the need to explore whether stylistic patterns could be ascribed to translators. Since then several scholars have taken up Baker’s challenge (Kamenická 2008; Pekkanen 2007; Winters 2004, 2007, and 2009). Munday’s work (2008) also considers translator style but brings together both source- and target- oriented approaches. Further to the discussion on style, Boase-Beier (ibid.) explains that style can be viewed from various perspectives. If style is viewed as perceived from the reader’s perspective, then we must ask ‘who is the reader?’ The reader can, according to Boase-Beier (ibid.), for example be ‘the critic or a social group’. Style can also be viewed as perceived from the writer’s perspective. In other words, we can assume that the author has made

113 specific stylistic choices. Boase-Beier concludes (ibid.) that ‘in each case [whether a source text or a translation] the style of the text can be seen in its relationship to the writer, as an expression of choice, or in its relationship to the reader, as something to be interpreted and thereby to achieve effects.’

I will be observing the role of the translator in this section where Boase-Beier states that the translator fulfils two roles. He or she is the reader of the source text and the author of the target text and, with this in mind, we are faced with the question of the translator’s interpretation of the source text. As style affects its reader, there is, as Boase-Beier (ibid.) points out ‘a need here to examine the effects of the source text’s style upon the translator.’ In her own analysis of Holocaust poetry, Boase-Beiere draws on Cognitive Stylistics to analyse this dimension of translation. Cognitive Stylistics, an approach to translated text which has flourished in recent years, offers, as its name suggests, an ‘engagement with cognitive takes on languages’ (Montoro, 2015:359). Boase-Beier claims (ibid.) that all poetry ‘does not just convey events’, but in addition, ‘it triggers emotions, and has the potential to change cognitive models and challenge unconsidered views.’ When using cognitive linguistics, and the notion of conceptual blending58, Boase-Beier (ibid.) demonstrates not just how the poem works with regard to its lexical choices but also how it works due to its silences. She claims that the silences within Holocaust poetry are of utmost importance because ‘silence is also at the heart of texts written by those who suffered (during the holocaust)’(ibid.). Boase-Beier uses cognitive stylistics as a means of trying to explain the working of such silences and to consider how these might be translated, for they ‘seem likely to present a peculiar difficult challenge to the translator (ibid.)’. In early literary stylistics (Whitehall, 1951:713), it has been suggested that ‘no literature can go beyond its language’. However, Boase-Beier (2011:167) claims that more ‘recent cognitive stylistics and poetics suggest that in fact all literature goes beyond its language.’ Once it is possible to go beyond the language, it is possible to translate ‘not just the poetry, but also the poetics’ (ibid.).

The current study will not draw on Cognitive Stylistics specifically as it seems reasonable to assume that the genre of children’s literature adopts more direct strategies to convey a message to the reader than what is outlined above regarding poetry. That said, children’s

58 Conceptual blending is, as Boase-Beier (2011:170) phrases it ‘unlike a simple metaphor where one thing is seen in terms of another (cf. Fauconnier and Turner 2002:127), a blend is not unidirectional, but bidirectional [as can be seen in Celan’s poem Espenbaum (1948/1967)]. Rather than seeing the mother as an aspen tree or the aspen tree as a mother, we try (and fail) to see them conceptually integrated in a situation where they are indistinguishable, and the mother live on in nature. 114 literature can of course be read at different levels as can be seen in Chapter 2, for instance in the example of Carroll’s Alice books which are ‘probably only comprehensible in all their ironic, humorous glory by adults’ (Malmkjær, 2016:3). Whilst this is also relevant to my analysis of Pippi, my main focus will be on Translational Stylistics and engagement with language choices and their relation to meaning-making.

The notion of stylistics as proposed by Malmkjær (2003:37), considers style in relation to the semantics of the text. This approach hence illustrates the intrinsic links between syntactic, semantic and pragmatic shifts as categorised amongst others by Chesterman (1997). According to Short ‘[t]he main aim of stylistic analysis is to try to explain how, when we read, we get from the structure of the text in front of us to the meaning ‘inside our heads’’ (Short, 1994:170). The meaning of what we read comes into being through an interpretation of the text. The interpretation is enabled as a result of linguistic choices which can be related to pragmatic, semantic and syntactic shifts. These adjustments are indeed interlinked, as Chesterman himself (1997) states. Malmkjær points out that stylistic analysis ‘may be carried out on any text, whether translated or not (and whether literary or not). It informs Translational Stylistics explicitly or implicitly, but it is not to be confused with translation stylistics’ (2003:38). What especially characterises Translational Stylistics, according to Malmkjær (ibid.), is a concern ‘to explain why, given the source text, the translation has been shaped in such a way that it comes to mean what it does.’ In other words, the interest lies in a comparison between the two texts and in explaining the relationships between them. The approach is therefore appropriate for testing out my hypothesis that certain deviations from equivalence between the Pippi source texts and their translations may be at the heart of the different receptions afforded Pippi in its different locations, and to suggest some reasons for these deviations. Malmkjær (2003:54) is clear that such suggestions remain tentative, but that they are arguably strengthened in tandem with the systematicity and regularity observed in the deviations from textual equivalence between source and target text.

In Malmkjær’s analysis of Dulcken’s translations of Andersen’s fairy tales, she suggests (2004:22) that Dulcken’s audience was clearly different from Andersen’s in being English and Victorian, and it is likely that Dulcken’s understanding of that audience and of what would seem to them acceptable reading to share with children influenced his translational decisions. This links back to functionalist perspectives, as discussed above in the framework of the Skopos Theory. Malmkjær argues therefore that Dulcken deals with religious terminology in the Andersen texts differently in different contexts. Whereas other translators

115 tended to shy away from translating religious terminology (in this case Christian terminology) and scenes altogether, Dulcken strives, it would seem, to translate as much of both of these as possible. Malmkjær concludes (2003:47) that despite Dulcken’s attempts to retain in his translation as much as possible of the religious aspects of the Andersen fairy tales, he does so with some reluctance. His reluctance lies in using ‘religious terminology that refers directly to the deity’ (ibid.). On further investigation, Malmkjær concludes that religious language and the religious sphere both play parts in Dulcken’s translations, but that the parts they play in the translations are different to the parts they play in their original texts. Much as some of these differences between the two texts can be explained by way of ‘reference to linguistic good manners’, and others as ‘reflecting differences between what Danish and English society in the first half of the 19th Century were able to accept as appropriate conceptions of the relationship between humanity and the divine’ (ibid.), this does not give us the full story. Malmkjær demonstrates that there are fifty-nine cases where the word Gud (God) appears in its original text. In its translation the word has either not been translated or it has been translated by ‘his abode.’ It would therefore seem appropriate to suggest that the explanation to be found for this would lie in some form of genre restriction. However, on investigation, Malmkjær concludes that this explanation does not explain fully the linguistic choices implemented by Dulcken; because there are also fifty-one cases where the original references to God are translated. Therefore, the genre-orientated explanation cannot be correct, and Malmkjær reaches the conclusion that ‘Dulcken’s concern appears to be the presentation in his translations of a universe in which the secular world and its inhabitants with their concerns are kept at a respectful distance from the heavenly regions’ (ibid), but also a concern that manifests itself in the fact that he (Dulcken) cannot allow for religious terminology and behaviour (such as praying) to occur in contexts where magic also occurs.

Malmkjær’s analysis of Dulcken’s translations indicates that a translator may, to certain degrees, manipulate a source text consciously in order for it to accord with the norms of the culture into which it is translated. In my project, I am also interested in gaining an understanding of the reasons as to why a translator’s linguistic choices have been implemented and what their impact has been both with regard to social and literary norms as well as adjustments in translational norms.

The model offers a comprehensive methodological tool that combines different levels of analysis and sheds lights on meaning-making processes with an attention to both text and

116 context. The stylistic analysis will be suitable for my project because it accounts for both micro-changes and their broader patterns, in a non-reductive and non-teleological manner. Whilst not engaging directly with the actors and functions of translation, as is for instance the case in Skopos Theory, it will allow to link to these broader frameworks of possible institutionalised interventions as well as unconscious norms, as studied in Chapter 2 in particular. In this project, the stylistics analysis is as such embedded within a broader consideration of the general stakes of children’s literature and its evolving contexts. With a view to deepening and triangulating data from the stylistics analysis, I will moreover integrate a paratextual perspective, that also considers the presentation of Pippi through illustrations and editorial presentation. The study of paratext is indeed of significance to our understanding of the representation of Pippi.

In conclusion the analysis of the Pippi translations that will follow in Chapters 5 and 6 contains a textual analysis carried out through the Translational Stylistics methodology, focusing on how translators deal with particular aspects of the source text within specific contexts. I will hence observe translational choices and their role in the process of meaning- making in relation to the target audiences. Translational choices will be considered on the levels of semantic, syntactic and pragmatic shifts as outlined by Chesterman and I will aim to see how these levels interconnect in terms of meaning-making, on a qualitative level, and how this relates to contextual elements and translation strategies and norms. This combined and comparative approach, drawing on the Translational Stylistics model, will allow me to analyse the translational choices and “adjustments” of Lindgren’s original Pippi of 1945 for specific (child) audiences and cultural contexts in post-war West Germany (1949), for British readerships (1954) and for the East German readership (1975). Further, it will offer diachronic perspectives through looking at later ‘adjustments’ and retranslations/reediting of Lindgren’s original Pippi of 1945 Sweden. This will build towards a new understanding of the translation of children’s literatures in the respective contexts and of the representation of Pippi in particular.

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Chapter 5 Analysis of the British English Translations of Pippi

Introduction

In this chapter and in Chapter 6, I will analyse the first published translations of Pippi in the UK, West and East Germany. This chapter will look at the first British translation (Oxford University Press, 1954) whilst the East (Kinderbuchverlag Berlin, 1975) and Western German (Oetinger Verlag, 1949) translations of Lindgren’s Pippi Longstocking will be considered in the next chapter. In both chapters I will include some diachronic comparative perspectives with retranslations and reeditions. For comparative purposes with the British version, I will also include some comments on the American translation, which has, as detailed in Chapter 1, been the initial point of reference for the British translation.

The aim of the analysis in Chapters 5 and 6 is, as outlined in Chapter 1, to consider how Pippi has been represented in and through translation in the British and German contexts; and how this representation may relate to her reception there. As explained in Chapter 4, I will adopt a translational stylistics approach, situated within Descriptive Translation Studies, in combination with relevant linguistic and sociological frameworks in order to examine the intersection between different norms and strategies, including in the context of retranslation. The analysis of stylistic changes will clarify the representation of Pippi within the target culture and the text itself.

The analyses of the respective translations will focus on recurrent and meaningful stylistic choices and shifts in each target text: they are therefore adapted to specific cases and the focus on meaningful features may vary accordingly. The structure of the chapter will rely on Chesterman’s division between syntactic, semantic and pragmatic shifts and this categorisation, as well as the Hallidayan framework and relevant narratological and cultural references, will be used to underpin the analysis of specific shifts. The connections and overlaps between these levels will be highlighted with a view to demonstrating how the respective choices contribute to, or play a role in, the process of meaning-making. As argued in the translational stylistic approach, all levels are indeed related to processes of meaning- making, as changes in syntax identified at the structural level impact on the organisation and emphasis of information, as argued in critical linguistics models, whilst the semantic and pragmatic levels will relate directly to sociological frameworks and concepts such as literary and cultural norms, particularly within children’s literature. The combined analysis will serve

118 to illustrate how the various adjustments affect the representation and reception of Pippi, with the stylistic approach and contextualisation process allowing for a descriptive rather than a teleological approach to retranslations. Ahead of the translational stylistics’ analysis, I will also discuss the paratextual features of the translation to consider the framing and presentation of the text in a diachronic perspective.

In the translational analysis of the English version in this chapter, I will present the examples used alongside the German translations for comparative purposes. I will only comment briefly on the German translations as relevant as a point of reference to the English translation; the German translations will be the focus of Chapter 6. Within a translational stylistics’ analysis, the selection of examples will privilege shifts and stylistic choices which are ‘meaningful’, rather than purely linguistically determined, in terms of representation. The comparison with the retranslations will also allow a critical perspective on this distinction. Examples from the 2007 retranslation will be presented alongside those from the 1954 translation, and the American examples will be presented in a separate section at the end of the chapter.

Paratextual Presentation

Whilst not part of the textual translation, the paratextual presentation and illustrations contribute to the process of meaning-making in translation, as well as to marketing the text within a certain genre and with regard to a certain audience. Therefore, they play a relevant part in Pippi’s representation and cast light on the transformations the protagonist has undergone. Kümmerling-Meibauer claims (2007) however that little focus among scholars has been placed on the representation of Lindgren’s works through their illustrations. Many different illustrations are nevertheless available of Pippi and ‘are even often used as a selling point.’ For background information about the source-text, Kümmerling-Meibauer reminds us (ibid.) that the very first illustrations of Pippi were created by Lindgren herself. These are now available in Lindgren’s first manuscript ‘Ur-Pippi’. With regard to the published Swedish illustrations by Vang Nyman, Kümmerling-Meibauer (ibid.) comments that these ignore the rules of gravity in their moving of objects. She therefore refers to Vang Nyman’s artistic style as primitive, referring to the naïve drawing style in the first half of the 20th Century: ‘Europäische Künstler fühlten sich Ende des 19. Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts zur

119 sog. primitiven Kunst hingezogen’ (European artists were attracted towards the so-called primitive art of the late 19th and early 20th Centuries) and therefore it is understandable that ‘[e]inige signifikante Merkmale dieser Kunstströmungen tauchen bei Vang Nyman auf, z.B. in der Illustration, die Pippi und die beiden Polizisten bei der Verfolgungsjagd auf dem Dach zeigt.’ ([s]ome significant features of these artistic directions are used by Vang Nyman, e.g. in the illustration showing Pippi and the two police officers in the chase on the roof).

The illustrations for the British translation of Pippi Longstocking were initially done by Richard Kennedy as, according to Berry (2013:319), John Bell from Oxford University Press who was responsible for the publication of Pippi in English, preferred to use a British artist for the illustrations, rather than Vang Nyman who was Lindgren’s preferred choice. Much later, in the 1990s when Oxford University Press wanted to fine edit the Pippi trilogy for its paper reprints (Berry 2013: 356) Lindgren comments (letter to Heapy):

As to the illustrations: I agree with Puffin that they are ugly … I think the Swedish illustrations are the best of the many I have seen. I enclose a picture of the Swedish Pippi, she looks at least as if she managed to live along with a horse and a monkey, which Mr Kennedy’s Pippi does not. [..]59

Nearly two years after the first translation was completed, Bell sent Richard Kennedy, an accomplished artist with a fine CV and already known to Bell, a copy of the British translation as well as a copy of the Swedish text. Bell knew what he wanted in the way of illustrations and as Berry states he ‘directed Kennedy to use a style ‘with rather stronger simpler line than your usual work – no shading’’60 (2013:320). When Bell received the finished work from Kennedy six months later, his response was positive: ‘I think the result will be delightful’61 (2013:320). In March 1954 Lindgren, having heard of Pippi’s imminent British publication, wrote to Bell to express her interest. However, she had to wait until November of the same year for a copy to give her verdict (2013: 320): ‘I think the English edition is splendid to look at. I am very glad to say so and let us pray the critics will find the content satisfactory, too.’62 It appears that Lindgren either liked the illustrations or that she is

59 Ibid, letter, Astrid Lindgren to ‘Friends at OUP’, 1st August 1990. 60 Oxford University Press, 182/000899, Pippi Longstocking, letter, John Bell to Richard Kennedy, 18th June 1953. 61 Ibid, letter, John Bell to Richard Kennedy, 8th December 1953. 62 Ibid, letter, Astrid Lindgren to John Bell, 24th November 1954. 120 exercising caution, realising that if Pippi were to be published in the UK, she would have to express her opinion carefully. Berry states in a footnote relating to the above quotation:

Unfortunately the editorial files contain little more about the initial British reception of Pippi in the UK, and confine themselves to the negotiation of TV, film, theatre, recording and radio rights during the 1960s and 1970s, as well as the sale of paperback rights to Puffin in the late 1970s (2013: 374).

For the analysis of the illustrations in the English translation, I will first discuss Goodwin- Andersson’s work (2015) which compares the American illustration from 1950 by Louis S. Glanzman and the British illustrations from 1954 by Richard Kennedy to the original Swedish illustrations63 by the Danish illustrator Ingrid Vang Nyman. I will then look at Nikolajeva’s study (2011) of the UK illustrations by Kennedy (1954) and of the more recent drawings by Tony Ross (2000) for a later edition of this translation and those by Lauren Child’s in Nunnally’s retranslation from 2007.

In her analysis of the original, American and English versions, Goodwin-Andersson refers to the kitchen scene from Chapter 1, where Pippi is baking pancakes for her new friends Tommy and Annika.

63 Lindgren illustrated Ur-Pippi, her very first manuscript, herself. 121

Figure 3 Viking Press 1950 © Louis S. Glanzman

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Figure 4 OUP 1954 © Richard Kennedy

Figure 5 © Ingrid Vang Nyman

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She observes that the three illustrations under examination vary greatly from one another. The Swedish illustrations depict a real sense of chaos: Pippi juggling the art of tossing pancakes, frying pan in the air, broken egg in her hair, standing on one leg. Her two new friends are clearly enjoying the moment, sitting on the wood basket laughing. The kitchen is depicted with the finest details of a real muddle, ‘there is a hook sticking out of a teddy, […] an axe wedged in the wall, pots, pans, trowels, eggs and flour on the floor and the little monkey, Herr Nilsson hides from the chaos underneath a pancake’ (2015:180). In the American illustrations, we experience a somewhat toned-down version as we are introduced to a very adult-like Pippi who oozes confidence; standing on a chair, one foot on the oven. Chaos and defiance still prevail, but this is predominantly depicted through the typical state of affairs baking and cooking can cause. The English illustrations, then, are spread over two pages and are intertwined with the text. ‘Pippi stands on the right-hand side and throws pancakes over the text to Tommy and Annika, who are positioned on the left-hand page. The effect draws both text and paratext into the chaos’ (ibid.). The illustrations may thus evoke a somewhat different character or situation, whilst maintaining similarities. Furthermore, Goodwin-Andersson draws attention to the fact that there are occasions where neither the Swedish nor the American versions have illustrations, whereas the British version illustrates the scene. This happens for example in the scene in Chapter 2 where Pippi gets into a fight.

Figure 6 OUP 1954 © Richard Kennedy

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Figure 7 OUP 1954 © Richard Kennedy

Figure 8 Rabén and Sjögren 1945 © Ingrid Vang Nyman

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Figure 9 Rabén and Sjögren 1945 © Ingrid Vang Nyman

Figure 10 Oetinger Verlag 1949 © Walter Scharnweber

The English version adds two illustrations, and Goodwin-Andersson suggests (ibid.) that ‘the acceptability of fighting in the UK children’s literature is both higher in terms of text and paratext.’ As a means of supporting this notion, Goodwin-Andersson draws our attention to the fact that in Chapter 7, it is only within the UK and Swedish versions that Pippi wrestling 126 the almighty Adolph is illustrated; the American version does not depict this. Finally, in Chapter 2, where Pippi lies on the floor baking, both the English and the Swedish versions illustrate a sense of chaos; the American version has omitted the illustration.

Figure 11 Rabén and Sjögren 1945 © Ingrid Vang Nyman

Figure 12 OUP 1954 © Richard Kennedy

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Figure 13 Oetinger Verlag 1949 © Walter Scharnweber

Figure 14 OUP 2007 © Lauren Child

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Pippi’s representation thus varies considerably in the illustrations between the three languages in Goodwin-Andersson’s research. Depending on the illustrator, there may be a more or less chaotic world depicted, and a more or less mature and confident protagonist.

The analysis provided by Nikolajeva (2011:125-136) deals with multimodal character constructions in Lindgren’s works. Firstly, it explores how illustrations contribute to the readers’ assessment of character. There are instances, though not many, in Lindgren’s work where illustrations are used as a ‘counterpoint rather than a mere decoration’ (ibid.). As an example, a few pages into the story, we are introduced to Tommy and Annika, who are to become Pippi’s best friends. The text introduces ‘somewhat sarcastically’ (ibid.) Tommy and Annika to its reader by stating how good, well brought up and obedient these children are. ‘Tommy never bit his nails’ (1954:4). In the illustrations however, there is Tommy busily biting his fingernails.

Figure 15 Rabén and Sjögren 1945 © Ingrid Vang Nyman

The outcome of such counterpoints is that ‘[n]ot only does characterization become more complex when words and images contradict each other, but the author’s subtle irony is also substantially enhanced by the image’ (Nikolajeva, 2011:125). In other words, the child who is portrayed as ideal is already deconstructed in the image.

Secondly, Nikolajeva (ibid.) also points out how the front cover of the book differs from language to language and even from edition to edition.

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Figure 16 Rabén and Sjögren © Ingrid Vang Nyman

Figure 17 Oetinger Verlag 1949 © Walter Scharnweber

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Figure 18 Viking Press 1950 © Louis S. Glanzman

Figure 19 OUP 1954 © Richard Kennedy

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Figure 20 Kinderbuchverlag Berlin 1975 © Katrin Engelking

Figure 21 OUP 2007 © Lauren Child

Before we get to read any of Lindgren’s carefully created text, where she details Pippi’s hair colour and compares it to that of a carrot whilst likening her nose to that of a potato, we have

132 in fact already met the protagonist on the front cover of the book. On the cover of the first edition of the Swedish book, ‘Pippi [is] facing the viewer with half her face cut off and her conspicuous red braid sticking out’ (ibid). It is Herr Nilsson, her monkey, who dominates the page. Nikolajeva (ibid.) suggests that perhaps we can assess the monkey as ‘Pippi’s foremost attribute, a reflection of her essence, her daemon […]64. Thus, the cover tells us something about Pippi in a mediated, metaphorical manner.’ As Pippi’s stockings do not feature on the cover, we are left with a sense of curiosity about her name. On subsequent edition covers, Pippi appears as the character with whom most Swedish and Danish readers would be familiar: the Pippi dressed in her homemade Bohemian dress, her different coloured socks and oversized clown-like shoes. Pippi is carrying her horse with such ease that there can be no doubt that Pippi is ‘the strongest girl in the world’ (ibid.) ‘and if Mr Nilsson could from the earlier cover be representing Pippi’s inner trait, the horse instead emphasises her physical capability’, which also still has a metaphorical value. One detail to which Nikolajeva draws our attention with regard to the paratextual changes in translation, is the presence or absence of Pippi’s underwear which, on the Swedish cover and inside the book, is revealed. In the English version, however, there is never an illustration of ‘the unmentionable’ (ibid.). In fact, in the English version, ‘on several covers her lower regions are cut off altogether. […] In the

64 The notion of the daemon is presumably a reference to Philip Pullman’s Northern Lights (1995). 133

American version, S. Glanzman’s illustrations, however, the chequered knickers do appear inside the book.

Figure 22 Viking Press 1950 © Louis S. Glanzman

Figure 23 Viking Press 1950 © Louis S. Glanzman

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Figure 24 Viking Press 1950 © Louis S. Glanzman There are minor inconsistencies in the images within the American version. The patches on Pippi’s dress change from red to green: in Chapter 3, where she plays tag with the police, she appears to have changed her knickers ‘between sitting on the roof and carrying the policemen away. She has also managed to put on an apron’ (ibid.). It appears that Pippi often changes her socks so that the brown sock is sometimes on the left, sometimes on the right and vice versa with the black stocking. This might be an indication of Pippi’s versatility.

Finally, Nikolajeva’s analysis also focuses on the matter of age. As she states (ibid), the reader learns, relatively early in the text, that Pippi is 9 years old, but equally the viewer has already seen illustrations of Pippi, and these vary considerably from version to version. In Hurup’s British edition and Glanzman’s American edition, Pippi is portrayed as much older looking than Vang Nyman’s original images depict. In fact, it could be argued, as Nikolajeva suggests (ibid.), that Pippi is portrayed to look more like a teenager as a means of excusing her antiauthoritarian behaviour and ‘to some extent legitimize her living on her own.’ In a later edition from 2012 of the same British translation, this time illustrated by Tony Ross65,

65 Ross’ style portrays well the sense of chaos depicted in the illustrations. 135

Pippi is depicted as even older. Compared to the slightly chubby Pippi from the Vang Nyman illustrations, she looks as if she is verging on anorexia (ibid.).

Figure 25 OUP 2012 © Tony Ross

Figure 26 OUP 2012 © Tony Ross

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Nikolajeva claims (ibid.) that on the cover of the Puffin audiobooks, Pippi looks more like an ‘unkempt lady in her twenties or even thirties.’

Figure 27 Puffin Audiobooks © Chris Riddell

On the other hand, the British retranslation by Nunnally (2007), illustrated by Lauren Child, features Pippi as much younger. As Nikolajeva expresses it (2011:130) ‘[h]er posture suggests that she is uncomfortable and shy, trying to hide her exposed flesh. She almost looks as if she needs a pee.’ This can be seen in the illustration on the front cover above. The absence of the horse and the monkey on the front cover of this newest edition, is ‘of consequence, as is the posture and facial expression of the protagonist’ (ibid.). In fact, Pippi bears such resemblance to Lola in Child’s Charlie and Lola books (2000), that it is hard to tell the protagonists apart. Child has used her artistic license to such a degree that the Pippi, so many readers would recognise from the Vang Nyman illustrations, is largely assimilated to her own literary universe in the new representation and the reader may hence establish new links with Charlie and Lola, who are largely ‘autonomous’ but – contrary to Pippi - exemplary children in the book and television series. In this context, it is also worth noting that throughout the illustrations in the book, Pippi’s horse does not appear once.

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In conclusion, illustrations being a typical feature of children’s literature, they contribute to meaning and representation, in interaction – and sometimes contradiction – with the text. As texts and illustrations are often tightly interwoven and with regard to children’s classics, it is often, as observed by Kümmerling-Meibauer (2007:19), difficult to imagine the text being separated from its illustrations. For example, the illustrations in A.A. Milne’s Winnie the Pooh or the drawings in Le petit prince (The Little Prince) by Antoine de Saint-Exupérys have become an integrated part of the story. Equally, we have come to know the stories of Pippi through an amalgamation of text and illustrations. Kümmerling-Meibauer (2007) states that although many of Lindgren’s books after 1954 were illustrated by the Swedish illustrator, Wikland, Pippi did not receive the same treatment. Pippi does not have one international illustrator, but rather, each country has its own illustrator, and in some cases several illustrators. This may raise questions with regard to characterisation if Oittinen (1993:3) is right that the relation between text and illustration is dialogic and that this relation should be taken into account when translating a children’s book into another language.

In translation, the illustrations also interact with stylistic choices and translation strategies and norms, which will be discussed in the next sections. Looking at the English translation from 1954, I will analyse shifts at the syntactic, semantic and pragmatic level.

Syntactic Shifts

Syntactic shifts refer to translational modifications which change the grammatical structure of the target text in relation to the source text. In this section, I will first give an introduction on use of punctuation, before undertaking an analysis of the translational shifts at a syntactic level. In relation to these, I shall first discuss the subcategory of unit shifts. Next, I shall analyse examples of cohesion shifts and finally discuss examples relating to sentence structure change. These categories have been implemented as part of my analysis as they all demonstrate changes in meaning-making.

5.3.1 Unit Shifts (punctuation)

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The first section focuses on unit shifts, that is changes in text units between the source and target text. The replacement of full stops by commas, or vice versa, changes the unit of the sentence. This type of modification changes the flow of the narration and may consequently present the story differently to the original text.

The first series of examples will illustrate Lindgren’s use of the full stop and how this punctuation is changed in the British translation. After that, I will analyse the opposition scenario, where commas in the source text, are replaced with full stops in the English translation. Within the first Pippi book, the translation into English has replaced full stops in the source text with commas 41 times. The example demonstrated in Table 5, shows how the meaning-making in the source text may sometimes differ from that in the target text as a result of a punctuation change.

Table 5 Unit shift

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P6: Men P2: But P5: Aber P5: Aber But Pippi But Pippi But Pippi Pippi var Pippi was Pippi war Pippi war was was quite was quite alldeles quite sure ganz ganz absolutely sure that sure that säker på that one sicher, daß sicher, daß sure that he one day he one day att han en day he er eines er eines he one day would would dag skulle would Tages Tages would come come komma come zurückko zurückko come back. She back. She tillbaka. back, for mmen mmen back. She did not did not Hon she never würde. Sie würde. Sie did not believe at believe at trodde inte believed glaubte glaubte believe at all that he all that he alls att han that he had überhaupt überhaupt all that he had could have hade drowned. nicht, daß nicht, daß had drowned. drowned. drunknat. er er drowned. ertrunken ertrunken war. sein könnte.

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In Table 5 the replacement of the full stop with a comma in the British English translation suggests that the translator has adjusted a form of punctuation frequently used by Lindgren as a means of creating suspense. By placing the final full stop in above, after ‘tillbaka’, Lindgren allows the reader/listener to stop, pause and think about what has just been said, bringing out the meaning of the text. For as Parkes states (1992:66) in relation to the influence of punctuation: ‘The function of pauses in reading aloud was not simply to provide opportunities to take breath, or to emphasize particular cadences or metres, but primarily to bring out the meaning of the text.’ In other words, in the example above, once the moment Lindgren creates, by allowing her reader to stop and think briefly, has passed, the reader is confronted with the awful fact that some people had assumed that Pippi’s father of course would never return as he had drowned. The British English translation conveys that message too, but it is diluted in its suspense because its punctuation substitutes the stark pause between Pippi’s two thoughts, created by the full stop, with the use, following a comma, of ‘for’. This calmly introduces the premise (she never believed he had drowned) for Pippi’s conclusion (she was sure he would return). If the above clause is viewed as representation, the third line of meaning set within the Hallidayan framework, we must view it as a mental clause because it is an interpretation of Pippi’s inner experiences. The second clause ‘Hon trodde inte alls att han hade drunknat’ (She did not believe that he had drowned), is the clause of interest here. It functions as a main clause in the source text as well as in the two German texts. In the British version, however, we note a ’sentence structure change’ (Chesterman, 1997), where the translator has linked the first clause ‘Men Pippi var alldeles säker på att han en dag skulle komma tilbaka.’ (But Pippi was absolutely sure that he one day would come back) by way of the paratactic conjunction ‘for’. Semantically, the function of the paratactic conjunction is to set up a relationship of expansion or projection (Halliday, 2014:81). Conjunctions are inherently thematic, and although, because they are thematic by default, they do not take up the full thematic potential of the clause, they ‘water down’ the thematicity of what follows. What follows the conjunction ‘for’, in our case ‘she’, will also have thematic status though ‘not quite as prominently as when nothing else precedes’ (ibid.). In other words, what has happened in the British version is that the Theme of the clause is shared between the conjunction, for, and the nominal group, she. Furthermore, by introducing ‘for’, the narrator/translator intrudes into the narration, telling us why Pippi was sure her father would return, emphasising her reasoning process rather than simply her thoughts, and this, along with the weakening of thematicity of ‘she’ detracts from the immediacy of the reader’s relationship with Pippi’s thoughts. 140

A further example in Table 6 demonstrates how Lindgren has created suspense in her text by using longer pauses created through the use of full stops, whereas the English translation from 1954 uses commas. The German translations maintain the exact same punctuation as seen in the source text.

Table 6 Unit shift

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P8: Hon P3: She P9: Sie P7: Sie She had She had She had hade alltid had hatte sich hatte sich always always always längtat always immer immer longed for longed for longed for efter en longed to nach nach her own her own her own egen häst. have her einem einem horse. And horse. And horse. And Och nu own horse, eigenen eigenen now he now he now he bodde han and now Pferd Pferd was living was living was living på there was gesehnt. gesehnt. on the on the on the verandan. one living Und jetzt Und jetzt veranda. veranda. veranda. on her wohnte er wohnte es

front auf der auf der porch. Veranda. Veranda.

In the example above, the substitution of the full stop to a comma can be viewed as a unit shift (Chesterman, 1997). In the source text, two main clauses are presented side by side with a full stop making a clear divide between the two. In the English translation, however, the two main clauses have been placed either side of a comma and in doing so, a cohesion change (Chesterman 1997) has taken place: ‘and now there was one living on her front porch’ (my italics). Firstly, the personal pronoun ‘han’ (he), referring to the horse, has been replaced with ‘there was one’. A further cohesion change takes place in the last part of the clause, where ‘verandan’ (the veranda) (my italics), changes to ‘her front porch’ (my italics). Such translational adjustments lead to a slightly different representation. The horse has lost his personality and an emphasis has been placed on the fact that the veranda belongs to Pippi. The focus hence shifts to the veranda more than the horse, whilst Pippi’s close relationship with the horse receives less emphasis. In Nunnally’s retranslation (2007:10) the ‘och’ has

141 been omitted but attention has been drawn to the horse by fronting the sentence with the personal pronoun ‘he’ thus bringing the retranslation closer to the source text.

Table 7 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

OUP 1954 OUP 2007

P3: She had always longed to have her own P10: She had always longed to have her horse, and now there was one living on her own horse. He now lived on the porch. front porch.

In the next example, in Table 8, I view another unit shift, where a full stop has been replaced by a comma, in combination with the switch to the past progressive.

Table 8 Unit shift

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P10: Pippi P5: Pippi P13: Pippi P8: Pippi Pippi Pippi Pippi gick gatan went on ging die ging die walked walked walked fram. Hon down the Straße Straße along the along the along the gick med street, entlang. entlang. street. She street. She street. She det ena walking Sie ging Sie ging walked walked walked benet på with one mit dem mit dem with one with one with one trottoaren foot on the einen Bein einen Bein foot on the foot on the foot on the och det pavement auf dem auf dem pavement pavement pavement andra i and the Bürgerstei Bürgerstei and the and the and the rännstenen other in g und mit g und mit other in other in other in . the gutter. dem dem the gutter. the gutter. the gutter. anderen im anderen im

Rinnstein. Rinnstein.

In the example in Table 8, Hurup makes use of the past progressive ‘walking’ which can be used when connecting a clause to another as a means of avoiding using the connective ‘and’. Here however, there is no ‘and’ to be replaced and it would have been perfectly possible to

142 punctuate the English text in the same way as the Swedish. The source text and the two German translations all use the simple past ‘gick’/’ging’ in both sentences. There is therefore a repetition in the source text as well as in the two German translations of vocabulary which reinforces Pippi’s action and its oddity. In the British version ‘Pippi went on down the street, walking with one foot on the pavement and the other in the gutter’ the organisation of the clause differs significantly from the source text. Within the Hallidayan framework, whereas the original text consists of two separate, independent material clauses, the British version consists of only one clause. The clause is material and is realised by the Process went mapped as simple past, the Participant Pippi and a prepositional phrase on down the street locating this circumstantial element in referential space (Halliday, 2014:178). This first clause reflects the grammatical structure of the source text. When we move into what in the original text is represented as a second material clause containing Process, Participant and prepositional phrase, it becomes clear that the British translation makes use of a hypotactic extension (Halliday, 2014:408) of an imperfective clause where the structure in Hallidayan terms is: ɑ +ß: ‘ǀǀǀ We used to go away at the weekend, ǀǀ taking all the gear with us. ǀǀǀ’ (2014:409). Non- finite clauses are often introduced by prepositions or prepositional groups functioning conjunctively, however, with additive and adversative variations, there may be no conjunctive expression; ‘such clauses are therefore identical with non-finite elaboration clauses, except that in speech they are not marked by tone concord’. Halliday (ibid.) uses the following example to demonstrate this point: ‘ǀǀǀ So she wandered on, ǀǀ talking to herself as she went. ǀǀǀ (‘and talked’).’ In other words, the British translation can be read as an additive, non-finite elaborating (bound) clause extension of the first (free) clause. It informs the reader of the manner of Pippi’s progress ahead. It is circumstantial in the sense that it tells us the manner of her going and as such we can view this phenomenon as circumstance as minor process (Halliday, 2014:277). Much as the status as circumstance is often expressed through prepositional phrases, there is a close relationship between prepositional phrases and non- finite dependent clauses as can be seen in the example taken from Halliday (2014:277) ‘he cleaned the floor with a mop ~ using a mop’. The example expressed in Table 8 equally uses this construction and as such the meaning of the clause has become circumstantial, acting on the peripheral in the experiential structure of the clause. When viewing the example of the British translation within Halliday’s model of central and peripheral element in the experiential structure of the clause, it appears that the reader is dealing with two slightly different types of meaning: the source text places equal emphasis on both clauses whereas the British translation places its main focus on the beginning of the clause and interprets the 143 second clause in the source text as a non-obligatory augmentation anchored to the peripheries; such adjustments lead to a change of the source text. The fact that the personal pronoun has been removed places less emphasis on the actor of the clause. As a result of such changes, a relative shift in representation of character occurs. We note again in Nunnally’s retranslation (2007:14) in Table 9 that it has not been exposed to such adjustments and therefore it stays close to the source text.

Table 9 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

OUP 1954 OUP 2007

P5: Pippi went on down the street, walking P14: Pippi set off up the street. She walked with one foot on the pavement and the other with one foot on the pavement and the other in the gutter. in the gutter.

Table 10 demonstrates another unit shift, whereby the English translation opts for a relative subordinate clause. Below I shall analyse the examples as a means of seeing how these shifts affect the representation of the scene, which depicts Pippi with her friends on their way up into the attic.

Table 10 Unit shift

Swedish British West German East German My My My Source Text English Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P132: P116: P200: P91: Tommy Tommy Tommy Tommy Tommy Thomas Thomas held on held on held on höll ett held on hielt Pippi hielt Pippi firmly to firmly to firmly to stadigt tag tightly to ganz fest, ganz fest, Pippi and Pippi and Pippi and i Pippi. Pippi and und und Annika Annika Annika Och Annika Annika Annika even more even more even more Annika ett held on hielt hielt firmly to firmly to firmly to ändå even more Thomas Thomas Tommy. Tommy. Tommy. stadigare i tightly to noch noch Then they Now they Now they Tommy. Tommy. fester. Nun fester. Nun walked up walked up walked up Så gick de Then they gingen sie gingen sie the stairs. the stairs. the stairs. uppför went up die Treppe die Treppe It creaked It creaked It creaked trappan. the stairs, hinauf. Es hinauf. Es and and and

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Det which knarrte und knarrte und groaned for groaned for groaned for knakade creaked knackte bei knackte bei each step each step. each step. och and jedem jedem they took. knarrade groaned at Schritt. Schritt. för varje every step. steg de tog.

At the end of the quote, Hurup has introduced a relative subordinate clause in the British translation ‘which creaked …’. The translation makes the transition between the text parts separated by the comma smoothly rational, in place of the source text’s separate intense impression of suspense. The relative pronoun ‘which’ introduces the relative clause. One of the functions of a relative clause is expansion (Halliday, 2014:377). In expansion ‘[t]he secondary clause extends the primary clause, by (a) elaborating it, (b) extending it or (c) enhancing it’ (ibid.); here we must view the relative pronoun as extending in that it adds further information to the first clause. The information that is added, is that the stairs creaked and groaned. In the German translations, the personal pronoun ‘Es’ (It), the Theme of the clause, demonstrates that it does not refer to the stairs creaking and groaning, because had that been the case, it would have had to use the feminine relative pronoun ‘sie’ (she) as staircase (Treppe) is feminine in German. In the Swedish text, Det knakade och knarrade för varje steg de tog (It creaked and groaned for each step they took), an impersonal structure is used, which is open to interpretation and draws attention to the noise itself. Instead of specifying where the noise comes from, Lindgren leaves her audience to be the interpreter. As the text unfolds, the reader learns that there were thought to be ghosts in the attic by Pippi, though Pippi has never seen them. Therefore, Lindgren’s clause construction seems deliberate, and its function is to build up the suspense by attributing the noise to the staircase, the English translation reduces this willing suspense of disbelief. As a result, a somewhat less eventful and exciting storyline unfolds. As already mentioned, the German translations both follow the source text closely with regard to the sentence structure, though it is noteworthy that none of the three translations respects the Swedish sentence opener ‘Och’ (And) in the previous sentence. Instead they have placed a comma and carried on the sentence with the ‘and’/’und’. In Nunnally’s retranslation (2007:197) demonstrated in Table 11, we see again how close it remains to the source text.

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Table 11 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

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P116: Tommy held on tightly to Pippi and P197: Tommy kept a tight grip on Pippi. Annika held on even more tightly to And Annika kept an even tighter grip on Tommy. Then they went up the stairs, Tommy. Then they went up the stairs. There which creaked and groaned at every step. was a creaking and squeaking with every step they took.

The final example in the analysis of unit shifts in Tables 12 and 13 replaces full stops with commas, causing the two main clauses in the source text to be reduced to one main clause with the attachment of a circumstantial element. The analysis discusses the impact such alterations may have on the translation and to what extent they influence the representation of Pippi as a character.

Table 12 Unit shift

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P10: Om P5: In a P13: Nach P8: Nach After a After a After a en stund moment einer einer while she while she while she kom hon she Weile kam Weile kam came came came tillbaka. returned, sie zurück. sie zurück. back. And back. But back. But Och nu walking Aber jetzt Aber jetzt now she now she now she gick hon backwards ging sie ging sie was was was baklänges. . […] P5: Rückwärts Rückwärts walking walking walking […] . […] P13: . backwards backwards backwards ‘Why am I P11: „Warum OMISSIO […] […] . walking ”Varför ich N ‘Why I OMISSIO backwards ‘Why I jag gick rückwärtsg walked N ?’ said walked baklänges? egangen backwards Pippi. backwards ” sa Pippi. bin?“ ?’, asked ‘This is a ?’, asked ”Lever vi sagte Pippi. free Pippi. inte i ett Pippi. ‘Don’t we country, ‘Don’t we fritt land Leben wir live in a isn’t it? live in a kanske?” etwa nicht free free

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in einem country country freien perhaps?’ perhaps?’ Land?“

Hurup has once again made use of the past progressive ‘walking’ instead of using a full stop like the source text does. In doing so, she has obscured the strength of Tommy and Annika’s astonishment; and the second clause in the source text has been reduced to a mere circumstantial element. Just after this stretch of text, Tommy and Annika ask Pippi why she is walking backwards, and as seen in the table above, Pippi explains that everyone is at liberty to walk as they please. The source text is thus built up like a crescendo to the climax which makes a subversive claim about freedom, strongly resonating in post Second World War Sweden. Much as Sweden was neutral during this war, it was wedged in between the Nazis on its Western side and the Russians on its Eastern side, as expressed by Lindgren in her War Diaries and quoted by Andersen (2014:187), it did suffer the pressure, as has already been mentioned in Chapter 3. Lindgren may thus use Pippi as a vehicle for showing her audience that Sweden has regained its freedom. This context cannot necessarily be retained in the translation, but by removing the punctuation and sub-lining the clause as peripheral, the British translation also downplays Pippi’s independent spirit, again impacting on the representation of the character. The first series of shifts in punctuation from a full stop to a comma thus, on the whole, contribute to slight changes in suspense or atmosphere and in the representation of the character as a free and independent spirit. In Nunnally’s retranslation, she manages to maintain Pippi’s unusual characteristics, both by way of preserving the syntax and word order, but also by creating a playful way with the language, where the word backwards is presented in mirror image. We thus see an example of an active intervention that does not feature anywhere else and we note how the language is used in an innovative manner to highlight Pippi’s characteristics. Rather than toning down Pippi’s personality, Nunnally draws our attention to it.

Table 13 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

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P5: In a moment she returned, walking P14-16: After a while she came back. Now backwards. […] P5: she was walking sbrawkcad. ‘Why was I walking backwards?’ said Pippi. ‘Don’t we live in a free country?

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‘Why am I walking backwards?’ said Pippi. ‘This is a free country, isn’t it?

The opposite change of replacing commas with full stops also occurs in the British translation. It is a way of changing the length of a pause but can, as demonstrated in the next selection of examples, impact on the process of meaning-making in the translation.

Table 14 Unit shift

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P9: …, P4: …, but P10: …, P7: …, ‘…, but ‘…, but ‘…, but men de they had aber sie aber sie they had they had they had hade ofta often hatten sich hatten sich often often often önskat sig wished for oft einen oft einen wished for wished for wished for en a Spielkame Spielkame a friend, a friend, a friend, lekkamrat, playmate. raden raden and the and at the and at the och den At the gewünscht gewünscht time when time when time when tiden då time when , und zu , und zu Pippi was Pippi was Pippi was Pippi Pippi der Zeit, der Zeit, still sailing still sailing still sailing fortfarande always als Pippi als Pippi the sea the sea the sea seglade sailed the noch mit noch mit with her with her with her omkring seas with ihrem ihrem daddy, father, father, på havet her father, Vater auf Vater auf they had they had they had med sin they dem Meer dem Meer often used sometimes sometimes pappa would herumsege herumsege to stand stood by stood by brukade de sometimes lte, lte, and hang the garden the garden ibland stå hang on standen sie standen sie out by the fence and fence and och hänga the fence mitunter mitunter fence and said: …’ said: …’ vid and say to am am say to each staketet each other, Gartenzau Gartenzau other: …’ och säga … n und n und till sagten: … sagten: …

148 varandra: ...

In this example demonstrated in Table 14, taken from chapter one in the Pippi book, the narrator is telling a story seen from Tommy and Annika’s perspective, the children from the neighbouring house to Pippi’s house Ville Villekulla. In Table 14 there is an urgency about the message being conveyed: the message that the children had really longed for a friend. The stretch of text comes across in the Swedish source text as a constant stream of thoughts expressed with great insistence. In the source text, the first structural link is marked by the structural conjunction ‘och’ (and). The structural conjunction develops a temporal sequence ‘den tiden då Pippi fortfarande seglade omkring på havet med sin pappa’ (the time when Pippi was still sailing the sea with her daddy), and then it finishes by moving into a main clause. The British translation makes the temporal sequence more prominent by making it the theme and by foregrounding the theme. The Swedish source text narrates the events in a less formal manner where the most significant object of the narrative is to convey Tommy and Annika’s thoughts through the narrator. It is after all through Tommy and Annika’s eyes that we see Pippi at this point in the narrative. This is reflected in the structure of the sentence, in which the initial clause focuses on Tommy and Annika, and the second begins by focusing, through the thematised adverbial (which itself includes a so-called rank-shifted clause), on Pippi before introducing Tommy and Annika in the process in which they are actors. The implications for the representation of the characters are that Tommy and Annika are the more central figures in the narration.

In the example demonstrated in Table 15 below, several shifts take place. Firstly, we will analyse the impact of the full stop substitution and then view the cohesion shifts noted with regard to personal pronouns as well as relative clauses becoming circumstantial elements.

Table 15 Unit shift

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P9: Det P5: She P11: Das P8: Das It was the It was the It was the var den was the war das war das strangest strangest strangest märkvärdi most merkwürdi merkwürdi girl girl that girl that gaste curious gste gste Tommy Tommy Tommy

149 flicka child Mädchen, Mädchen, and and and Tommy Tommy das das Annika Annika Annika och and Thomas Thomas had seen, had yet had yet Annika Annika und und and it was seen, and seen, and hade set, had seen. Annika je Annika je Pippi it was it was och det var It was gesehen gesehen Longstock Pippi Pippi Pippi Pippi hatten, und hatten, und ing who Longstock Longstock Långstrum Longstock es war es war was ing who ing who p som gick ing going Pippi Pippi entering was was ut på for a Langstrum Langstrum out on her entering entering morgonpro morning pf, die zu pf, die zu morning out on her out on her menad. walk. ihrem ihrem walk. morning morning Morgensp Morgensp walk. walk. aziergang aziergang heraus herauskam kam. .

In the example above, the comma and the ‘och’ (and) have been replaced by a full stop. The full stop breaks the flow of the narrative. As discussed under the example in Table 14 above, the urgency of the delivery of the message is again toned down in the English translation due to the longer pause implemented as a result of the full stop substitution. The German translations retain the flow; but they emphasise and heighten Tommy and Annika's astonishment and excitement with "je" (ever) which is not in the original. On the semantic level, we can also note a hyponym change in this example, as Hurup has replaced ‘girl’ with ‘child’. This adjustment offers a more inclusive semantic nominal group in that the author does not specify the gender of the child and therefore it makes Pippi gender neutral. In the first clause within the source text, the narration takes form through focalisation where the reader initially is observing through Tommy and Annika’s experience (It was the strangest girl Tommy and Annika had seen,); in the second clause, however, (and it was Pippi Longstocking who was entering out on her morning walk.) we are back with the narrator’s voice solely, who is telling the reader who Pippi is. The English clause is circumstantial, intensive and identifying (Halliday, 2014:239). The relative clause in the source text ‘som gick ut på morgonpromenad’ (who was entering out on her morning walk) has been replaced

150 with a circumstantial element (going for a morning walk), where this addition is a non-finite form of hypotactic extending an imperfective clause. These adjustments create a less descriptive and less informative clause and represent less of a seemingly magical appearance.

In the retranslation (2007:12) a significant semantic adjustment occurs, as the gender perspective is re-established, and child becomes girl. The 2007 hence emphasises Pippi’s unique and unconventional nature whilst not downplaying her gender.

Table 16 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

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P5: She was the most curious child Tommy P12. ‘She was the strangest girl Tommy and and Annika had seen. It was Pippi Annika had seen …’ (my italics) Longstocking going for a morning walk.

The final example of unit shifts can be linked to the question of intended cultural readership.

Table 17 Unit shift

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P26: Bengt P18: P35: P18: Bengt had Bengt had Bengt had hade Bengt had Benno Benno hoped that hoped that hoped that hoppats att hoped she hatte hatte she should she should she should hon skulle would gehofft, gehofft, become become become bli arg eller become daß sie daß sie angry or angry or angry or börja gråta, angry or böse böse begin to begin to begin to åtminstone begin to werden werden cry, or at cry, at cry. At borde hon cry. At the würde oder least she least she least she se rädd ut. very least oder anfangen ought to ought to ought to she ought anfangen würde zu look look look to look würde zu weinen. scared. scared. scared. scared. weinen, Zum

151

zum mindesten mindesten müßte sie müßte sie ängstlich ängstlich aussehen. aussehen.

In this example, Pippi stands up for the weaker child, Ville, who is being bullied by Bengt, the ringleader of the naught crowd of boys. Bengt has just insulted Pippi because of her hair colour, calling her ‘Little Red Riding Hood’.66 The fact that Pippi is not reacting in the slightest to Bengt’s unpleasant behaviour, is winding him up. His feelings of frustration are expressed implicitly through the punctuation in the source text. There is a continuous flow of thought, and the solitary comma is used, it would seem, as a means of facilitating the reading without interrupting Bengt’s stream of thought. Both the East German version and the British translation introduce a full stop which creates two separate clauses. Within the second of these clauses in the English version, the Theme consists of a prepositional phrase ‘At the very least’ and therefore the Theme is marked. Halliday (2014:67) comments that ‘[t]he Theme of a clause is frequently marked off in speech by intonation, being spoken on a separate tone group’. This phenomenon is particularly likely to happen when the Theme is either an adverbial group or a prepositional group (as seen above) or when the Theme is a nominal group not functioning as a subject. The British as well as the East German translations achieve a focus placed upon the prepositional phrase as a result of foregrounding it as the theme. In addition, the East German version has omitted the conjugated conditional verb ‘würde’ the first time it features in the West German translation. In this case it seems that both the additional full stop and the omitted verb are put in place as a means of facilitating the reading for the young reader. The sentences are made simpler by a less complicated and also shorter sentence structure. The ‘sentence structure shift’ (Chesterman 1997) is thus linked to the child audience; similar shifts will also be observed in Chapter 6. On the level of meaning, the separation in two separate clauses underlines Bengt’s expectation by the emphasis on “at the very least”, and therefore highlights the absence of reaction in Pippi. Put differently, the emphasis has been shifted away from Pippi and the fact that she remains calm throughout this scene – an important personality trait of the protagonist who, as we have

66 The reference to the Grimms’ fairy tale will be discussed further in Chapter 6. 152 already seen in Chapter 3, is generally portrayed as kind and loving. Below in Table 18, Nunnally’s translation (2007:35) does not differ from the 1954 version with regard to the punctuation. It does, however, change ‘had hoped’ to ‘was hoping’and in so doing it places the narrative in closer immediacy.

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Table 18 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

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P18: Bengt had hoped she would become P35: Bengt was hoping that she would get angry or begin to cry. At the very least she cross and start to cry. At the very least she ought to look scared. should look scared.

In the next subsection, I shall be looking at cohesion shifts.

5.3.2 Cohesion Shifts

In this subsection I will be discussing a phenomenon referred to by Chesterman as Cohesion shift. Such shifts refer to translational changes where a translator decides to make adjustments to the source text by way of affecting intra-textual reference, ellipsis, substitution, pronominalisation and repetition, or the use of connectors of various kinds. I will examine one example of this type of shift and its effect on the intra-textual reference.

Table 19 Cohesion shift

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P129: Herr P112: Mr P195: P89: Herr Mr Mr Mr Nilsson Nelson Herr Nilsson Nilsson Nilsson Nilsson gjorde made no Nilsson machte made no made no made no inga effort to machte keine effort to effort to effort to ansatser invite keine Anstalten, invite invite invite att bjuda Annika, so Anstalten, Annika Annika, so Annika, Annika, upp she simply Annika aufzuforde Annika and and Annika, så lifted him aufzuforde rn, und lifted him Annika Annika Annika up and rn, und Annika resolutely lifted him lifted him tog helt brought Annika hob ihn up on to resolutely resolutely resolut och him along. hob ihn entschloss the table. up and led up and led lyfte fram entschloss en hoch

154 honom till en hoch und führte him to the him to the bordet. und führte ihn zu table. table. ihn zu Tisch.

Tisch. The repetition of the name Annika not only clarifies who is picking up Mr Nelson but also draws the reader closer to Annika. Annika’s personality has developed throughout the book – more so than Pippi’s – and she has become more independent. It could be argued that the impact of this cohesion shift is that the Swedish source text emphasises independence more that the British translation. The changes in cohesion in the example may have been stylistically motivated to avoid a repetition, but it alters the text in subtle – and perhaps in this case unintended – ways, demonstrating again how stylistic choices can be linked, directly or indirectly, to processes of meaning-making. Below Nunnally’s translation is close to the 1954 version where she too, replaces Annika with the personal pronoun.

Table 20 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

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P112: Mr Nelson made no effort to invite P191: Mr Nilsson made no attempt to invite Annika, so she simply lifted him up and Annika, so she decided to carry him over to brought him along. the table.

The final subsection, sentence structure changes, within the syntactic shifts will be addressed in what follows below.

5.3.3 Sentence Structure Changes

In the following four examples, I will be looking at shifts in the Theme - Rheme structure and how such shifts within the sentence units affect the representation of the source text message.

Table 21 Sentence structure change

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P8: Två P3: She P7: Zwei P6: Zwei Two Two Two saker tog took two Dinge Dinge things she things she things she hon med things nahm sie nahm sie took with took with took with

155 sig från from the vom vom Schiff her from her from her from båten. En boat, a Schiff mit. mit. Einen the boat. A the ship. A the ship. A liten apa little Einen kleinen little little little som hette monkey kleinen Affen, der monkey monkey monkey Herr whose Affen, der Herr who was who was who was Nilsson - name was Herr Nilsson called Mr called Mr called Mr den hade Mr Nelson Nilsson hieß, und Nilsson – Nilsson – Nilsson –– hon fått av (he had hieß – den einen she had she had and a large sin pappa - been a hatte sie großen received it received it suitcase och en stor present von ihrem Handkoffe from her from her full of kappsäck from her Vater r, voll mit dad – and father – gold full med father) and bekommen Goldstück a large and a large pieces. guldpenga a big - und en, … suitcase suitcase r. suitcase einen full of full of full of großen gold gold gold Handkoffe pieces. pieces. pieces. r, voll mit

Goldstück en. …

In the source text and in both German translations, we are introduced to the clause with an object fronting. This type of clause structure is not uncommon in Swedish, nor in German. It draws the reader’s attention to the object of the clause by fronting it. In English object fronting is less common and it would therefore have been difficult to place ‘Two things’ in the example above in theme position. In this example the sentence places the object in theme position thereby foregrounding it. Nunnally (2007:9) has, however, made use of this rarer sentence construction in her version, thus remaining close to the source text.

Table 22 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

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P3: She took two things from the boat, a P9: Two things she took from the ship. A little monkey whose name was Mr Nelson little monkey whose name was Mr Nilsson – (he had been a present from her father) and he was a present from her father – and a big a big suitcase full of gold pieces. suitcase full of gold coins.

156

The following example shows a similar phenomenon where the reader is faced with an object fronting in the source text.

157

Table 23 Sentence structure change

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P6: Sin P2: Pippi P6: Ihren P5: Ihren Her dad Her father Her dad papa hade hadn't Vater hatte Papa hatte had Pippi had Pippi had Pippi Pippi inte forgotten Pippi nicht Pippi nicht not not not glömt. her father. vergessen. vergessen. forgotten. forgotten. forgotten.

In this case however, it would have been possible to foreground the father by fronting the noun phrase “her father” within an adverbial: “As for her daddy, Pippi had not forgotten him”. Nunnally (2007:8) to the contrary, foregrounds the sentence with the connective but, thereby placing the emphasis on the connective rather than on Pippi. In so doing Nunnally, achieves two things; on the one hand, she ensures a more idiomatically correct language, whilst on the other, she shift her focus away from Pippi and therefore Nunnally’s retranslation is closer to the source text than the 1954 version.

Table 24 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

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P2: Pippi hadn't forgotten her father. P8: But Pippi had not forgotten her father.

It becomes clear that these examples, when viewed from a Hallidayan perspective within the context of meaning, display differences between the source text and its British translation. The first line of meaning in Hallidayan terminology, is, as already mentioned in Chapter 4 that of thematic structure; the construction that gives the clause its character as a message (Halliday, 2014:64); for as Halliday states (ibid.) ‘[t]he clause has some form of organisation whereby it fits in with, and contributes to the flow of the discourse.’ Like many other languages, in English the clause is organised as a message by having a distinct status assigned to one part of it. This part of the clause is enunciated, as the theme and the remainder of the sentence is what is known as the rheme. These two parts collectively constitute a message. The theme always starts from the beginning of the clause and it provides the environment for the remainder of the message, the rheme (Halliday, 2014:105). What is of particular interest

158 to our understanding of the analysis of the above examples in Tables 21-24, is to bear in mind that ‘[i]n the Theme-Rheme structure, it is the Theme that is the prominent element. […] by analysing the thematic structure of a text clause by clause, we can gain an insight into its texture and understand how the writer made clear to us the nature of his underlying concerns’ (ibid.). Bearing in mind, that even in languages that have no case system, English being one of these, it is possible to foreground the theme and in doing so making it marked. Lindgren makes use of this linguistic device in the examples above: ‘Två saker tog hon med sig från båten.’ (Two things she took with her from the boat.) and ‘Sin papa hade Pippi inte glömt.’ (Her daddy, Pippi had not forgotten.) where the compliment, in both cases, is thematic. This is the least likely form to become thematic (Halliday, 2014:73) and as such must be viewed as the most marked type of theme. Because a complement is a nominal element, it always has the potentiality of being subject and therefore, Halliday claims (ibid.) that ‘there must be very good reasons for making it a thematic Complement – it is being explicitly foregrounded as the Theme of the clause.’ By creating adjustments that may appear to fit linguistic norms better or shift the emphasis, the meaning of the original text changes. Instead of drawing the reader’s attention to the two objects Pippi took with her from the ship, or the fact that it was her daddy whom she would never forget, the reader receives a more predictable sentence structure and a message that does not invite to evoke empathetic emotions. In the British translation, the Theme-Rheme structure has been switched around and the consequences of this new structure is that the emphasis is placed on the Actor of the clause. In other words, Hurup creates a more neutral structure which may interfere with the intended message of the original text. Lindgren’s structure foregrounding the adverbial groups allows for a more emphatic outcome.

From the examples at syntactic level, including unit, cohesion and clause structure shifts, we note that stylistic changes play a part in altering processes of meaning-making and hence representation. These shifts will naturally remain unnoticed by the target reader, though the consequences of such alterations may have contributed to the representation of the characters, their surroundings and activities compared to those in the source text. The motivation of syntactic changes could be linked to considerations of readability, but they would then often tend to illustrate a tendency towards a more neutral storytelling and representation. In the case of Pippi, who has unusualness as one of her main character traits, the shifts may therefore be significant for the target text. This process of repositioning of Pippi will become

159 even clearer at the semantic and pragmatic level, where links with meaning, values and cultural frameworks will be examined.

Semantic Shifts

In this section, I will be looking at semantic shifts in the British translation. In literary texts, semantic choices are generally intentional. As Kina Bodenhoff (2007) states in relation to Lindgren’s writing: ‘there is not one of Lindgren’s words that is coincidental’ (“Der er ikke ét ord hos Lindgren, der er tilfældigt…”)67. For the analysis of semantic shifts in Pippi, I will first look at synonym shifts, and then focus successively on hyponym and hypernym shifts and changes in emphasis.

5.4.1 Synonym Shifts

Synonym shifts are shifts to which Chesterman’s typology refers as the adjustments made when changing a word within a translation from the word that would have been the obvious first choice for a literal translation of the source language word or phrase. In the examples in Tables 25-30, Hurup has chosen to use semantic shifts in the form of a synonym shift. Firstly, the name of Pippi’s house has changed from Villa Villekulla to Villakulla Cottage, whereby the Swedish hus (house), has become a cottage. Below, I will discuss the implications of these linguistic and/or stylistic choices.

Table 25 Synonym shift

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P5: Pippi P1: Pippi P5: Pippi P5: Pippi Pippi Pippi Pippi flyttat in i comes to zieht in die zieht in die moves into moves into moves into Villa Villekulla Villa Villa Villa Villa Villa Villekulla Cottage Kunterbun Kunterbun Villekulla Kunterbun Kunterbun t ein t ein t t

67 (https://www.b.dk/kultur/der-er-ikke-et-ord-hos-astrid-der-er-tilfaeldigt...) (Accessed 23rd September 2019). 160

In the example in Table 25, the title of the first chapter in the book, Hurup has chosen to create her own proper noun for the nonce word68 Villa Villekulla and in so doing, she uses both omission and addition by removing villa and adding cottage (Moates, 2009:26). Villa Villekulla evokes a playful mood with its alliterations, and furthermore suggests associations and connotations in Swedish. The Swedish villa translates more readily to beautiful mansion, but Pippi lives in a rather dilapidated old house (Metcalf 1990:132). By referring to the house as villa by way of its proper name, the reader is on the one hand, introduced to Pippi’s tendency for exaggeration, grandeur and independence, and on the other, presented to Pippi’s topsy-turvy world, where chaos tends to reign; a notion the illustrations will support. Hidden in the Swedish word, are several meanings, as pointed out by Metcalf (ibid.) ‘‘Ville’ can be associated both with ‘vilja’ (‘will, desire’)—and Pippi definitely has a strong will—and with ‘villa bort, vilse’ (‘confuse’), which is Pippi's favorite pastime. ‘Kulla’ makes me think of other closely related words. ‘Kulle’ means hill, ‘kul’ means fun, ‘spela kull’ means to play tag, ‘omkull’ means overturned, toppled.’ It is also noteworthy that Hurup makes use of a synonym shift by exchanging flyttat (moves) with comes to. The Swedish source text implies that Pippi is moving in, whereas the message in the English translation is that Pippi arrives to the house. Whether she will stay there or whether she is merely passing by, is left for the reader to interpret. The shifts implemented within this example demonstrate on the one hand how difficult it may be for a translator to translate so-called nonce words, whilst on the other, it demonstrates how connotations and associations to source words do not necessarily carry across into the target language. Most significantly of all, it seems that the reader of the British translation is presented with a different image which leads to an adjusted experience. Nunnally (2007:7), on the other hand maintains the nonce word as well as the verb ‘moves’, thus stays close to the source texts.

Table 26 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

OUP 1954 OUP 2007

P1: Pippi comes to Villekulla Cottage P7: Pippi moves into Villa Villekulla

68 A nonce word is an invented word or phrase that has been used only once and that has now been institutionalised, i.e. a word used for a single specific occasion (Katamba, 2005:74). 161

The feeling Pippi’s cottage evoke are discussed in the next example in Table 27.

Table 27 Synonym shift

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P5: I P1: In the P5: Im P5: In dem In the In the In the trädgården orchard Garten Garten orchard garden garden låg ett was a stand ein stand ein lay an old stood an stood an gammalt cottage altes Haus, altes Haus, house old house old house hus

As mentioned in the example above, Hurup has made use of a synonym shift where Pippi’s gammalt hus (old house) has become a cottage. According to the Oxford Dictionary’s definition of cottage69, a cottage is ‘a small house, typically one in the country’. The second definition states that a cottage is ‘a simple house forming part of a farm, used by a worker.’ Furthermore, through the synonym shift Hurup has omitted the characterisation of it being an old house. These shifts have several implications. Firstly, as seen in relation to the example above, ‘Villa’, in Swedish, can mean a mansion or a manor house. This implies that Pippi’s house is big as well as old. Secondly, Pippi’s house is on the edge of the town, not in the countryside and thirdly, Pippi’s Villa Villekulla does not form part of a farm. The target text reader is introduced to a different notion; that of Pippi living in a cottage and not in the large ramshackle house that the illustrations of both the Swedish and the British texts support. The reference to a cottage in the translation creates associations with the fairy tale settings, such as the pancake house of Hansel and Gretel, which may have a distancing effect for the reader. We can see in Nunnally’s retranslation (2007:7), that she changes orchard for garden in accordance with both German translations and the verb too has become closer to the Swedish låg (stood). The house remains a house here rather than a cottage.

69 https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/cottage (Accessed 28th February 2019).

162

Table 28 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

OUP 1954 OUP 2007

P1: In the orchard was a cottage P7: In the garden stood an old house

In the next table, I use three examples to demonstrate that the synonym shift has an impact on the representation of values in the text, through various translations of the word ljungar (to lie).

Table 29 Synonym shift

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P11: “Nu P6: ‘That P14: - P9: „Jetzt ‘Now you ‘Now you ‘Now you ljungar du can’t be Jetzt lügst lügst du“, are lying,’ are lying,’ are lying,’ allt”, sa true,’ du, sagte sagte said said said Tommy. protested Thomas. Thomas. Tommy. Tommy. Tommy. Tommy. P12: “Ja, ‘Yes, you P14: - Ja, P9: „Ja, du ‘Yes, you ‘Yes, you ‘Yes, you du har rätt. are right,’ du hast hast recht, are right. I are right. I are right. I Jag she said recht, ich ich lüge“, am lying,’ am lying,’ am lying,’ ljuger”, sa sadly, ‘I lüge, sagte sagte sie she said she said she said hon wasn’t sie traurig. traurig. sadly. sadly. sadly. sorgset telling the truth.’ P12: “Ja, P6: ‘Yes, P15: - Ja, P9: “Ja, es ‘Yes, it is ‘Yes, it is ‘Yes, it is det är it's very es ist sehr ist sehr very nasty very nasty very nasty mycket fult wicked’ häßlich, zu häßlich, zu to lie’ to lie’ to lie’ att ljuga” lügen, … lügen”, …

In each case of translating the word ‘ljuger’ (to lie) into English, we notice that is has been toned down by referring to the act of lying either by calling it ‘not telling the truth’ or simply by omitting it, as is the case in the last example above ‘Yes, it’s very wicked’. Annika and Tommy both represent moral correctness. Pippi, too understands this principle, though at

163 times lets her imagination take control. By avoiding using the word lying, the portrayal of the characters has been made more controlled. This is in particular the case for Pippi, who in the last example, does not even say the word lie. This axiological dimension of shifts will be discussed further in this chapter, as well as in Chapter 6. On the note of lying, it is interesting to see how Nunnally keeps the words as we see them in Swedish, suggesting less of an emphasis on behavioural expectations, or a taboo on the concept

Table 30 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

OUP 1954 OUP 2007

P6: ‘That can’t be true,’ protested Tommy. P17: ‘Now you are lying’, said Tommy. ’Yes, you are right,’ she said sadly, ‘I ‘Yes, you are right. I was lying,’ she said wasn’t telling the truth.’ sadly. P6: Yes, it's very wicked' ‘Yes, it’s very bad to lie’

The various synonym shifts discussed above provide strategic functions and as a result of such modifications, Pippi has entered into the UK as a somewhat toned-down version of the ST. It has been moderated in accordance with target norms as a means of bringing the message closer to the target audience. With regard to the 2007 retranslation, we note that Pippi predominantly has maintained the qualities she was given in the ST.

In the following subsection, I shall look at examples within the hyponym and hypernym category.

5.4.2 Hyponym and Hypernym Shifts

The next shift will look at cultural shifts relating to food, which are achieved on a semantic level through hypernym and hyponym shifts. The latter are common semantic shift and can be divided into three subcategories, as discussed in Chapter 4: ST superordinate => TT hyponym, ST hyponym => TT superordinate and ST hyponym X => TT hyponym Y (of the same superordinate) (Chesterman, 1997:103). Whilst semantic in nature, the examples analysed here result in a shift in cultural food references. Hyponym and hypernym shifts do,

164 due to their cultural links, have pragmatic implementations; here I will discuss them under the semantic level, referring directly to the semantic shifts.

Table 31 Cultural shift food (through hyponym shift)

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P5: …, när P1: ... P5: …, P5: …, ..., when ..., when ..., when hon hellre when she wenn sie wenn sie she would she would she would ville ha felt like lieber lieber rather eat rather rather eat karameller eating Bonbons Bonbons caramels. have caramels. peppermin haben essen caramels. ts wollte. wollte. P58: ”Här P47: ‘We P85: „Hier P40: „Hier ‘Here we ‘Here we ‘Here we skulle vi could have könnten könnten could could could kunna tea here,’ wir Kaffee wir Kaffee drink drink drink dricka said Pippi. trinken“, trinken“, coffee’, coffee’, coffee’, kaffe”, sa ‘I’ll pop in sagte sagte said Pippi. said Pippi. said Pippi. Pippi. ”Jag and make Pippi. „Ich Pippi. „Ich ‘I will just ‘I will just ‘I will just kilar in a drop.’ laufe laufe run in run in run in och kokar schnell schnell quickly quickly quickly en skvätt.” rein und rein und and make and make and make koche koche a drop.’ a drop.’ a drop.’ einen einen Schluck.“ Schluck.“

Hypernyms and hyponyms are used as a means of overcoming cultural difficulties or as a means of translating in accordance with target norms (Chesterman, 1997:102). In the first example, the Swedish Karameller have changed to another hyponym for sweet, namely peppermints, in the British English translation as a means of reaching a similar connotation, a dynamic equivalence, to that of the source text. The German translations have both chosen the hypernym Bonbons as a way of avoiding specifying which type of sweets Pippi would rather eat, instead of the cod liver oil she should be eating before bedtime. Whilst the German opts for a hypernym, the English makes a shift which is more pragmatic than semantic in

165 nature, by adapting a cultural reference at the same time. Similarly, in the second example, the children drink coffee in the source text, whereas in the British English translation the children drink tea. Hurup has made a cultural adaptation as a means of bridging the cultural gap between Sweden and Great Britain regarding the tradition of drinking coffee or tea. At the time in which the book was translated, 1954, it was more common to drink tea than coffee in Great Britain. It could of course also be argued that tea is more suitable for children than coffee. By choosing tea over coffee, Pippi would seem less grow-up. It seems clear that hypernym and hyponyms shifts have been implemented here as a means of bringing the source text closer to its target audience. It might just have felt that little bit odd to have had Pippi and her friends enjoying a cup of coffee in the oaktree. Pippi’s representation has thus been affected slightly due to an attempt to accommodate target norms.

The example below offers a similar shift which follows the circus scene in chapter 7 where Pippi has just beaten the strongest man in the world and as a result won a hundred Swedish crowns. It shows Pippi refusing to take the money note.

Table 32 Cultural shift: food (through hypernym shift)

Swedish Source British English West German East German My Translation My Translation My Translation Text Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P87: ”...Den P75:‘You can P131-132: P61: „Den ‘That you can ‘That you ‘That you can kan du ha have it to „Den kannst have and fry can keep and keep and och steka sill wrap fish kannst du du behalten herrings in, if wrap your wrap your i, om du in, if behalten und und Heringe you wish!’ herring in, if herring in, if vill!” you want!’ Heringe darin darin you like!’ you like!’ braten, wenn einwickeln,

du willst.“ wenn du willst!“

A hypernym shift has taken place, where sill (herring) becomes the more generic fish. The British English translation has also altered the verb steka (fry) to wrap. This combined change may be a change in cultural reference in the British English translation, alluding to fish and chips being wrapped in newspaper as a traditional food; in which case the

166 adjustments will ensure a closer cultural proximity than that of fried herring. On the level of social norms, the change may also indicate a concern that children should not play with fire or at least not get burned when cooking. This axiological dimension of shifts is not only present in the British translation, but will also feature prominently in Chapter 6, particularly in the East German revision of the West German translation. In Nunnally’s (2007) retranslation, caramels have again become sweets as we see it in the German translations. Coffee remains coffee and it seems that in danger connected to children referring to a fire is no longer a concern. The undertone of more risky or adult behaviour is hence more visible, particularly in the last two cases.

Table 33 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

OUP 1954 OUP 2007

P1: ... when she felt like eating peppermints P7: … when she would rather eat sweets.

P47: ‘We could have tea here,’ said Pippi. P81: ‘This would be a good place to drink ‘I’ll pop in and make a drop.’ coffee,’ said Pippi. ‘I’ll just run into the house to make us a pot.’

P75: ‘You can have it to wrap fish in, if you P129: ‘Go ahead and fry herring in it if you want!’ like!’

In the subsection to follow, I shall discuss examples where a change in emphasis has been implemented.

5.4.3 Changes in Emphasis

The next example will highlight changes in emphasis in the translation, particularly through the use of exclamation marks and italics in the translation. I will first look at the use of exclamation marks. In the British English translation of Pippi Longstocking, there are 46 cases in which commas, semi colons and full stops are replaced with exclamation marks. The addition of exclamation marks can be used to express a variety of strong emotions and is generally used to add further weight or urgency70. I will then move on to discuss the use of italics in the English translation, as there are 100 examples of added italics in this version of

70 https://www.lexico.com/en/definition/exclamation_mark (Accessed 16th November 2019). 167 the first Pippi book. The purpose of these added italics appears again to be predominantly to emphasise a point. According to The Cambridge Guide to English Usage (2004:296) common uses of italics with English words are used to emphasise a particular word in its context or to draw attention to an unusual word. It hence creates a polyphonic or distancing effect, which indicates a ‘non-coincidence’ within the discourse, as demonstrated by Authier- Revuz (1995).

Table 34 Change in emphasis through exclamation mark

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P25: “och P17: ‘And P34: - Und P17: “Und ‘and five ‘and five ‘and five fem mot five fünf gegen fünf gegen against against against en, …” against einen, … einen, …“ one, …’ one, …’ one, …’ one! …’ P50: P39: P72: - … P34: ,, … ‘… and ‘… and ‘… and “…och ‘…and sits sich in sich in sits there sneaks sneaks sitter där i there in einem einem in all into a into a hemlighet secret and Schrank Schrank secret and cupboard cupboard och läsa reads, but schleicht schleicht does his and does and does läxor, men woe betide und und homework homework homework trösta him if his Schularbei Schularbei , but pity . But pity . But pity honom om mother ten macht. ten macht. him if his him if his him if his hans finds him Aber Aber mum sees mother mother mamma out!’ wehe, wehe, it.’ sees it.’ sees it.’ får se det.” wenn seine wenn seine

Mutter das Mutter das sieht. sieht.

In the examples above in Table 34, the exclamation mark is used as a means of placing emphasis on a specific element in the text. In the first example, it is implemented to express strong feelings. Tommy voices his feeling of astonishment or even indignation towards the bully, Bengt, when he realises that Bengt has organised another four boys to help fight the innocent little Ville. The use of exclamation mark heightens the emotions in the British translation; it proposes a more emphatic expression than the Swedish suggests. As a result,

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Tommy’s strong indignation in the British version underscores a moral perspective towards bullying and fairness so that the translation emphasises core values. In the second example, the use of the exclamation mark strengthens moral warnings in the target text. Through its use of exclamation marks, the British English translation indicates ironically how wrong it is in Pippi’s eyes to do your homework. It creates a strong contrast to what the reader would expect to hear, namely that, one must do one’s homework and that this is what adults expect. In this case, the translation emphasises Pippi’s subversive worldview. In Nunnally’s retranslation (2007) this phenomenon has not been introduced. She maintains the Swedish punctuation. I so doing, she does not impose an interpretation of how the text should be read. Rather she allows the reader to make his or her own choice as to how to interpret the text.

Table 35 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

OUP 1954 OUP 2007

P17: ‘And five against one! …’ P37: ‘But five against one …’ P39: ‘…and sits there in secret and reads, P70: ‘… and sit there and secretly do but woe betide him if his mother finds him homework, but I feel sorry for him if his out!’ mother finds out.’

Table 36 contains examples that illustrate the use of italics in the British translation. As mentioned above, this change in emphasis can add weight to certain words as well as create a distancing effect. The examples will be demonstrated in one table, and each of these will be discussed below the table.

Table 36 Change in emphasis through italics

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P6: “Och P2: ‘And P7: Und P5-6: ‘And ‘And ‘And when när min when my wenn mein “Und when my when my my dad pappa bara father has Vater sich wenn mein dad just father just just får bygga built nur ein Pappa sich manages manages manages sig en båt, himself a Schiff nur rein to build to build to build så kommer boat he'll bauen Schiff himself a himself a himself a han och come to kann, dann bauen boat, then boat, then boat, then hämtar fetch me, kommt er kann, dann he will he will he will mej och da and then I und holt kommt er come and come and come and

169 blir jag en shall mich, und und holt pick me up pick me up pick me up neger- become a dann mich, und and then I and then I and then I prinsessa... Cannibal werde ich dann will will will . ” Princess...’ eine werde ich become a become a become a Neger- eine Negro Negro Negro prinzessin. Prinzessin. princess. princess.’ princess.’ … …“ ...’

P9: Aldrig P4: P10: P7: Never bit Never bit Never bit bet Tommy Niemals Niemals Tommy Tommy Tommy Tommy på never bit bieß bieß his nails. his nails. his nails. naglarna, his nails Thomas an Thomas an seinen seinen Nägeln, … Nägeln, … P10: P5: Under P12: Unter P8: Unter Under the Under the Under the Under the nose der Nase der Nase nose sat a nose sat a nose sat a näsen satt was a saß ein saß ein really very really really en really very wirklich wirklich broad huge, wide huge, wide verkligen large riesig riesig mouth… mouth ... mouth ... mycket mouth ... breiter breiter bred mund Mund … Mund … ... P14: I P9: In P19: In P11: In In Brazil In Brazil, In Brazil, Brasilien Brazil, for Brasilien Brasilien by the all people, all people, går that gehen gehen way, all by the by the förresten matter, übrigens übrigens people way, walk way, walk alla everyone alle alle walk about about with about with människor goes about Menschen Menschen with egg egg in egg in omkring with egg mit Ei im mit Ei im in their their hair. their hair. med ägg i in his hair. Haar Haar hair. håret. herum. herum.

170

P21: “ Ä, P14: ‘Oh, P27: - P14: “Ach, ‘Oh, all ‘Oh, all ‘Oh, all allt all sorts’, Ach, alles alles sorts’, said sorts’, said sorts’, said möjligt”, said Pippi. Mögliche” mögliche”, Pippi, Pippi, Pippi, sa Pippi, ‘Gold , sagte sagte ‘Gold ‘Gold ‘Gold ”guldklim nuggets Pippi. Pippi. nuggets nuggets nuggets par och and ostrich “Goldklu “Goldklu and ostrich and ostrich and ostrich strutsfjädr feathers mpen und mpen und feathers feathers feathers ar och döa and dead Straußfede Straußfede and dead and dead and dead råttor och mice and rn und tote rn und tote rats and rats and rats and små, små rubber Ratten und Ratten und little tiny crackers crackers muttrar bands and Knallbonb Knallbonb nuts and and little and little och sånt tiny little ons und ons und that type tiny, tiny tiny, nuts där.” grouse, kleine, kleine of thing.’ nuts and and that and that kleine Schrauben that type type of

kind of Schrauben muttern of thing.’ thing.’ thing.’ muttern und all so und all so was.“ was.

In the first example above in Table 36, the translator has placed emphasis on the personal pronoun I. In doing so, she creates an impression of Pippi as a rather self-centered girl, a child who likes to show off; a notion I will also highlight under Pragmatic shifts. The two German translations stay close to the source text. In the second example the addition of italics has been used as an attempt to compensate for the fact that fronting ‘never’ in the English translation would go against grammatical normity. In order to make the UK translation reflect the Swedish sentence which starts, with the adverb Aldrig (Never), Hurup has implemented an emphasis change. Fronting the English text with an adverbial group ‘never’ (Never did Tommy …), is unusual in English and at the time in which Hurup translated, it might have just been that bit too daring, too far removed from what was considered acceptable linguistically. It could therefore be argued that the italics have been added in an attempt to compensate for the Theme-Rheme structure being interfered with. Both German translations follow yet again the Swedish source text closely and start in the exact same manner. In the third example, the italics are used here as a way of stressing the fact, that the mouth is really

171 very large, but they somehow also act as a way of making the two qualifiers, really and very work together on the translator’s part; ‘very small’ sounds awkward with ‘wide’ in the context of a mouth. The Swedish text is equally unusual in its construction and use of adjectives. It seems the italics are used in the English as a way of aiding the reader with knowing how to read the clause out aloud. The italics imply, though, an interpretation of which word to stress within the clause. The Swedish original leaves any such interpretation to the reader. In other words, the translation acts as an interpretation of the text guiding the reader. The italics in the fourth example may have been added in the translation into English as a means of drawing the reader’s attention to the fact that everybody walks about in such a peculiar way. The translator has also added a comma before the italics, and it seems the two are connected. The comma makes the reader stop and pause for a brief moment and then the italics emphasise what comes next: everybody is behaving oddly. The adjustment could be viewed as promoting strange behaviour whilst it also helps to make the story appear more exotic and foreign. In addition, the italics add an exaggerating effect. Finally, in the fifth example, italics have been used twice in the passage above. The first occurrence has again an intensifying effect, highlighting that you can find anything. Pippi’s claims are exaggerated, which again slightly shifts the interpretation of the source text. The emphasis on ‘that’ identifies the series of enumeration as nonchalantly grotesque. Therefore, within the British translation, it is of interest too to see how the vocabulary has changed. Muttrar (bolts) have become grouse and råttor (rats) have become mice. Whereas it seems an odd translation to talk about grouse instead of bolts, it is perhaps more understandable to refer to mice rather than rats as they might have been considered more acceptable rodents.

In the retranslation (2007) Nunnally has not made use of italics as can be seen in table below. In fact, she has stayed very close to the Swedish text. It is noteworthy from a gender perspective to see that the personal pronoun referring back to everybody has changed from his to their.

Table 37 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

OUP 1954 OUP 2007

P2: ‘And when my father has built himself a boat P9: ‘And as soon as my pappa builds himself a he'll come to fetch me, and then I shall become a ship, he’ll come back to get me, and then I’ll be a Cannibal Princess….’ native princess. …’ P4: Tommy never bit his nails P11: Tommy never bit his fingernails P5: Under the nose was a really very large mouth P12: Under her nose was an exceptionally wide ... mouth …

172

P9: In Brazil, for that matter, everyone goes about P22: By the way, in Brazil everyone walks with egg in his hair. around with egg in their hair. P14: ‘Oh, all sorts’, said Pippi. ‘Gold nuggets and P30: ‘Oh, all kinds,’ said Pippi. ‘Gold nuggets ostrich feathers and dead mice and rubber bands and ostrich feathers and dead mice and tiny little and tiny little grouse, and that kind of thing.’ nits and bolts and things like that.’

The overall effect of the usage of italics added by Hurup accumulates to an interpretation of how Lindgren might have wanted her reader to understand the text. The words that are written in italic stand out from the rest of the text and the reader is being asked implicitly to apply some form of phonology, in the form of a prosodic feature. Therefore, the words written in this font stand out and they help to change the meaning of the text, by placing emphasis on certain words. As a result of such modifications, the English translation comes across as more exaggerated. In the examples above where Pippi narrates, she has in the British English translation become a slightly annoying, less reliable little girl, exaggerating stories ‘In Brazil, for that matter, everyone goes about with egg in his hair’ and drawing attention to herself ‘and then I shall become a Cannibal Princess….’, as discussed in Chapter 3. In the examples, reported by the narrator, attention is drawn to Pippi’s appearance ‘Under the nose was a really very large mouth ...’ or to Tommy’s character ‘Tommy never bit his nails’. As a result, the characters have undergone modifications, depicting them in a slightly different light. As discussed above, the illustrations in the English translation contradict the text; Tommy, we are told, never bites his nails, and in fact, that is exactly what the reader will see him do in the illustrations. The ironic distancing of certain terms attracts further attention to the tension between normality and abnormality in the text.

From the examples at semantic level, it is clear that the British English translation has undergone various semantic shifts. Some of these shifts have a larger impact on the effect of the translation than others. The fact that the target reader is told in the very first clause of the text that Pippi comes to a cottage, which could not be further removed from the truth, demonstrates how powerful synonym shifts can be. We may ask how relevant it is that Pippi eats karameller or peppermints, whether she drinks coffee or tea or whether she asks the man in the circus to fry his herring or wrap up his fish. Pippi in the British English translation has become a tea-drinking nine-year-old girl arriving at a cottage. Together, the shifts begin to build a bigger picture of some of the alterations taking place in the British English translation. The semantic shifts implemented in the British English translation cast light on the representation of Pippi, other characters and their surroundings within this book.

173

174

Pragmatic Shifts

In the last subsection of this chapter, I shall be discussing pragmatic shifts. As already mentioned in Chapter 4, pragmatic shifts are concerned with the function of the text and its relationship with the reader. In this section, I will be looking at pragmatic shifts in the form of explicitation and implicitation (which are both explicitness changes), cultural shifts, changes in register, shift in illocution and information change.

5.5.1 Explicitation Shifts

Explicitation refers to a strategy implemented by translators in which extra information, implicit in the source text, is made explicit to the translation.

The first example refers to the cultural setting of the text.

Table 38 Explicitation shift

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P5: I P1: At the P5: P5: On the Outside Outside utkanten end of a Außerhalb Außerhalb edge of the small, the small, av den little der der the small, small town small lilla, lilla Swedish kleinen, kleinen, small town ... town ... staden … town… kleinen kleinen …

Stadt … Stadt …

Hurup translates ‘I utkanten av den, lilla, lilla staden …’ (‘On the edge of the small small town’) (my translation) as ‘At the end of a little Swedish town …’. Here, ‘Edge’ becomes ‘End’, and the definite article ‘den’ (‘the’) has been replaced with the indefinite article ‘a’. Using the definite article assumes familiarity, and Lindgren’s Swedish introduction implies that the reader already knows the little tiny town (which in English incidentally is just a ‘little town’), thus immediately drawing the reader into the story, into this familiar space. Hurup

175 has added ‘Swedish’ to clarify that the text is set in Sweden. In doing so, she situates the text in its source culture. This foreignising effect can add cultural specificity but also have a distancing effect. Indeed, Metcalf claims (2011:19) that in the American translation, where this addition is also found, the device has been used to make the reader aware that this story is set in faraway Sweden, not in the US, and that therefore there is no need to worry about anyone thinking in terms of copying Pippi’s behaviour. The German translations stay close to the source text, although they too place Pippi’s house further away from the town than the original text, by using ‘Außerhalb’ (outside of, or even, beyond the town). It might have been possible to stay closer to the source text, by saying ‘am Standtrand’ (on the edge of the town) ‘der kleinen, kleinen Stadt’ (of the little, little town), though such a shift may have had stylistic consequences, in that it would have been rather repetitive: ‘Am Stadtrand der kleinen, kleinen Stadt’. The implications of the shifts taking place in the British English translation may have consequences for Pippi’s social position. Rather than positioning Pippi on the edge of the small, small town, she has been moved one step further away. Pippi’s house is at the end of it all, in a faraway country called Sweden. The reader has automatically been further removed from Pippi, her house and the story as a whole. This is not the case in the retranslation, as can be seen from the table below. Here Pippi features on the outskirts of the town just as she does in the ST.

Table 39 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

OUP 1954 OUP 2007

P1: At the end of a little Swedish town… On the outskirts of a tiny little town …

The following example demonstrates implicitation shifts.

5.5.2 Implicitation Shifts

Implicitation is the opposite change to explicitation shift, discussed above. Implicitation refers to a strategy implemented by a translator when it is assumed that the reader can be reasonably expected to infer some elements of the message implicit (Chesterman, 1997:109).

176

Table 40 Implicitation

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P5: En P1: There P5-6: P5: Früher A time in A time in A time in gång i was a time Früher hatte Pippi the past the past the past tiden hade when hatte Pippi mal einen Pippi had Pippi had Pippi had Pippi haft Pippi had mal einen Vater had a dad had a dad had a dad en pappa had a Vater gehabt, whom she whom she whom she som hon father, and gehabt, den sie was very had loved had loved tyckte she had den sie schrecklic fond of, terribly, terribly, förfärligt been very schrecklic h geliebt yes, she yes, she yes, she mycket fond of h geliebt hatte, ja, had of had of had of om, ja, him. Of hatte, ja, sie hatte course also course course hon hade course, she sie hatte natürlich had a also had a also had a förstås had had a natürlich auch eine mum, but mum, but mum, but haft en mother auch eine Mutter it was such it was so it was so mamma too, but Mutter gehabt, a long long ago, long ago, också, that was gehabt, aber das time ago, that she that she men det long ago. aber das war so so she could not could not var så war so lange her, could not remember remember länge sen lange her, daß sie remember it at all. it at all. så det kom daß sie sich gar it. hon inte sich gar nicht mehr alls ihåg nicht mehr daran daran erinnern erinnern konnte. konnte.

Whilst the German translation stays close to the source text, the English translation refers to Pippi’s distancing of her mother: she is aware of the existence of her mother at an intellectual level. Omitting the personal lack of connection may leave Pippi open to pity, a reader reaction that seems singularly unsuitable to have to the feisty Pippi. Also, the implicitation

177 process allows for less attention to the fate of her mother and glances over her possible death, which might have been deemed to be an upsetting mention for a child audience.

Interestingly, in the retranslation (2007) this omission does not occur; instead the entire text has been translated. Nunnally has translated ‘det’ (it) with ‘her’. In other words, the meaning changes here. What Pippi does not remember in the source text is the situation of having a mother whereas in the retranslation, Pippi does no longer remember her mother. This difference is subtle but carries with it implications of dealing with the topic of death. In the 1954 version, the reference to death, an area of taboo, is implicit and brief whereas the 2007 retranslation invites the reader to share Pippi’s loss.

Table 41 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

OUP 1954 OUP 2007

P1: There was a time when Pippi had had a P8: Once upon a time Pippi did have a father, and she had been very fond of him. father whom she had loved very much. And Of course, she had had a mother too, but of course she once had a mother too, but that was long ago. that was so long ago that she couldn’t remember her at all.

5.5.3 Adaptation of Cultural rReferences

Cultural shifts often refer to adaptation to frameworks with which the reader may be familiar, as in the hypernym/hyponym changes in relation to food which I have analysed under the syntactic level. In addition to these examples, it is also worth mentioning another example of cultural filtering with regard to cultural references with racist connotations in Lindgren’s texts. In Chapter 3, I have already referred to these debates surrounding this matter as the issue of racism and references to Africa in the original have been discussed by many Lindgren scholars: Surmatz (2007), Nikolajeva (2006) and Metcalf (1995). In Chapter 6, I will explain further how these have been addressed in the German translations, with the East German translation moving beyond the cultural adaptation of references to a more considerable process of transediting.

178

Table 42 Adaptation of cultural reference

Swedish British West German East German My My My Source Text English Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P6: Hon P2: She P6 -7: Sie P5: Sie She She She trodde att was glaubte, glaubte, thought thought thought han hade certain daß er auf daß er auf that he had that he had that he had flutit i land that he had eine Insel eine Insel floated to floated to floated to på en ö där come geschwem geschwem an island an island, an island, det fanns ashore on mt worden mt, und where it and that he and that he fullt med a desert war, und dort König was full of had had negrer, island, one dort König geworden Negros, become become och att with lots geworden war und and that king there, king there, hennes and lots of war, wo alle Tage her dad where lots and that he pappa cannibals, viele mit einer had of negros walked hade blivit and that Neger goldenen become lived and around kung över her father wohnten, Krone auf king of all that her every day alla had und daß dem Kopf the Negros father had with a negrerna become ihr Vater umherging and was become golden och gick king of König . walking king of all crown on omkring them all über alle around the negros his head. med and went Neger with a and gullkrona about all geworden golden walked på huvudet day with a war alle crown on around hela gold Tage mit his head every day dagarna. crown on einer all day. with a his head. goldenen golden Krone auf crown on dem Kopf his head. umherging .

179

Various changes have taken place in the translations here: firstly, there is the addition of desert to the island. This is a change which emphasises the exoticisation, though does not fit well with the coherence of the text; a desert island is an island with no inhabitants whereas this one is full of cannibals. Alongside a syntactic change replacing the subordinate with an extended main clause the example involves a cultural as well as axiological change, with the replacement of Negros to cannibals. It would have been considered inappropriate to use the word Negro and therefore Hurup refers to the people as cannibals. Tiina Nunnally, however, describes them in her retranslation (2007) as the natives. This choice of vocabulary avoids negative racial connotations as well as associations with aggression. Contrary to some of the other examples, while differing from the 1954 version, the retranslation hence keeps a distance from the original here, which raises insights in terms of prominent contemporary norms and their role in translation.

Table 43 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

OUP 1954 OUP 2007

P2: She was certain that he had come ashore P8: She believed that he had washed ashore on a desert island, one with lots and lots of on an island that was inhabited by natives cannibals, and that her father had become and that her father had become king of them king of them all and went about all day with all. He walked around wearing a gold crown a gold crown on his head. on his head all day long.

5.5.4 Changes in Register

In this section, I will explore changes in register. First, I will look at shifts to a formal register in the British translation, and then I will consider the level of grammatical expression in the British translation of Pippi’s speech.

Table 44 Shift in register: formal register

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P24: “Ja P16: ‘Yes, P32: - Ja, P17: “Ja, ‘Yes but’, ‘Yes but’, ‘Yes but’, men”, sa but,’ said aber, sagte aber”, said said said Annika, Annika, ‘if Annika, sagte Annika, ‘if Annika, ‘if Annika, ‘if ”om du you hadn't wenn du Annika, you had you had you had inte hade had the tin nicht die “wenn du not had the not had the not had the

180 haft on you, Büchse nicht die tin on tin on, you tin on, you burken på why, you'd abgehabt Büchse (over your would not would not dej så hade never have hättest, abgehabt head) then have have du aldrig tripped wärst du hättest, you would stumbled stumbled snavat på over the nicht über wärst du have never over the over the ståltrådsstä fence….’ den nicht über stumbled wire wire ngslet.” Stacheldra den over the fencing.’ fencing.’ htzaun Stacheldra wire

gestolpert. htzaun fencing.’ gestolpert.

“

In this example a change in register is achieved here through addition of the interjection ‘why’. It seems a rather unusual linguistic devise for a child to be using. Despite the fact that the translation is from 1954 and bearing in mind that linguistic devises are ever evolving, the ‘why’ still stands out in the text as an unlikely linguistic choice for a British child to have uttered. The addition of ‘why’ makes Annika’s speech equate more to that of a much older generation, and as a result, she appears to be the voice of authority, and potentially the normative voice of an older person reprimanding Pippi. This authoritarian undertone does not appear in the retranslation (2007) as can be seen in the table below.

Table 45 Comparison of 1954 and 2007 OUP 1954 OUP 2007

P16: ‘Yes, but,’ said Annika, ‘if you hadn't P33. ‘Yes, but if you hadn’t had that tin on had the tin on you, why, you'd never have your head’, said Annika, ‘you would never tripped over the fence….’ have tripped over the wire fence.’

In the next example, I will focus on the shift from ‘mamman’ to ‘mother’, which is recurrent in the translation, as already seen in various examples above, and also matched by the move from ‘pappa’ to ‘father’.

Table 46 Shift in register: formal register

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German)

181

P5: P2: Pippi's P6: Die P5: Die The mum The The Mamman mother Mutter war Mutter war had died mother mother hade dött had died gestorben, gestorben, when had died had died när Pippi when als Pippi als Pippi Pippi was when when bar var en Pippi was noch ein noch ein just a Pippi was Pippi was liten … just a tiny ganz ganz small… just a tiny, just a tiny … kleines, kleines tiny thing, thing, …

kleines Ding war …

Ding war, …

…

By ‘Mamman’ (the mum) becoming ‘Pippi’s mother’ in English, so that Hurup uses a more formal register. The more formal choice distances the readership from Pippi, whereas Lindgren draws the reader close by using the definite article. Using the definite article in Swedish is not marked (Halliday, 2014:64), as it would be in English, but Swedish does offer a choice between this and an expression that would translate as “her mother”. This is indeed the choice for which Nunnally (2007:8) opts as can be seen in the following table.

Table 47 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

OUP 1954 OUP 2007

P2: Pippi's mother had died when Pippi was P8: Her mother had died when Pippi was a just a tiny … tiny little baby …

The two German translations could have translated ‘Mamman’ using the German equivalent Die Mama and as such both deviate a little from the source text too. Both German translations do, however, stay close to the source text with regard to the use of the definite article ‘The mum’ rather than introducing Pippi’s mother formally, as we see in the opening sentence of the British translation. The shift from ‘mamman’ to ‘Pippi’s mother’ also suggests a change from an internal to an external perspective. Such changes in focalisation and narrative voice do not feature in Chesterman’s typology but impact, on a pragmatic level, on the interaction with the reader, as also demonstrated in the next example.

182

Table 48 Shift in register: formal register

Swedish British West East German My My My Source Text English German Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) P6: P2: Her P7: Ihr P6: Ihr Her dad Her father Her dad Hennes father had Vater hatte Papa hatte had had had bought Pappa bought the dieses alte dieses alte bought bought that old hade köpt old cottage Haus, das Haus, das that old that old house, det där in the im Garten im Garten house house, which gamla orchard stand, vor stand, vor which lay which stood in huset som many vielen vielen in the stood in the garden, låg i years ago. Jahre Jahren orchard the garden, many trädgården gekauft. gekauft. many many years ago. för många years ago. years ago. år sen.

In this example the translator into English has chosen to translate the Swedish nouns Pappa and huset (the house), as already mentioned in the subsection semantic shifts, with non-direct equivalents. With regard to pappa (dad), she has chosen the more formal ‘Father’ which shifts the focalisation from Pippi (who would call her father ‘Pappa’) to the narrator, to whom he is the character’s father. According to Andersen, Lindgren’s intentions were the exact opposite. Lindgren did not wish to write, as, according to Andersen (2014:145) had up until now been the case in children’s literature, ‘from top to bottom […] but from inside and out’ (ibid.) (my translation). In other words, Lindgren wanted her narration to reflect her character’s, (the child’s) feelings and thoughts. Finally, replacing the subordinate clause beginning som låg (which lay) with a prepositional phrase modifying the head noun suggests an older narrating voice than the original, which adopts Pippi’s point of view. The shift from a demonstrative pronoun to a more neutral definite article seems to confirm a less affectionate presentation. Nunnally (2007:9) fronts the temporal element, thus shifts this to become theme of the clause. She does however maintain the subordinate clause.

Table 49 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

OUP 1954 OUP 2007

P2: Her father had bought the old cottage in P9: Many years ago her father had bought the orchard many years ago. the old house that stood in the garden.

183

Whilst Annika’s speech and the narration are more formal in the examples above, this is not the case for Pippi’s own speech. The next examples will demonstrate that her speech is not always grammatically correct in the initial British translation. Tables 50 – 53 present examples of her speech being portrayed as if she has not yet learned to speak properly. The translator therefore depicts Pippi as an unsophisticated child by adding contractions, misspellings, or mispronunciations to her speech. There are 39 examples of misspellings, mispronunciations and elisions within book one of the first British translation of Pippi Longstocking. The deliberate incorrect grammatical occurrences in the English translation, presented through misspellings and elisions71, would suggest that Hurup did not recognise Pippi’s intended linguistic ability as Lundqvist (1989:101) states that Pippi’s ‘repartee, […] is often excellent, especially in discussions with grown-ups.’ Hurup uses both the misspellings and the elisions repeatedly throughout Pippi’s discourse.

Table 50 Change in register: grammatical expression

Swedish British West German East German My Translation My Translation My Translation Source Text English Translation Translation (UK) (W German) (E German) Translation P33: “Får P24: ‘Are P46: - P22: ‘Are you ‘Are you ‘Are you man ha horses Kann man “Kann allowed to allowed to allowed to hästar med allowed in in einem man in have horses have horses have horses sej på era the Kinderhei einem with you in in a in a barnhem?” stintitution m Pferde Kinderhei your children’s children’s Undrade ?’ haben?” m Pferde children’s home?’ home?’ Pippi. fragte haben?” home?’ asked Pippi. asked Pippi. Pippi. fragte Pippi Pippi. wondered.

The spelling of stintitution portrays Pippi as a little ignorant as well as unable to speak correctly. This inability to speak properly does not appear in Nunnally’s retranslation

71 According to the Lexico: The omission of a sound or syllable when speaking (as in I'm, let's) ‘the shortening of words by elision.’

184

(2007:45). Instead, in her retranslation Pippi is represented, in keeping with the source text, as both sophisticated and eloquent.

Table 51 Comparison of 1954 and 2007 OUP 1954 OUP 2007

P24: ‘Are horses allowed in the stintitution?’ P45: ‘Are horses allowed in your children’s home?’

It is clear from the source text that there are no suggestions, apart from the deliberate humorous malapropism referring to the multiplication tables, that Pippi’s speech is nothing other than excellent. From the Swedish version, it would appear that she is a rather remarkable child with an outstanding knowledge of the world and has a way with language that far from represents that of a small child as suggested in the examples in Table 52 below.

Table 52 Change in register: grammatical expression

Swedish British West German East German My Translation My Translation My Translation Source Text English Translation Translation (UK) (W. Germany) (E. Germany) Translation P33: “Jag P25: ‘I've P47: - Ich P23: “Ich ‘I have ‘I have ‘I have har klarat managed habe mich habe mich managed managed managed mej bra well gut neun gut neun well without well for a well for a utan nån enough Jahre ohne Jahre ohne fartification good nine good nine pluttifikati without Plutimikati Plutimikati tables for years years onstabell i any onstabelle on nine years’, without without nio år”, sa pluttificati geholfen, geholfen”, said Pippi. plutimikatio plutimikatio Pippi. on tables sagte sagte ‘And then it nstables’ nstables’ “Och då for nine Pippi, da Pippi, “da will said Pippi said Pippi går det years,’ wird es wird es probably ‘then is will ‘then is will nog i said Pippi. auch auch continue to also carry also carry on fortsättnin ‘So I weiter weiter so be OK in on’ like that’ gen s'pose I gehen. gehen.” future.’ också.” can keep

managing. ’

185

P50: P39: They P72: P34: Maths they Maths they Maths they Räkning don't have Rechnen Rechnen don’t have at don’t have at don’t have at har dom arithic in haben sie haben sie all in the all in the all in the inte alls i the dort dort schools schools schools skolorna school… überhaupt überhaupt there… there… there… där... nicht in nicht in

den der Schule Schulen … …

P55: Men P44: But P80: Aber P37: Aber But Hai But Hai But Hai Hai Shang Hai Shang Hai Shang Hai Shang Shang was Shang was Shang was var så was most war so war so so terribly so terribly so terribly förfärligt awf'ly furchtbar furchtbar stubborn, stubborn, stubborn, envis, och stubborn eigensinni eigensinni and he said and he said and he said han sa att and he g, und er g, und er that... that... that...... said that sagte, daß sagte, daß … … …

P65: “Nä, P53: ‘No, P95: - P44: „Nee, ‘No, it can ‘No, that the ‘No, that the det får it can just Nee, den den kann sun-dry’, sun can dry,’ sun can dry,’ soltorka,” vapporate, kann die die Sonne said Pippi. ‘I said Pippi. ‘I said Pippi. ‘I sa Pippi. ’ said Sonne trocknen,” don’t think it don’t don’t “Jag tror Pippi. ‘I trocknen, sagte will catch a believe that believe that inte det don't sagte Pippi. „Ich cold, as long it will catch it will catch förkyler s'pose it'll Pippi. Ich glaube as it keeps a cold if it a cold if it sej, bara catch cold glaube nicht, daß moving.’ only keeps only keeps det håller as long as nicht, daß er sich moving.’ moving.’ sej i it keeps er sich erkältet, rörelse.” moving.’ erkältet, wenn er wenn er sich nur sich nur Bewegung Bewegung macht.“ macht.

186

In the first example, it becomes clear how Hurup ignores the humour associated with ‘pluttification’ in the first clause and secondly, she adds the mispronunciation of ‘I suppose’ to the second clause. These two elements together suggest to the reader that Pippi is not very bright. She mispronounces and perhaps ignores the word ‘multiplication’, and the marked stylistic choice of ‘s’pose’ suggests that Pippi is an unintelligent or uneducated little girl, contradicting precisely the content of the original which suggests that Pippi manages very well without formal education, for as Lundqvist (1989:100) states ‘[s]he does not attend school; knowing all she has to know, there is no need’. In the second example, the British translation has ignored the marked theme from the source text in which the compliment, arithmetic, has been foregrounded. Halliday (2014:73) claims, as already mentioned above, that when this happens, there must be a very good reason to make it a thematic Complement. It places emphasis on the school subject, arithmetic, as this is what Pippi wants her audience to know about. Hurup, instead gives Pippi the language belonging to a small child in which she allows three adjustments to occur. Firstly, she makes use of the elision ‘don’t’ which weakens the written linguistic quality and brings it closer to a colloquial spoken language; though of course, it is arguable that a small child would not tend to use the more formal ‘do not’. Secondly, by allowing Pippi to be incapable of pronouncing the word, that carries the highest status in the clause of the original text, ‘Räkning’ (maths), she implies that Pippi may not even know what she is talking about. Hurup creates her translation in accordance with target norms and as a result, tones down Pippi’s portrayal as a clever girl. The third example in Table 52 above demonstrates how Hurup provides Pippi with a childish language through the misspelling of “awf’ly’, which contrasts with the formal qualifier ‘most’, making Pippi’s speech incoherent in terms of register. The reader is left wondering if this is spoken by Pippi or by the narrator, or indeed a mixture of the two. In the final example, in the above table, Hurup adjusts the original text by way of two misspellings and two contractions in one sentence. In addition, she has translated ‘sun-dry’ with evaporate. The shifts in speech have an important impact on the representation of Pippi, as she is defined by her language. As Kress and Hodge (1979) argue, language and society are closely related, and they help to form our identity and ideology. It is therefore clear from the above examples that the Swedish Pippi is quite different to the British Pippi.

Each of the examples in this section highlights the linguistic adjustments incorporated by Hurup. It becomes clear that Hurup’s Pippi, due to her inability to speak properly, appears younger and less sophisticated than the Swedish Pippi. As we know, however, Pippi appears

187 much older in the illustrations and therefore we see another contradiction between the text and the paratext. In Nunnally’s translation (2007), the linguistic adjustments implemented in the 1954 version have been removed and instead she makes use of common contractions such as don’t, I’ll and I’ve. In so doing, she does not downgrade Pippi’s linguistic ability.

Table 53 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

OUP 1954 OUP 2007

P25: ‘I've managed well enough without any P46: ‘I’ve been fine for nine years without pluttification tables for nine years,’ said Pippi. any plutification tables,’ said Pippi. ‘And I’m ‘So I s'pose I can keep managing.’ sure I can manage in the future, too.’

P39: They don't have arithic in the school… P70: They don’t have any arithmetic in the schools … P44: But Hai Shang was most awf'ly stubborn P76: But Hai Shang was terribly stubborn, and he said that … and he said that …

P53: ‘No, it can just vapporate,’ said Pippi. ‘I P92: ‘Nope, it can dry in the sun,’ said Pippi. don’t s’pose it'll catch cold as long as it keeps ‘I don’t think it’ll catch cold, as long as it moving.’ keeps moving.’

5.5.5 Shifts in Illocution

Illocution shifts are adjustments that refer to changes of speech acts. These types of shifts are usually linked with other strategies too, such as for example changing the mood of the verb from indicative to imperative or changing from statement to request. Finally, changes can also occur with regard to the use of rhetorical questions and exclamations in texts (Chesterman, 1997:111).

An illocutionary shift has been implemented in the following example in Table 54. As a result of such adjustments, we will see how the emphasis changes again.

Table 54 Illocutionary shift

Swedish British English West German East German My Translation My Translation My Translation Source Text Translation Translation Translation (UK) (W. Germany) (E. Germany)

188

P35: “Nu P26: P50: - Jetzt P24: “Jetzt ‘Now I am ‘Now I am ‘Now I am dyker jag”, ‘Watch me tauche ich! tauche going to going to going to skrek dive!’, and schrie ich!” schrie dive’, dive’, dive’, Pippi, och then she Pippi, und Pippi, und shouted Pippi shouted Pippi shouted Pippi så hoppade hopped nun sprang nun sprang and then she and then she and then she hon rakt straight sie direkt in sie direkt in jumped jumped jumped ner i trädets down into die grüne die grüne straight down straight down straight down grönskande the tree's Baumkrone Baumkrone into the tree’s into the tree’s into the tree’s krona, green hinunter, hinunter, green crown, green crown, green crown, hängde sig crown, hängte sich hängte sein clung to a clung to a clung to a fast vid en hung fast in an einen an einen branch and branch and branch and gren, a branch, Ast, Ast, dangled for a dangled for a dangled for a dinglade ett dangled schaukelte schaukelte moment back moment back moment back slag fram back and ein bißchen ein bißchen and forth and and forth and and forth and och tillbaka forth a hin und her hin und her let herself fall then let finally let och lät sig moment, und ließ und ließ to the herself fall to herself fall to sedan falla and let sich dann sich ground. the ground. the ground. till marken. herself fall auf die schließlich to the Erde fallen. auf die ground. Erde fallen.

Replacing Nu (Now) with Watch me changes Pippi’s character. In the source text she is merely informing the children that she is about to dive into the tree whereas in the British translation, she comes across as an attention seeking small child shouting ‘Look at me! look at me!’ Indeed, the addition of the exclamation mark would suggest this is what Hurup wanted to portray. Interestingly, both German translations too, have added the exclamation marks, thus changing the emphasis of the message. In the retranslation (2007) the exclamation mark does not exist and Pippi’s character does not change to that of an attention seeking small child. Instead, she merely announces the activity in which she is about to take part.

189

Table 55 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

OUP 1954 OUP 2007

P26: ‘Watch me dive!', and then she hopped P50: ‘Now it’s time for a dive,’ yelled Pippi, straight down into the tree's green crown, and then she jumped straight down into the hung fast in a branch, dangled back and forth green crown of the tree. She hung on to a a moment, and let herself fall to the ground. branch, dangled back and forth for a moment, and let herself drop to the ground.

5.5.6 Information Changes

Information change refers to a strategy carried out by the translator where it has been deemed necessary to add in non-inferable information to the translation that is not present in the source text or the omission of source text information which is viewed as irrelevant to the target text. Such omissions may take place through summarising (Chesterman, 1997:110)

The following example in Table 56, highlights the fact that changes can be linguistically motivated whilst at the same time, have strategic reasons. There are for example times when shifts may have been implemented as a means of adapting the text for a child audience. I shall examine how this is related to the overall effect of the representation of Pippi’s character; a notion that I will discuss below.

Table 56 Change in information

Swedish British West German East German My Translation My Translation My Translation Source Text English Translation Translation (UK) (W. Germany) (E. Germany) Translation P33: “ P23: ‘This P45: - P22: ‘Here’, said ‘Here’, said ‘Here’, said Här”, sa one,’ said Hier, sagte “Hier”, Pippi Pippi Pippi Pippi stolt. Pippi Pippi sagte Pippi proudly. ‘I proudly. ‘I proudly. ‘I “Jag är ett proudly. stolz. Ich stolz. „Ich am a child, am a child, am a child, barn, och ‘I'm a bin ein bin ein and this here and this here and this here det här är child, and Kind, und Kind, und is my home, is my home, is my home, mitt hem, this is my das hier ist das hier ist therefore therefore it therefore it alltså är home. mein mein this is a is a is a det ett There Heim, also Heim, also children’s children’s children’s

190 barnhem. aren't any ist es ein ist es ein home. And home. And home. And Och plats grown-ups Kinderhei Kinderhei space I have space I have space I have har jag living m. Und m. Und here, plenty here, plenty here, plenty här, gott here, so I Platz habe Platz habe of space.’ of space.’ of space.’ om plats.” think that ich hier. ich hier.

makes it a Reichlich Reichlich Children's Platz. Platz. Home.’

In the example above the British translation deviates from the source text in that the translator has added the ‘There aren’t any grown-ups living here, so I think that makes it a Children's Home.’ This explicitation (Chesterman, 1997) changes Pippi’s discourse. The reader has already been told that Pippi lives on her own, we know about the whereabouts of both of her parents, so therefore, it seems the information about ‘no adults’ is superfluous. By omitting the last sentence in the British translation ‘And space I have here, plenty of space’, and instead substituting it with the explicitation, it creates a different meaning to the one expressed in the source text. In the source text, Pippi draws on the pun associated with children’s home and being a child in that home, and then she moves on to the next point; a slightly non-cohesive message, in which she wants the police to know she has plenty of space. The British translation, instead expounds the notion of the children’s home and in so doing, fails to allow Pippi’s character to express the next thought. In Nunnally’s retranslation (2007:45), we see again a translation that stays very close to the source text.

Table 57 Comparison of 1954 and 2007

OUP 1954 OUP 2007

P23: ‘This one,’ said Pippi proudly. ‘I'm a P45: ‘Here,’ said Pippi proudly. ‘I’m a child child, and this is my home. There aren't any and this is my home, so it’s a children’s grown-ups living here, so I think that makes it home. And I have room here, plenty of room.’ a Children's Home.’

In this section on pragmatic shifts I have discussed examples situated within the subcategories of explicitation shifts, implicitation shifts, adaptation of cultural references, changes in register, shifts in illocution and information shifts. Through these examples, we

191 have noted that there are differences between the source text and the translation. We see, for example, in the opening sentence of the English 1954 translation, foreignising effects have been implemented as a way of clarifying that the story is located in a faraway place. Furthermore, Pippi has been portrayed as an attention-seeking little girl, incapable of speaking properly. Changes in register and focalisation have a distancing effect. These various types of changes impact on the reader’s relationship with the text. We note in both the 1954 and the retranslation from 2007 an avoidance of negative racial connotations.

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Comparative Perspectives on the American Translation from 1950

In view of the publication history of the American and British translations into English, outlined in Chapter 1, it is interesting to add some brief comparative perspectives with the initial American translation, even though this context and publication is not the primary focus of the research. This comparison will add to the diachronic perspective of Pippi’s evolution within the English-speaking world. In the section that follows, I will only highlight and discuss examples from the 1950 American version that demonstrate adjustments specific to my research above, rather than offering a full comparison with the original Swedish version. The tables will consist of four columns demonstrating the US 1950 version, the English 1954 version, the Swedish ST and finally my translation of the ST. I will focus on examples of syntactic, semantic and pragmatic shifts and then offer some concluding remarks on the comparison.

Starting with syntactic shifts, the three examples in Table 58 below illustrate unit shifts in the 1950 and 1954 translations. For clarity, I have highlighted in bold the differences between the 1950 and the 1954 versions.

Table 58 Comparison of Viking 1950 and OUP 1954 Unit shifts

Viking 1950 OUP 1954 Swedish ST My Translation of

ST P12: But Pippi was P2: But Pippi was P6: Men Pippi var But Pippi was absolutely certain that quite sure that one day alldeles säker på att absolutely sure that he he would come back. he would come back, han en dag skulle one day would come She would never for she never believed komma tillbaka. Hon back. She did not believe that he had that he had drowned. trodde inte alls att han believe at all that he drowned; hade drunknat. had drowned. P14: She had always P3: She had always P8: Hon hade alltid She had always longed for a horse longed to have her längtat efter en egen longed for her own and now here he was, own horse, and now häst. Och nu bodde horse. And now he living on the porch. there was one living han på verandan. was living on the on her front porch. veranda. P15: She was the most P5: She was the most P9: Det var den It was the strangest remarkable girl curious child Tommy märkvärdigaste flicka girl Tommy and Tommy and Annika and Annika had seen. Tommy och Annika Annika had seen, and had ever seen. She It was Pippi hade set, och det var it was Pippi was Miss Pippi Longstocking going Pippi Långstrump som Longstocking who Longstocking out for for a morning walk. gick ut på was entering out on her morning morgonpromenad. her morning walk. promenade.

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In the first example, the US version has kept the ST punctuation and therefore makes use of two main clauses. In the UK version, we note, as already discussed above, that when viewed from a Hallidayan perspective, the second clause has been reduced to a mere circumstantial element. This means to say that it can be viewed as a non-obligatory augmentation. Therefore, less emphasis is placed on the personal pronoun ‘she’ (for she never believed …). This is not the case in the US version, nor in the Swedish ST. Rather than introducing a subordinate clause, the US version uses a main clause thus ensures that ‘she’ (Pippi) is the theme of the clause. In the second example numerous adjustments have taken place as already discussed above. Two specific adjustments deserve a mention. Firstly, the horse in the US version has regained his gender through the use of the personal pronoun ‘he’. Secondly, on the contrary, the UK version has replaced the indirect and direct articles ‘a’ and ‘the’ with the female possessive pronoun ‘her’ twice, thus changing the representation of Pippi’s character. It appears to be of importance that Pippi wanted a horse for herself as well as pointing out to the reader that the veranda belongs to Pippi. This is a subtle change in the 1954 version, but of significance to our understanding of Lindgren’s protagonist, who already at the beginning of the story is portrayed as slightly self-centered wishing for her own horse. The final example in this category of unit shifts, demonstrates on the one hand further uses of personal pronouns, whilst on the other, it casts light on the choice of noun. Whereas the UK translation describes Pippi as a child and refers back to the child by using the neutral personal pronoun, the American translation focusses on the gender of Pippi throughout the passage. Firstly, we learn that Pippi is a girl, secondly, she is referred to as female by way of the personal pronoun ‘she’ and thirdly, the American translator draws our attention to the fact that we are dealing with a female protagonist by addition of ‘miss’. These three examples underscore and emphasise the more gender-neutral representation of Pippi in the English 1954 translation and casts light on a less gender-neutral depiction in the US translation where both Pippi and the horse keep their gender. In the following example below in Table 59, I shall be looking at sentence structure changes and their impact on the text.

Table 59 Comparison of Viking 1950 and OUP 1954 Sentence structure changes

Viking 1950 OUP 1954 Swedish ST My translation of ST P13: Two things she P3: She took two P8: Två saker tog hon Two things she took took with her from things from the boat, med sig från båten. with her from the

194 the ship: a little a little monkey whose En liten apa som boat. A little monkey monkey whose name name was Mr Nelson hette Herr Nilsson - who was called Mr was Mr. Nilsson – he (he had been a present den hade hon fått av Nilsson – she had was a present from her from her father) and a sin pappa - och en received it from her father – and a big big suitcase full of stor kappsäck full dad – and a large suitcase full of gold gold pieces. med guldpengar. suitcase full of gold pieces. pieces.

In the above example, The US 1950 version follows the ST closely where it fronts the object of the clause, thus placing emphasis on the two things Pippi took with her, rather than on Pippi herself. As mentioned above, such a construction is less common in English than in Swedish and German. This example suggests that 1950 US could more readily accept such linguistic differences than Britain in 1954. The outcome of the adjustment in the UK translation is again that we meet a more self-centered protagonist than the one in the US translation. In the American translation, the theme, ‘two things’ remain our focus.

Next, on the semantic level, I shall briefly discuss my findings on synonym shifts in the comparison of the US 1950 and the English 1954 translations. I will be analysing five examples as a means of highlighting the effect of such adjustments. The first two examples discuss Pippi’s house, whilst the final three will return to the notion of lying.

Table 60 Comparison of Viking 1950 and OUP 1954 Synonym shifts

Viking 1950 OUP 1954 Swedish ST My translation of ST P11: Pippi moves P1: Pippi comes to P5: Pippi flyttat in i Pippi moves into into Villa Villekulla Villekulla Cottage Villa Villekulla Villa Villekulla P11: …, and in the P1: In the orchard was P5: I trädgården låg In the orchard lay an garden was an old a cottage ett gammalt hus old house house P17: ‘Now you must P6: ‘That can’t be P11: “Nu ljungar du ‘Now you are lying,’ be lying,’ said true,’ protested allt”, sa Tommy. said Tommy. Tommy Tommy. P17: ‘You’re right,’ P6: ’Yes, you are P12: “Ja, du har rätt. ‘Yes, you are right. I she said, ‘I’m lying’ right,’ she said sadly, Jag ljuger”, sa hon am lying,’ she said ‘I wasn’t telling the sorgset sadly. truth.’ P17: ‘It’s wicked to P6: ‘Yes, it's very P12: “Ja, det är ‘Yes, it is very nasty lie’ wicked’ mycket fult att ljuga” to lie’

In the first two examples, we notice as already discussed above, that the UK translation does not keep Lindgren’s nonce word Villa Villekulla. The US translation, however, accepts the

195 foreignness of the sound and further makes no attempt to implement domestication by way of creating a ‘cottage’ instead of ‘an old house’. It thus seems, that the 1950 version was more accepting of the Swedish ST. This can also be viewed in the title of the book where she moves into Villa Villekulla and does not just come to the cottage, as if she had no plans to stay.

Examples three to five in the table above address again the notion of lying, discussed under the UK analysis. It is interesting to note that the 1950 translation has made no attempts to alter such language. Whereas the UK translation implicitly suggests that lying is not something to discuss in a children’s book, the US translation seems freer in its approach and thus remains closer to the Swedish ST.

The following three examples of semantic shifts discuss hyponyms and hypernym shifts and in so doing draws our attention to the fact that the American version yet again finds a way to present the translation such that it stays close to the ST.

Table 61 Comparison of Viking 1950 and OUP 1954 Hyponym and hypernym shifts

Viking 1950 OUP 1954 Swedish ST My translation of ST P11: …when she P1: ... when she felt P5: …, när hon hellre ..., when she would much preferred like eating ville ha karameller rather eat caramels. caramel candy peppermints P68: ‘We could drink P47: ‘We could have P58: “Här skulle vi ‘Here we could drink coffee here,’ said tea here,’ said Pippi. kunna dricka kaffe”, coffee’, said Pippi. ‘I Pippi. ‘I’ll skip in and ‘I’ll pop in and make sa Pippi. ”Jag kilar in will just run in quickly make a little.’ a drop.’ och kokar en skvätt.” and make a drop.’ P102: ‘Take it and P75: ‘You can have P87: “...Den kan du ha ‘That you can have use it to fry herring it to wrap fish in, if och steka sill i, om du and fry herrings in, if on if you want to.’ you want!' vill!” you wish!’

In the US translation we note that little has changed. The only change is that of the addition of candy after caramel in the first example in Table 61 above. It thus seems, that it might have been considered less of a concern to allow the child reader access to the notion of drinking coffee and indeed making a fire to fry up your fish. The American translation, therefore, once again stays closer to the ST and to the representation of Pippi.

The following six examples of semantic shifts explore the notion of change in emphasis. These adjustments add changes in the emphasis of the text.

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Table 62 Comparison of Viking 1950 and OUP 1954 Changes in emphasis

Viking 1950 OUP 1954 Swedish ST My translation of ST P31: ‘And five P17: ‘And five P25: “och fem mot en, ‘and five against one, against one - …’ against one! …’ …” …’ P60: ‘…but it’s just P39: ‘…and sits there P50: “…och sitter där ‘… and sits there in all too bad for him if his in secret and reads, i hemlighet och läsa secret and does his mother finds him.’ but woe betide him if läxor, men trösta homework, but pity his mother finds him honom om hans him if his mum sees out!’ mamma får se det.” it.’ P12: ‘And as soon as P2: ‘And when my P6: “Och när min ‘And when my dad my papa has built father has built pappa bara får bygga just manages to build himself a boat, he himself a boat he'll sig en båt, så kommer himself a boat, then he will come and get come to fetch me, han och hämtar mej will come and pick me me, and I’ll be a and then I shall och da blir jag en up and then I will cannibal princess….’ become a Cannibal neger-prinsessa....” become a Negro Princess….’ princess. ...’ P14: Tommy would P4: Tommy never bit P9: Aldrig bet Tommy Never bit Tommy his never think of biting his nails på naglarna, nails. his nails P16: It must be P5: Under the nose P10: Under näsen satt Under the nose sat a admitted that the was a really very en verkligen mycket really very broad mouth under this large mouth ... bred mund ... mouth… nose was a very wide one, … P22: As a matter of P9: In Brazil, for that P14: I Brasilien går In Brazil by the way, fact, in Brazil all the matter, everyone goes förresten alla all people walk about people go about with about with egg in his människor omkring with egg in their hair. eggs in their hair. hair. med ägg i håret.

In the first two examples, we note that the additional exclamation marks in the UK version have not been implemented in the American translation. It seems that any implicit moralistic suggestion or warnings, as discussed above, do not feature in the American version. Instead, it is left to the reader to interpret how the text is to be understood. The American translation remains close to the ST and has been allowed to enter into the American culture with few adjustments.

The final four examples at the pragmatic level, all demonstrate the use of italics and how these indirectly force the translator’s interpretation upon the reader. In the first example in the UK translation, Pippi draws, as already mentioned above, unwanted attention to herself by claiming her own self-importance. This does not happen in the US translation and the result is that the American Pippi comes across as less self-centered. The second example deals with the complex linguistic device in the Swedish ST where the adverb never is fronted and thus

197 becomes the theme of the clause. It seems therefore that the italics in the UK translation has been put in place as a means of compensating for the lack of equivalent linguistic device. The American translator introduces Tommy’s hypothetical thoughts on the matter, thus shifts the focus on to Tommy and gives him a say. This is again a very subtle difference, but one that changes the representation of the character. Tommy has become more prominent in that he can express his thoughts. In the third example, the American translation makes use of a much more visible narrator who openly steps out to explain that Pippi’s appearance may be odd. This seems to have been implemented as a way of preparing the grounds. Pippi may display an unusual appearance, but she is a kind person. This observation is in line with the one above about Tommy, in that Pippi too is given a different focus. In the final example in this category, the American translation again stays close to the Swedish ST. Rather than changing alla människor (all the people) to everyone, the translator has chosen to keep this in the plural all the people and thus he avoids having to decide on the gender for the everyone. It is significant from a gender perspective to see that the personal pronoun referring back to everybody thus has changed from his to their.

The next pragmatic example discusses the explicitation shift in the UK translation. This addition has been implemented as a means of introducing the reader to the place that would be familiar to a ST audience.

Table 63 Comparison of Viking 1950 and OUP 1954 Explicitation shifts Viking 1950 OUP 1954 Swedish ST My translation of ST

P11: Way out at the P1: At the end of a P5: I utkanten av On the edge of the end of a tiny little little Swedish den lilla, lilla staden small, small town … town … town… …

In the US translation there has been no additional explanation implemented. The reader does not necessarily know that this story takes place in Sweden. Instead, it uses its own way of creating distance. The introductory phrases to the story bears resemblance to a fairy tale, thus implicitly places the story in a faraway country. This story does not just happen on the edge of the small, small town, but it is way out at the end. This device created distance but to a lesser degree than the UK translation. It therefore suggests that whilst there may have been a need to explain to the readership that this book does not happen in the US, there has been less of a concern and therefore no need to use explicitation.

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The following four examples under the pragmatic level explore through change of register the grammatical expressions implemented in the UK translations as discussed above. Pippi’s linguistic ability has been downgraded to that of a much younger child who has not yet learned to speak. In the American translation, the translator has not seen a need for such adjustments. Whilst the US version does use contractions, these are explicitly only used in everyday common language and do not interfere with the language of the protagonist.

Table 64 Comparison of Viking 1950 and OUP 1954 Change in register: grammatical expression

Viking 1950 OUP 1954 Swedish ST My translation of ST

P41: ‘I have got P25: ‘I've managed P33: “ Jag har klarat ‘I have managed well along fine without well enough without mej bra utan nån without fartification any pluttifikation any pluttification pluttifikationstabell i tables for nine years’, tables for nine years,’ tables for nine years,’ nio år”, sa Pippi. “Och said Pippi. ‘And then said Pippi, ‘and I said Pippi. ‘So I då går det nog i it will probably guess I’ll get along s'pose I can keep fortsättningen också.” continue to be OK in without it from now managing.’ future.’ on, too.’ P60: Arihmetic they P39: They don't have P50: Räkning har dom Maths they don’t have don’t have at all in arithic in the inte alls i skolorna at all in the schools the schools … school… där... there… P65: But Hai Shang P44: But Hai Shang P55: Men Hai Shang But Hai Shang was so was dreadfully was most awf'ly var så förfärligt envis, terribly stubborn, and stubborn and he said stubborn and he said och han sa att ... he said that... that … that … P76: ‘Oh, no it can P53: ‘No, it can just P65: “Nä, det får ‘No, it can sun-dry’, dry in the sun,’ vapporate,' said soltorka”, sa Pippi. said Pippi. ‘I don’t answered Pippi. ‘I Pippi. 'I don't s'pose “Jag tror inte det think it will catch a don’t think it will it'll catch cold as long förkyler sej, bara det cold, as long as it catch a cold so long as it keeps moving.’ håller sej i rörelse.” keeps moving.’ as it keeps moving.’

Each of the four examples from Table 64 demonstrates how the UK translation has changed the representation of Pippi. That said, the analysis here presents, as mentioned above, only my chosen examples and can therefore only cast light on this area of research. Therefore, the analysis serves my comparison in terms of times of shifts and their impact on meaning- making. Further examples are analysed by Haraldsson (2014) and Goodwin-Andersson (2016) who, as mentioned above, draw comparisons between the 1950 version and the 2007 retranslation of Pippi. In the US translation Pippi can argue her case eloquently when dealing

199 with the police or the teacher as is the case in the first two examples. Examples three and four equally portray a more sophisticated main character in the US version than the Pippi we are introduced to in the UK translation. In other words, the American Pippi is more sophisticated, capable and eloquent than the little helpless and sightly annoying character with whom we are presented in the UK translation.

The final example in this section on the pragmatic level deals with the illocution shift. In this example in Table 65, it is used as exclamation in text.

Table 65 Comparison of Viking 1950 and OUP 1954 Shifts in illocution

Viking 1950 OUP 1954 Swedish ST My translation of ST

P43: ‘Now I’m going P26: ‘Watch me P35: “Nu dyker jag”, ‘Now I am going to to dive,’ she cried dive!’, and then she skrek Pippi, och så dive’, shouted Pippi and jumped right hopped straight down hoppade hon rakt ner i and then she jumped down into the green into the tree's green trädets grönskande straight down into the crown of the tree, crown, hung fast in a krona, hängde sig fast tree’s green crown, caught hold of a branch, dangled back vid en gren, dinglade clung to a branch and branch, swung back and forth a moment, ett slag fram och dangled for a moment and forth a while and and let herself fall to tillbaka och lät sig back and forth and let then let herself fall to the ground. sedan falla till marken. herself fall to the the ground. ground.

There is little doubt that the UK version has implemented the exclamation mark as a means of clarifying the daring task she is about to carry out, jumping from the roof of the house. What is achieved, however, instead is a portrayal of a somewhat annoying protagonist longing for an audience. In the US translation, Pippi informs her audience in a matter of fact voice, that she is going to dive. In so doing she is portrayed in accordance with the ST. As a result, she is not presented as attention seeking, but rather as the free spirit with which Lindgren created her female protagonist.

To sum up, the US translation from 1950, which is not an exhaustive analysis, demonstrates in my examples above a protagonist much more in keeping with the Pippi Lindgren created. Pippi is represented as capable across all areas. She can speak in a sophisticated manner, she is kind and caring, knows how to look after her friends and she is amusing. Importantly, too is the gendered perspective we have noted in the above comparison. Here there are many examples of a gender-neutral perspective in the UK translation which is not the case in the US version. In the US version, we have noted that Pippi’s horse becomes masculine, Pippi becomes a girl and not a child and further we realise that Tommy is given the ability to think

200 for himself. It is interesting to note such gendered perspectives as these are so subtle and yet meaningful in our understanding of the representation of Pippi across these two English- speaking countries.

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Conclusion

The analysis has allowed to observe various changes in the initial British translation, with points of comparison in the American as well as the 2007 British translations. The shifts observed across different levels combine as a process of meaning-making which is indicative of various levels of norms. With regard to the original British translation from 1954, the syntactic level impacts on the organisation of information and as such it links to the argumentation situated in critical linguistics models. By manipulating the form of the text, for instance at the level of punctuation, the syntactic shifts impact on the overall flow of the narration. In the unit shifts, the suspense created by Lindgren through deliberate punctuation has been altered and as a result, the reader is frequently introduced to a different experience than that given to the source text reader. Cohesion shifts also alter the emphasis and effect of the original, whilst in the subcategory of sentence structure changes, we noted how the source text would frequently front the object in the clause as a means of drawing attention to the theme-rheme construction. Much as such adjustments will remain unnoticed by the target audience, they do play a part in altering processes of meaning-making and therefore also in representation. Syntactic changes may thereby be attenuating or diluting certain elements of surprise or suspense, and normalising or naturalising and even easing certain elements for the child reader or specific target reader in view of implicit norms. The shifts can impact on the atmosphere and create at times a more neutral discourse in the translation and may portray a less striking character or story.

The semantic and pragmatic levels relate more directly to cultural and social frameworks and concepts such as literary and cultural norms. On the semantic level, I have observed a variety of changes between the source text and its English translation from 1954. At the level of synonym shifts, it would seem that these have been implemented as a means of meeting target expectations. First and foremost, the image created in the description of Pippi’s house alludes, as mentioned at semantic level, to that of a small country dwelling and as such the setting does not match that of the source text, where the reader is introduced to a house more associated to a mansion. Furthermore, the notion of lying has undergone adjustments as seen above. It seems that it would have been deemed inappropriate to use such explicit language about the act of lying. Instead, the language has been defused and the child reader is introduced to the notion of untruths. As a result, the representation of Pippi and her friends, Tommy and Annika, has changed. They all appear more adult in their conversation on the

202 topic on lying than they do in the Swedish source text. With regard to hyponym and hypernym shifts, these have been implemented as a way of making the text more target orientated. Each of the examples demonstrate how the translator has changed food items to suit the target reader’s expectations. There is an effect of domestication in these examples, for instance where the English version talks about Pippi and her friends drinking tea. Because tea tended to be the traditional English afternoon drink, it seems plausible that the translator has simply wished to translate the text in keeping with target expectations. That said, it is also possible, as mentioned above, that the English editor felt that the notion of children drinking coffee would have depicted a too grown-up Pippi for the intended readership. At the level of emphasis shifts, I have observed how the use of exclamation marks act as a voice of authority. This punctuation sign has, as already mentioned, been added to the source text as a means of forcing moralistic warnings and lessons on to the child reader. Similarly, the usage of italics, of which there are one hundred additions in the English translation, has been implemented as a means of creating emphasis on specific elements in the text. The result is that the reader of the English version, meets a more self-centred protagonist, keen to draw attention to herself at any given opportunity. The italics have also been used as a way of interpreting the text and thereby guiding the reader to gain a certain understanding of the text. Overall, the use of italics has created a more exaggerated narrative.

As far as the pragmatic level is concerned, there are significant adjustments carried out that all in their own way impact on the representation of Pippi as a character and on the story as a whole. They cast light on the representation of Pippi, other characters and their surroundings. The explicitation shifts at the start of the text emphasises the Swedish setting of Pippi’s house. The reader is made aware that this story takes place elsewhere. I also discussed an implicitation shift, where the reference to Pippi’s memory of her mother, has been left untranslated. It poses questions as to why such thoughts were best left untranslated, which may have a distancing effect or relate to cultural norms avoiding the mention of death in children’s literature in the UK at the time (Lois Rauch Gibson and Laura M. Zaidman, 1991: 232). Cultural shifts have been implemented as a means of avoiding using language that could have been considered racist. The negros have become cannibals. We also observed in the changes in register, first through certain increases of formality, where Annika uses archaic language to reprimand Pippi, increasing the opposition between the characters. The change towards the more formal terms of ‘mother’ and ‘father’ moreover introduces a shift in focalisation due to which the reader in the English translation engages less with the text and

203 protagonist than the source text reader is invited to do. With regard to Pippi, the changes within the grammatical expressions alter the protagonist’s register. The mispronunciations make Pippi appear uneducated and contradict the central message of the text: that we are dealing with an independent little girl who can manage perfectly well on her own. Pippi’s linguistic abilities in the English version do not seem in keeping with the autonomous child she represents. Through domestication, she seems to have become a less iconic character. In the example demonstrated under the subcategory of shift in illocution, Pippi’s personality changes and she becomes rather self-obsessed, demanding that her friends must look at her. Finally, in the example in information change, Pippi’s additional comment ‘there aren’t any grown-ups here’ seems superfluous and all it achieves is to get in the way of Pippi expressing herself eloquently.

The various shifts often interlink and compound each other and contribute to a meaning- making process that impacts on the way in which Pippi is represented, and also on what she represents in terms of values and social norms in children’s liteartuer. The moral correctness and values expected in post-war children’s literature in the UK, as discussed in more detail in Chapter 2, were not necessarily what a reader would find in the Swedish Pippi book. Pippi represents a female protagonist with unnatural powers of strength and the ability to survive perfectly happily on her own. It thus seems clear that Pippi hardly fits the traditional mould for children’s literature aimed at girls, which was predominantly conceived in terms of domestic and didactic messages and a model of behavior which is closer to Annika’s than to Pippi’s. As a way of ensuring that Pippi would be able to enter into the UK, it would seem from the above analysis in this chapter, that it was deemed necessary for the translator to adjust certain elements. The moral correctness has for example, been implemented through cultural filtering where negro has become cannibal. Together the shifts in the 1954 translation discussed in this analysis show that minor stylistic changes contribute to a process of adaptation, where certain characteristics of the character and text are altered. When added together, they may result in a somewhat less feisty and therefore also less coherent character.

The examples of Nunnally’s retranslation from 2007, demonstrate how the timespan has made it possible to allow Pippi into UK in a role that is much closer to the Swedish source text. These changes demonstrate how translations and translational norms have shifted, resulted in a less traditional child view and a more child-centred representation. This corroborates the hypothesis mentioned in the chapter on methodology that initial translations can sometimes be adaptations, rather than foreignising renditions. In this case, we see that

204 this is linked to specific norms about childhood and children’s literature, which were not always present in the same manner in the US at the time. Such examples we see, for example where Pippi in the 1954 translation serves tea for her friends but serves coffee in both the 1950 translation as well as in the 2007 retranslation. Similarly, Pippi’s father has, in the 1954 translation, become cannibal king, as indeed he is too in the US translation from 1950, but in the 2007 retranslation he features as king of the natives. The shifts observed also relate to some extent to gender. In the US version Pippi is depicted in closer relation to the Pippi from the source text. This becomes clear for example where we are introduced to Pippi as ‘a girl’ rather than ‘a child’ as is the case in the 1954 English translation. In both the 1950 translation as well as the 2007 retranslation there are examples of gender representation that has gone beyond the ST as we see in Pippi’s comment to Tommy and Annika in which she states ‘can’t a person walk any way she wants to?’ (my italics).

The shifts in representation of Pippi are also reflected in the paratext. Here we have noted different portrayals of the protagonist, first and foremost on the front covers but also within the books. Depending on which translation we are reading, we meet a protagonist of varying age. The depiction of activities varies. In some versions chaos prevails as for example seen in the Swedish original. In the UK version, the fighting scenes are illustrated whereas the other translations under scrutiny within this thesis do not depict one single fighting scene.

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Chapter 6 Analysis of the West and East German Translations of Pippi

Introduction

In this chapter, I will compare the West German (Oetinger Verlag, 1949) and the East German (Kinderbuchverlag Berlin, 1975) translations of Lindgren’s Pippi. There are times where I use examples from the German translations (1950 and 1975) of Pippi Goes Aboard (Pippi Langstrumpf geht an Bord). Whilst based on the West German translation, the East German version differs from the former edition in a number of ways. I will comment in particular on these adjustments and examine how these may reflect differences between cultural and linguistic norms of the times and places in which the translations were created. The analysis will therefore in particular highlight the differences between both German versions, whilst also considering the shifts in the original West-German version, which according to Surmatz (2007), are situated both at the micro- and macro-level. I will again include diachronic perspectives by commenting on the 2007 German reedition published by the Oetinger Verlag Hamburg.

As the East German edition appeared in a shortened and revised version, it cannot necessarily be assumed that the translator is solely responsible for translational choices, since the editorial team, as well as a censorship team in the DDR, would have had their say in what was publishable. In the absence of detailed insight into this process and for convenience, I refer to the instances responsible for the linguistic decisions as ‘the translator’ in the below, bearing in mind however that in addition to Cäcilie Heinig, the named translator for both German versions, there would have been other people involved in editing the translation. This editing process is in itself revealing of differences in cultural or editorial needs and norms.

As in the previous chapter, I will first discuss the paratext of the translations. The focus here will be on the West German translation due to the fact that the East German version does not, as mentioned previously, include illustrations apart from the front cover. Following the paratextual analysis, I will be pursuing the translational stylistic analysis with, again, a subdivision in syntactic shifts, semantic shifts and pragmatic shifts and diachronic

206 comparisons. The analysis will be organised in tables, as in Chapter 5 where I present the Swedish ST with its UK translation, the West German and the East German. I then present my own translations of the West and East German translations. For clarity, I will be using bold font to highlight differences between the West and East German texts.

Paratextual Presentations

The following analysis on the paratextual presentation draws predominantly on Kümmerling- Meibauer’s (2007), detailed observations on the illustrations of Pippi within German translations and editions. As Kümmerling-Meibauer’s analysis (2007) of drawings in Pippi indicates, the Germans had to wave goodbye to the Vang Nyman illustrations as the German publisher was of the opinion that ‘man die leicht schräg stehenden, asiatisch wirkenden Augen der Figuren der deutschen Leserschaft nicht zumuten könnte’ (ibid.) (one could not expect the German readership to associate with the slightly slanted, Asian-looking eyes of the figures) (my translation). It was therefore decided that German illustrator Walter Scharnweber (1910-1975) was to undertake the German artwork for the West German edition. With regard to the cover, Kümmerling-Meibauer claims (ibid.) that there were many changes to be found in Scharnweber’s illustrations. According to Kümmerling-Meibauer (ibid.) Pippi’s eye colour changed from blue to brown, and instead of wearing a blue dress, the dress had become yellow. The colour of her stockings equally underwent a transformation, with one remaining black, the other becoming yellow and black striped. However, the most significant change was to be found in that Pippi ‘nun eine kurze blaue Hose mit weißen Punkten trägt. Den deutschen Verlegern war offensichtlich ein zu kurz geratenes Kleid zu anstößig, weshalb in der deutschen Übersetzung und auch bei den Illustrationen eine Hose hinzugefügt wurde’ (now was wearing a pair of short blue dotted bloomers. The German publishers obviously considered the rather short dress to be too offensive, and therefore the pair of bloomers were added [both] in the German translation and in the illustrations) (my translation).

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Figure 28 Oetinger Verlag 1949 © Walter Scharnweber

Within the book, instead of the eight illustrations to be found within the first Swedish Pippi book, the German illustrations by Scharnweber in the first German Pippi version have increased to thirteen. Scharnweber has, according to Kümmerling-Meibauer (2007:23), compared to Vang Nyman, lost some of Pippi’s charm and she comes across as less lively. The lack of animation is most noticeably to do with the fact that the German illustrator seems not to have understood ‘dass ein wesentliches Merkmal von Pippi ihre horizontal abstehenden Zöpfe sind. Er zeichnet diese immer herabhängend und entzieht dadurch der Figur ihre Dynamik’ (that an essential feature of Pippi is her horizontally protruding plaits. He always draws these drooping down and thereby deprives the figure of her dynamics) (ibid.) (my translation). Scharnweber uses Vang Nyman’s illustrations as inspiration, even though he tones them down throughout.

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Figure 29 Oetinger Verlag 1949 © Walter Scharnweber

Figure 30 Oetinger Verlag 1949 © Walter Scharnweber

Kümmerling-Meibauer (2007:23) comments on how in the third Pippi book for example, Pippi is seen in the Swedish version climbing down a ladder, head first, whereas in the German version she climbs the ladder in a ‘korrekt Weise’ (correct manner) (my translation). Scharnweber’s illustrations became popular in Germany and he illustrated further Pippi picture books and comics in addition to the Pippi trilogy. Whilst the initial East German version does not have illustrations, it has an illustration on the book cover which features the horse, Pippi and Mr. Nilsson. In terms of the East German editions it is also worth mentioning that in 1988, one year before the collapse of the Communist Regime, a new pocket edition of Pippi appeared in East Germany. The

209 illustrations in this version were created by art student Cornelia Ellinger as part of her ‘Abschlussarbeit’ (dissertation) (Kümmerling-Meibauer (2007:24). Kümmerling-Meibauer (ibid.) states that Ellinger was set the task to ensure that under no circumstances was the GDR-Pippi to look similar to the West German Pippi. Ellinger’s cover image is dominated by the head of Pippi’s horse.

Figure 31 Oetinger Verlag 1949 © Walter Scharnweber

Mr. Nilsson is sitting on the horse’s head, whilst Pippi is hanging upside down towards the back of the horse. Because Pippi is portrayed so far to the back of the image, she does not appear to be the protagonist, but rather the horse does. Pippi’s yellow and black striped stocking has changed its colour to red and white. In this new edition, illustrations are sparse. There are two small colour drawings on the inside of the dust cover: one of Pippi baking pancakes and one of Pippi at the market. Other than that, there are only eight black and white illustrations. Kümmerling-Meibauer (ibid.) states that it is clear from these drawings that Ellinger has found inspiration for her illustrations in Vang Nyman’s images in the Swedish book; presumably because Ellinger’s illustrations are representative of the same scenes as Vang Nyman’s.

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In the West German editions, the illustrations also change over time as, in the middle of the 1960s, the German publisher Oetinger Verlag, decided to find another artist to illustrate the second Pippi edition. Rolf Rettich (1929-2009) was already known to the publisher as he had illustrated other Lindgren books. He was thus commissioned to create the illustrations for the anthology of the trilogy which was published in 1967. Kümmerling-Meibauer (2007:23) draws our attention to the two most significant changes in this edition ‘[d]ie Hauptänderungen gegenüber der ersten deutschen Ausgabe betreffen das Format und die Anzahl der Illustrationen: das Buch ist doppelt so groß und weicht auch von der ursprünglichen quadratischen Form ab.’ (The main changes compared to the first German edition, concern the format and number of illustrations: the book is twice as large and deviates from the original square shape) (my translations). Instead of eight illustrations, Rettich had increased the amount significantly to 49. Kümmerling-Meibauer (2007:23) is critical towards Rettich’s pen and ink drawings, claiming that much as some attention is kept to detail, for example Pippi’s hairdo now with plaits standing horizontally, the ironic- grotesque representation of Pippi’s character is not portrayed in accordance with the Pippi Vang Nyman created. Her facial expressions are for example very similar throughout the book with a ‘angedeutete Stupsnase, offen stehender breiter Mund, aufgerissene Augen, das ganze Gesicht mit Punkten übersät, so als hätte sie Masern und nicht Sommersprossen’ (small upturned nose, open wide mouth and wide-open eyes, her entire face full of dots, as if she had measles and not freckles) (my translation). Kümmerling-Meibauer (2007:23) concludes in her article that Rettich, with his detailed drawings, invites his reader to pause and contemplate. The nostalgic tone of the drawings is reminiscent of the beginning of the 20th Century, not the 1940s, and as such the drawings portray the time of Lindgren’s own childhood. Finally, Rettich’s detailed drawings of objects give the illustrations throughout the Pippi book a decorative character and as far as Pippi’s somewhat unusual behaviour and appearance are concerned, Kümmerling-Meibauer (2007:23) claims that ‘[… sie] werden […] besser in die Darstellung des Alltags der kleinen schwedischen Stadt integriert’ (these are, as a result of this portrayal, […] better integrated into the representation of the everyday life of the small Swedish town) (my translation). To conclude, it seems that the illustrations in the initial West German edition from 1949 delivered a toned-down representation of Pippi. Her hairdo, with the plaits hanging down, the manner in which she walked down ladders and the addition of her bloomers all point towards a less vibrant protagonist. The illustrations from 1967 also depict a less lively Pippi and most notably, they portray an atmosphere that could be interpreted as representative of the time in which Lindgren herself grew up. Pippi’s facial 211 expressions are very similar throughout all the drawings where she comes across as nostalgic. Finally, in the East German version, the front cover of the book invites the audience to associate the book with a horse, rather than the larger-than-life protagonist. All in all, the German illustrations have, on the whole, aimed to depict Pippi in line with target norms; a less exuberant child.

Syntactic Shifts

Moving on to the translational stylistics analysis, this first section will analyse syntactic changes. The syntactic changes are not always the same for both German translations and this will be specified for each shift. The shifts analysed here include unit shift and transposition. As in Chapter 5, syntactic changes impact on other levels of the analysis and changes in tense may for instance have impact on a pragmatic level, on the formality and register of the text. I will discuss these pragmatic effects under the relevant syntactic examples, including in terms of their impact on the representation of the text.

6.3.1 Unit Shifts

Unit shifts refer to shifts between main and subordinate clauses. I will consider how sentence structures differ between the two translations and how these impact on the reader’s understanding of the text as well as with the original. I will be looking in particular at how clauses shift from main clauses to subordinate clauses. I shall be using four examples to explore this subcategory further. In what follows it will appear that the East German text tends, on the one hand, to adhere more strictly to the grammatical rules whilst, on the other, aiming to address the child reader. Both of these strategies are demonstrated below.

Table 66 Unit shift

Swedish British English West German East German My My Source Text Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P59: Det var P44: Going P87: Es war P40: Es war There was a There was a ett stort hål right into the ein großes ein großes big hole in big hole in rätt in i trunk, there Lock direkt Lock direkt the middle of the middle of

212 stammen was a big im Stamm, im Stamm, the tree trunk the tree trunk som hole which dass das dass die which the which the lövverket the leaves Laub vor den Kinder nicht foliage had children hade dolt för had hidden Blicken der sehen hidden from could not see barnens from the Kinder konnten, the as it was blickar. children’s verdeckt weil es durch children’s covered in eyes. hatte. Laub view. foliage. verdeckt war.

The East German text consists of one main clause and two subordinate clauses (There was a big hole in the middle of the tree trunk (main clause) which the children could not see (subordinate clause) as it was covered in foliage (subordinate clause). The fact that the sentence has been broken into three clauses means that it is easier to read than the West German translation which consists of a main and a subordinate clause in the latter of which the verb is placed finally in the subordinate clause, requiring the reader to retain in memory the information conveyed before the verb occurs, in order to construct the message of the clause. In contrast, the East German translation carefully explains, first that there was a hole in the stem, then that the children could not see it, and finally why they could not see it. The West German sentence structure is a closer reflection of the Swedish source text, but this is less child friendly (in German) than the East German translation, for three reasons. Firstly, the conjunction ‘dass’ is very similar to the personal pronoun ‘das’. This creates a slightly heavy feel from the beginning of the clause. Secondly and thirdly, the subordinate clause makes use of the dative preposition ‘vor’ which is then immediately followed by the definite article ‘der’ indicating the genitive case. The West German translation is more compact and convoluted, just as it is seen in the source text. The Swedish and the West German texts both treat the foliage as an animate, willful agent (using grammatical metaphor) that has hidden the hole from the children’s view (using metonymy: part for whole). The East German is determinedly literal in the face of all this figurative untidiness of agency. The difference in ease of reading may suggest that in fact, the two German versions aim at two different target audiences, with the East German version being oriented towards a slightly less mature readership.

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Furthermore, when viewed from a Hallidayan perspective we can see that there is an alteration between the Actors within the sentence structures. The Actors differ between the West and East German versions. In the West German translation, the foliage (das Laub) is the Actor and had hidden (verdeckt hatte) the Process. In the East German version, the children (die Kinder) are the Actor and the Process is represented through a modal operator, ‘realizing negative polarity’ (Halliday, 2014:116). At this point in the sentence, the reader has learned what appears to be considered the most significant part of the sentence: the children could not see the big hole. As an afterthought, the East German translation adds on the non-obligatory augmentation in the form of a circumstantial element ‘weil es durch Laub verdeckt war’ (because it was hidden by foliage) (my translation). This causal clause is thus pushed to the peripheries and as a result the overall meaning is diluted. As a result of such adjustments to the organisation of the clause, a lesser status of the descriptive language within the clause is achieved. The effect of these adjustments is that the children are more of a focal point in the East German text, whereas in the West German version, the foliage is where the reader’s attention is drawn. The reader is thus experiencing two different scenarios, one where the child is placed as the main point of observance and one where the leaves of the tree becomes the focal point; thus describing the children’s experience from a more mystical perspective.

In the later reedition of Heinig’s translation by Verlag (Publisher) Friedrich Oetinger from 2007 with illustrations by Katrin Engelking, the language has been simplified further. As a result of this adjustment, the text becomes more accessible to the child reader as can be seen in the Table 67 below.

Table 67 Oetinger 2007 reedition

Verlag Friedrich Oetinger 2007 My Translation

Im Stamm war ein großes Loch, das die In the trunk there was a big hole which the Kinder nicht sehen konnten, weil es durch children could not see because it was Laub verdeckt war. covered with foliage.

Table 68 below shows a similar grammatical change in the sentence structure to the previous example. We notice how clauses within the East German version are changed for clarification, whereas the West German text stays close to the Swedish source text.

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Table 68 Unit shift

Swedish Source British English West German East German My Translation My Translation Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P55: “... och ni P44: ‘…And P79: - …, und P37: „..., und ‘… and you ‘… and you kan inte tro you can't ihr könnt euch ihr könnt euch can’t imagine can’t imagine vad det imagine how nicht nicht how beautiful how beautiful såg sött ut när lovely it vorstellen, wie vorstellen, wie it looked when it looked when han kom looked when hübsch das hübsch das he, with the he came rusande med he came aussah, wenn aussah, wenn ears like two rushing and the örona som två running along er, mit den er angesaust big yellow ears like two stora, with his ears Ohren wie kam und sails behind big sails gula segel like two big zwei große die Ohren wie him came behind him bakom sej.” yellow sails gelbe Segel zwei große rushing.’ flapped.’ behind him.’ hinter sich, Segel hinter angelaufen ihm her kam. flatterten.“

The East German version again, employs simpler syntax than the West German and Swedish versions. In the East German translation, in the relative subordinate clause, the conjugated verb appears before the simile den Ohren wie zwei große gelbe Segel (the ears like two huge yellow sails). In other words, the East German translation finishes off the main idea of the relative clause before adding on extra information and in this way, creates a version that may be easier to follow for a younger readership. In so doing, Pippi’s linguistic ability has changed to a more didactic style which spells out things more gradually. Interestingly, when viewing the later reedition from 2007, it has adopted the East German version word for word. It would thus seem that this more didactic style is considered more relevant to a 2007 readership. In the next four examples, I shall discuss transposition shifts.

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6.3.2 Transposition Shifts

In this subsection I will be discussing a phenomenon referred to in Chesterman’s typology as transposition. Transposition treats adjustments in word-class, for example when moving a noun to a verb or an adjective to an adverb. It is a terminology borrowed from Vinay and Darbelnet. This strategy often involves changes in syntax structure. In the following example, I will look at the consequences of such adjustments, in this case, where a noun has been replaced with a verb, and I will consider the impact in terms of style and register.

Table 69 Transposition shift

Swedish Source British English West German East German My Translation My Translation Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P34: “Ja, men P25: P47: - Ja, aber P 23: „Ja, aber ‘Yes, but just ‘Yes, but just tänk så tråkigt ‘Come now!' denk nur, wie denk nur, wie imagine how imagine how det kan bli för Imagine how unangemehm unangemehm unpleasant it unpleasant it dej att vara så unpleasant it es für dich sein es für dich sein would be for would be for okunnig.... ” will be for you wird, so ohne wird, so wenig you to be there you to know so to be so Kenntnisse zu zu wissen….“ without little….’ ignorant….’ sein…. knowledge….’

In the example in Table 69, the Swedish source text att vara så okunnig (to be so ignorant) has been translated in the West German as so ohne Kenntnisse zu sein (to be so without knowledge) whereas the East German translation says so wenig zu wissen (to know so little). Again, the East German version uses a less formal register than the West German version. The West German translation is closer to the Swedish. It is as if the message is less severe in the East German clause than in any of the other versions in that it does not reprimand it’s reader by accusing him or her of being okunnig/ignorant/ohne Kenntnise (without knowledge).

The example above illustrates again a more colloquial and simplified language version in the East German compared to the West German translation. This shift has happened through transposition from an adjective okunnig (ignorant) in the source text, to a noun Kenntnisse (knowledge) in the West German translation to a verb zu wissen (to know) in the East

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German version. Such shifts may also be to do with the time lapse between the two translations’ publication dates (West German in 1949 and East German in 1975), with the new translation being more conversational or modern, though the use of the subjunctive, seen in other examples, tends to be associated with a higher level of language. The East German version therefore opts for a combination of simplified but grammatically very correct language.

In the newer reedition from 2007, there is a shift in narrative. The police address Pippi directly with the ‘don’t you think …’ thus inviting a response from Pippi. There is therefore a clear change in register which creates a different representation of the police who seem less formal in that they appear willing to engage in conversation with Pippi.

Table 70 Oetinger 2007 reedition

Verlag Friedrich Oetinger 2007 My Translation

„Ja, aber glaubst du nicht, dass es dir ‘Yes, but don’t you think that it would be unangenehm sein würde, dass du es nicht very unpleasant for you that you don’t know selbst weißt?“ it yourself?’

In the examples that follow below in Tables 71 and 72, I discuss the effect of the transpositions implemented. First, I compare the West German translation with the East German translation. Then I draw on the newer reedition from 2007 to underline the diachronic perspective.

Table 71 Transposition shift

Swedish Source British English West German East German My Translation My Translation Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German)

P107: Pippi P108: Pippi P185: Pippi P84: Pippi Pippi had gone Pippi had gone hade haft ett hatte hatte through a lot through a lot had had fearful rysligt schrecklich schrecklich of trouble to of trouble with trouble in besvär med att Mühe gehabt, Mühe gehabt get it done the writing writing it. skriva det. es zustande zu mit dem bringen. Schreiben.

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When viewed from a Hallidayan perspective, we see a straightforward subject, verb, object word order in the source text. In order to gain an understanding of what is happening within the two German translations, I will discuss my translations in more detail. The translations do not show the difficulties within the German grammatical structures very clearly but the main point is that in the East German translation the syntax is a simple subject, verb, object structure with ‘the writing’ as object, whereas in the West German version, the object of Pippi’s efforts is a full (albeit non-finite) sentence, ‘to bring it about’. Furthermore, ‘mit dem Schreiben’ (‘with the writing’) is a circumstantial element and yet again it forces this part of the clause out on the peripheries. In the West German translation, a decision has been made not to refer to ‘writing’ at all, thus both German versions place less focus on the difficulties Pippi had had with the act of writing. The illustrations in the source text support the notion that it was the act of writing that was the tricky part. In the Swedish version, Pippi is lying on the floor writing and the reader is, in the illustrations, introduced to the invitation full of spelling errors. In the East German version there were, as already mentioned, no illustrations within the book so the reader does not have access to this side of the story. The West German version shows a small drawing of the finished letter, full of spelling mistakes, though without Pippi’s presence. In conclusion, it would thus seem that both German versions shift the attention to the invitation itself, rather than the process of the writing.

Below in the example from the 2007 reedition we see how the text has been adjusted as a means of clarifying the language by way of reducing the syntaxt to a more simplistic format. In so doing, this newer edition achieves two things, it stays close to the Swedish source text whilst it also allows for a more easily readable text.

Table 72 Oetinger 2007 reedition

Verlag Friedrich Oetinger 2007 My Translation

Pippi hatte schreckliche Mühe gehabt, das Pippi had gone through a lot of trouble to zu schreiben. write it.

From the examples within this section on syntactic shifts, where we have viewed unit shifts and transposition shifts, it would appear that the East German version tends to break down longer sentence constructions. Such alterations may be a means of modernising text as the East German version did appear on the market some 30 years after the West German translation and therefore it might have been deemed necessary to meet target expectations of

218 a slightly more modern language. However, another reason for the shift can be a different conception of the child readership and expectations in terms of style in this context. Predominantly, we may conclude that the two translations differ in terms of syntactic shifts so that they each set about to achieve what the translator/publisher felt was appropriate. The West German version often tends to stay closer to the original as can be seen from the above examples – though there was amongst others an omission to the act of writing in the above – whereas the East German edition has undergone an additional editorial process. The latter hence places more emphasis on linguistic choices correlated with a children’s audience and its needs as perceived within a certain educational context and conception of literature explicitly centered on supporting child development. When considering the newer 2007 reedition, we note that adjustments implemented tend to affect the syntax in line with those of the East German translation. In other words, there is a less complicated grammatical structure put in place. Such observations point towards a need for a more didactic language that is more easily accessible for a younger reader. It may also point towards a different child perception as for example demonstrated above in Table 70 where the police address Pippi directly.

From the above examples we note that stylistic adjustments play a role in changing processes of meaning-making and therefore also in representation. Much as such shifts will naturally go unnoticed by the target reader, they do carry with them consequences. The alterations implemented may for example have contributed to the representation of the protagonists, as well as to their surroundings and activities compared to those in the source text. It is clear from the above analysis that the adjustments seen both in the East German translation but also in the newer edition could be directly linked to considerations of readability. As illustrated in Chapter 5, in the case of Pippi, who displays unusual characteristics, the shifts may therefore be significant for the target text. Changes on the syntactic level are limited to micro-changes but can have a pragmatic effect in terms of readership and register, contributing to the shifts and processes of meaning-making on the semantic and pragmatic level, which are more directly ideologically invested in the field of children’s literature. The following section will address the semantic shifts.

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Semantic Shifts

In this section, I will discuss shifts at the semantic level, which refers to change of meaning. I shall first be viewing synonym shifts, shifts taking place when the translator has made use of vocabulary he or she considers more appropriate than what at first glance may have seemed the more obvious choice. Then, I shall observe change in emphasis. This strategy adds to, reduces or changes the emphasis or thematic focus, for one reason or another. Finally, I will be discussing trope shifts.

6.4.1 Synonym Shifts

Synonym strategies are implemented when a translator selects a not obvious equivalent but instead a synonym or near synonym, for example to avoid repetition. I will be discussing examples of synonym shifts below. The first example in Table 73 of synonym shifts, demonstrates an underlying implication of losing control of the situation.

Table 73 Synonym shift

Swedish British English West German East German My Translation My Translation Source Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P32: P23: ‘Not P45: – P22: „Im ‘The other way ‘In contrast’, “Tvärtom”, me!’ said Umgekehrt, Gegenteil”, around’, said said Pippi, sa Pippi. Pippi. ‘I’m sagte Pippi. sagte Pippi. Pippi, ‘this ‘this here is “Det här är her very Das hier ist „Das hier ist here is quite a quite a small en mycket small aunt eine ganz eine ganz small aunt, aunt, who lives liten moster who lives on kleine Tante, kleine Tante, who lives on on the third som bor på the third die in der die in der the third floor floor at the tredje floor …’ dritten Etage dritten Etage at the other other end of våningen...” am anderen am anderen end of the the town.’ Ende der Ende der town.’ Stadt wohnt. Stadt wohnt.”

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Only one expression has changed between the West German and the East German translation in this example: in the East German translation “Im Gegenteil” has replaced the West German translation’s “Umgekehrt”, so it is probable that this change has been made deliberately. When something is turned ‘the other way around’, there may be an implication that the situation is slightly out of control, the situation is turned upside down and associations are directed towards a topsy-turvy world. ‘Umgekehrt’ (the other way around) may thus have been deemed too untidy for the East German editor, translator or publisher, and ‘Im Gegenteil’ (In contrast) seemed more orderly. Whilst there is only one word that differs between the two German translations, the British translation strays significantly from the source text. In the clause ‘not me!’ Pippi is answering the police who have just asked ‘Are you the girl who has just moved into Villekulla Cottage?’ (”Är det här den där flickan som har flyttet in i Villa Villekulla?”). In answering with ‘not me!’ rather than ‘on the contrary’, an implicit subject and finite verb (it is) have been ellipsed. The adjustment means that ‘not me!’ becomes the theme; and the addition of the exclamation mark leaves the reader with a sense of ‘look at me’. This attention-seeking notion is highlighted in the following clause, where Pippi says ‘I’m her very small aunt …’ (my italics) rather than using the neutral personal pronoun ‘this is’ (my italics). Pippi, as we saw it in Chapter 5 by way of addition of exclamation marks and italics, seems, in the British version, to enjoy drawing attention to herself. As such we notice that there is a change in emphasis in the English translation and therefore a change in representation of the character. Pippi has become the attention-seeking, slightly obnoxious child; displaying a behaviour that also connotes with that of a younger child than a nine-year-old. In the newer 2007 reedition, the text has been kept word for word as we see it in the East German version.

In the following example, I will discuss the synonym shift of Fräulein to Lehrerin (female teacher).

Table 74 Synonym shift

Swedish British English West German East German My My Source Text Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P41: “Du P31: ‘You P57: - Du P29: „Du ‘You can’t ‘You can’t anar inte en can't imagine ahnst nicht, ahnst nicht, imagine imagine sån snäll what a nice was für ein was für eine what a nice what a nice

221 fröken vi teacher we nettes nette Miss we teacher we har,” sa have,’ said Fräulein wir Lehrerin wir have’, have’, Tommy Tommy so haben, sagte haben,“ Tommy said Tommy said listigt till artfully to eines Nach- sagte eines one day one day Pippi en Pippi one mittags Nach- skillfully to skillfully to eftermiddag, afternoon Thomas mittags Pippi as they Pippi as they när han och when he and listig zu Thomas one day were one day were Annika kom Annika were Pippi, als sie listig zu visiting Villa visiting Villa till Villa visiting zu Besuch in Pippi, als sie Villekulla, Villekulla, Villekulla Villekulla die Villa zu Besuch in after they after they efter att först Cottage after Kunterbunt die Villa had first had first ordentligt ha having first kamen, Kunterbunt properly properly läst sina done all their nachdem sie kamen, completed completed läxor. homework. erst nachdem sie their their ordentlich erst homework. homework. ihre ordentlich Schularbeit ihre gemacht Schularbeit hatten. gemacht hatten.

In the example above, the Swedish text translates as: ‘(you can’t imagine) what a nice school mistress we have’ (my translation). The West German translation stays close to the source text. The East German translation, on the other hand, translates ‘fröken’ (Miss) with ‘(female) teacher’. With the creation of the GDR in 1949, ‘the inclusion of women into employment […] was regarded as the most important and indeed fundamental step towards equal rights’ (Eva Kolinski and Hildegard Maria Nickel, 2003:4). The connotations attached to Fräulein may not have fitted these social norms. As stated in a blog on languages (Language Matters, 2013) ‘[a]fterall, Fräulein, is the diminutive72 form of Frau (Mrs/woman) and it means ‘little woman.’ From about the 1960s onwards, more focus was placed on the patronising elements of Fräulein, and the word became gradually less used (Sarah Kuhn, 2007). The reference in

72 See Table 86 for a further discussion on the diminutive. 222 the East German version can tie in both with political priorities of the East German regime and with the delay in publication, as the notion Fräulein had become less popular by the time Pippi was published in its East German version. Fräulein was used until the 1970s as a salutation or designation for (young) unmarried women. After the interior minister's decree in 1972, the word was banned from official linguistic use. Further, because the function of the word was to indicate marital status, it was perceived as discriminatory (Okamura Saburo, 2006:83).73 This latter statement is also supported by the 2007 reedition where Lehrerin has been kept as demonstrated in the table below.

Table 75 Oetinger 2007 reedition

Verlag Friedrich Oetinger 2007 My Translation

P43: „Du ahnst nicht, was für eine nette ‘You can’t imagine what a nice teacher we Lehrerin wir haben,“ sagte eines Nach- have’, Tommy said one day skillfully to mittags Thomas listig zu Pippi, als sie zu Pippi as they one day were visiting Villa Besuch in die Villa Kunterbunt kamen, Villekulla, after they had first properly nachdem sie erst ordentlich ihre Schularbeit completed their homework. gemacht hatten.

The following example displayed in Table 76, demonstrates a synonym verb shift between the verb backen (to bake) and the verb haben (to have) which may be linked to target norm expectation.

Table 76 Synonym shift

Swedish Source British English West German East German My Translation My Translation Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P68: “Oj, vad P56: ‘Gosh, P101: -Oh, wie P47: „Oh, wie ‘How lovely ‘How lovely det är trevligt what fun it is schön sind schön sind holidays are,’ holidays are,’ med skurlov “, to have a doch doch said Tommy said Tommy sa Tommy holiday!’ said Scheuerferien, Scheuerferien“ with the mouth with the mouth med munnen Tommy sagte Thomas, , sagte full of full of

73 The Duden online dictionary has the following definition of Fräulein: Als Anrede für eine erwachsene weibliche Person sollte, unabhängig von Alter, Familienstand und Beruf, immer Frau statt Fräulein gewählt werden. Die Anrede Fräulein ist nur noch üblich, wenn die angesprochene Frau diese Bezeichnung selbst wünscht (As a salutation for an adult female person, regardless of age, marital status and occupation, Frau should always be chosen instead of Fräulein. The address Fräulein is only usual if the addressed woman wishes this designation herself). .

223 full av through a den Mund voll Thomas, den pancake, ‘one pancake, ‘one pannkaka. mouthful of Eier Kuchen, Mund voll should have should bake “Det skulle pancake. ‘We die sollte man Eierpfannkuch them every them every man ha alla ought to have jeden Tag en. „Die sollte day.’ day.’ dar.” it all the time.’ haben. man jeden Tag backen.“

This example demonstrates a verb synonym shift within the East German translation where the verb backen (to bake) has changed to haben (to have). The personal pronoun die (they) in the West German translation refers back to Scheuerferien (holiday) and not Eier Kuchen (pancakes), as is apparent from Pippi's comment in the next paragraph: Nee. Weißt du, so verrückt nach Scheuern bin ich nicht. Das macht Spaß, sicher. Aber nicht jeden Tag, das würde zu anstrengend werden (no, you know what, I am not that crazy about having holidays. It is fun, of course. But not every day, that would be too exhausting) (my translation). It would seem odd to have made a mistake in a supposedly carefully edited version, though of course it is possible that this could have happened. It is plausible that the reference to the pancakes rather than the holidays, has been deliberately put in place as a means of diluting the message that going on holidays was something to strive for. In the former East German State, international travelling was heavily regulated,74 and as such the reference to holidays could have been adjusted as a way of avoiding drawing attention to the notion of going away. The 2007 reedition replicates the West German translation word for word. Therefore, it seems plausible to suggest that the East German adjustment has been implemented, as discussed above, as a means of avoiding drawing unwanted attention to the notion of going on holiday. In the next two examples of synonym shifts, represented in Tables 77 and 78, both the East and the West German translations differ from the Swedish source text. As mentioned earlier, any differences between the two German translations have been highlighted in bold. There are several different types of shifts in this example and I discuss each of these here.

74 Bruno van den Elshout (2019) Growing up in East Germany https://www.thenewfederalist.eu/Growing-up-in- East-Germany (Accessed 20th November 2019). 224

Table 77 Synonym shift

Swedish English West German East German My Close My Close Source Text Translation Translation Translation Translation (W Translation and E. German) (Swedish)

P6: P2: Pippi’s P6: Die P5: Die The mother The mother Mamman mother had Mutter war Mutter war had died when had died when hade dött, died when gestorben, gestorben, Pippi was Pippi was just när Pippi Pippi was als Pippi nur als Pippi only/still a a little, little bara var en just a tiny ein kleines, noch ein small, little kid lying in the liten, liten baby lying in kleines Ding kleines, thing lying in cradle unge, som her cradle war, das in kleines Ding the cradle screaming so låg i vaggan and howling der Wiege war, das in screaming so terribly that no och skrek så so dreadfully lag und so der Wiege terribly that no one could be förskräckligt, that no one furchtbar lag und so one around around. Pippi att ingen could come schrie, daß furchtbar could stand it. thought that kunde vara i near. Pippi es niemand schrie, daß Pippi believed her mother närheten. believed that in der Nähe es niemand that her mother was now Pippi trodde, her mother aushalten in der Nähe was/was now sitting up in att hennes now lived in konnte. Pippi aushalten up in the sky the sky, mamman nu somewhere glaubte, daß konnte. Pippi and looking looking down satt upp i up in Heaven ihre Mutter glaubte, daß down through at her girl himlen och and looked nun oben im ihre Mutter her little hole through a kikade ner down on her Himmel war nun oben im at her small hole, and på sin flicka little girl und durch Himmel sei girl/child, and Pippi often genom ett through a ein kleines und durch Pippi often waved to her litet hål, och hole in it. Loch auf ihr ein kleines waved up to and said: Pippi Pippi often Mädel Loch auf ihr her and said, ‘Don't be brukade ofta used to wave runterschaut Kind ‘Do not worried! I will vinka upp till up to her and e, und Pippi runterschaute worry/about be fine!’ henna och say, ‘Don’t winkte oft zu , und Pippi me! I'll be säga: “Var worry, I can ihr hinauf winkte oft zu fine!’ inte ängslig! look after und sagte: ihr hinauf myself!’ „Hab keine und sagte: Angst! Ich „Hab keine

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Jag klarar komme Angst um mig alltid!” schon mich! Ich zurecht!“ komme schon zurecht!“

In this example, the representation of the relationship between Pippi and her mother has undergone adjustments. All three translations have translated ‘mamman’ with mother/Mutter. In the Swedish source text, ‘mamman’ (the mummy) creates a close proximity of the narrative towards the childlike perspective, as pointed out by Surmatz (2005:148). This does not come across in any of the translations, where instead the perspective is changed to a more stilted register. Furthermore, in the source text, Pippi addresses her mother, an angel in Heaven, with self-assertion where she displays a form of guaranteed inner strength. In both German translations, due to the way Pippi addresses her mother, Pippi’s self-confidence disappears and, as Surmatz observes (ibid.), it is as if Pippi wants to reassure her mother that she will be able to adapt to the situation. Such linguistic changes have adjusted the representation of Pippi as a character, a notion also mentioned in Chapter 5 when discussing the translation of pappa to father, as well as to the relationship Pippi has towards her mother. These shifts relate to what Surmatz refers to as ‘hierarchisation tendencies between children, parents and respondents’ (ibid.). In Chesterman’s typology (1999:109), this shift can be referred to as cultural filtering; a shift implemented when the translator wishes to ensure that the translation accords with target norm expectations. Other shifts take place in this passage, such as for example a hyponym shift from Mädel (girl) to Kind (child). This adjustment within the East German translation presents a change in the gender representation of the protagonist. Pippi can be viewed as more neutral by introducing her as a child, rather than a girl. Finally, the additional information um mich (about me) demonstrates a change of information shift, which allows the East German version to draw the attention to Pippi rather than the mother’s concerns. In so doing, the contrast between the mother’s concern and Pippi’s ability to cope strengthens Pippi’s personality further, again changing the hierarchisation and the carnivalisation of characters. She thus aspires to the hero East Germany wished to promote in literature as discussed in Chapter 2.

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When looking at this example in the newer 2007 reedition, it is interesting to see how many returns to the source text have been put in place. There are some shifts to more colloquial language, because ‘mother’ (Mutter) has become ‘mum’ (Mama) and the verb ‘runterschaute’ has taken the more colloquial form ‘runterguckte’. Interestingly, we also note an introduction of the possessive pronoun ‘ihrer’ (her) which shifts the emphasis to Pippi. This places importance on the protagonist rather than the screaming. Both at the level of representation and at that of style, the new version indicates an increased focus on the child and the reading experience.

Table 78 Oetinger 2007 reedition

Verlag Friedrich Oetinger 2007 My Translation

P8: Die Mama war gestorben, als Pippi The mum had died when Pippi was only a noch ein kleines Ding war, das in der Wiege tiny thing lying in the cradle screaming so lag und so furchtbar schrie, dass es niemand terribly that no one near her could stand it. in ihrer Nähe aushalten konnte. Pippi Pippi believed that her mum was now up in glaubte, dass ihre Mama nun oben im the sky and looking down through her little Himmel war und durch ein kleines Loch auf hole at her girl, and Pippi often waved up to ihr Mädchen runterguckte, und Pippi her and said, ‘Don’t worry! I'll always be winkte oft zu ihr hinauf und sagte: „Hab fine!’ keine Angst! Ich komme immer zurecht!“

The next example under synonym shifts is from chapter four where Pippi goes to visit Tommy and Annika at school. I shall be discussing how the synonym shift creates a different representation of the protagonist.

Table 79 Synonym shift

Swedish English West German East German My Translation My Translation Source Text Translation Translation Translation (W and E. (Swedish) German)

P42: P33: ‘Hey, P60: - Hallo, P29: ‘Hello,’ Pippi ‘Heya,’ Pippi “Hejsvejs,” hurrah!’ rief Pippi „Hallo,“ rief called and chuckled and hojtade Pippi shouted und Pippi und waved her big swung her big och svängde Pippi and schwenkte schwenkte hat. ‘Am I on hat. ‘Am I in sin stora hatt. waved her ihren großen ihren großen time for time for “Kommer big hat. ‘Am Hut. Komme Hut. plutimication?’ plutimication?’ jag lagom till I in time for ich recht zur „Komme ich recht zur

227 pluttifika- plutifica- Plutimika- Plutimika- tionen?” tion?’ tion? tion?“

Pippi’s greeting as well as the narrator’s voice have undergone adjustments in both German translations. The Swedish greeting ‘Hejsvejs’ (hello, hello) is free, friendly and informal. In the German translations the reader is introduced to a much more ceremonial address by using the more formal greeting hallo (hello). Secondly, the verb hojtade (roared) has been toned down to a mere rief (shouted). Through such alterations, the protagonist in the German translations has been tamed and treats her teacher much more respectfully. In the two German translations, Pippi’s dramatic entrance does not convey the same effect. It has been toned down because of the lack of the marked Hejsvejs (hello, hello), as well as by the volume of the verb hojtae (roared). Finally, the alliteration of the first sentence Hejsvejs, hojtae (hello, hello, roared), has been omitted and as a result it does not carry the same linguistic play on words. Overall, Pippi has become more formal and less outspoken. This is not the case in the 2007 reedition. In this newer reedition we note a more colloquial, informal and playful language in her salutation as well as a verb that reproduces the volume with which Pippi expresses herself. As such the 2007 version has been adjusted in accordance with the source text.

Table 80 Oetinger 2007 reedition

Verlag Friedrich Oetinger 2007 My Translation

„Hallihallo“, grölte Pippi ‘Hello hello,’ roared Pippi

In the next example in this subcategory, I will demonstrate a synonym shift carried out as a means of censuring the vocabulary which was considered too dangerous to introduce to the child reader.

Table 81 Synonym shift

Swedish English West German East German My Translation My Translation Source Text Translation Translation Translation (W and E. (Swedish) German)

P66: P54: P98: - Man P45: „Man ‘You really ‘Perhaps we “Kanske ‘Perhaps we sollte sollte should pick ought to pick

228 man rentav ought to pick wirklich wirklich mushrooms,’ some plocka lite some mush- Pilze Pilze said Pippi and mushrooms,’ svamp,” sa rooms,’ said sammeln, sammeln,“ broke off a Pippi said, Pippi och Pippi, sagte Pippi sagte Pippi nice brown breaking a bröt av en breaking off und brach und brach boletus. ‘I beautiful, red vacker, röd a beautiful einen einen would like to fly agaric. ‘I flugsvamp. red schönen schönen know if you wonder if you “Jag undrar toadstool. ‘I braunen braunen can eat it. can eat it, she om det går wonder if Steinpilz ab. Steinpilz ab. Anyway, you continued. In att äta den,” it’s eatable,’ - Ich möchte „Ich möchte cannot drink it, any case, you fortsatte hon. she wissen, ob wissen, ob that much I can't drink it, “I varje fall continued. man den man den know [...]. that much I kan man inte ‘Anyhow, it essen kann. essen kann. Maybe it will know dricka den, certainly Jedenfalls Jedenfalls be OK.’ She […].Maybe it så mycket isn’t kann man kann man bit off a large will be OK.’ vet jag […]”. drinkable, ihn nicht ihn nicht chunk of She bit a large Hon bet ett that much I trinken, so trinken, so mushroom and piece of the stort stycke know, […].’ viel weiß ich viel weiß ich swallowed it mushroom and av svampen She bit off a […]. […]. [...] and threw swallowed it och svalde big piece of Vielleicht Vielleicht the mushroom [...] and threw det […] och the toadstool geht es. Sie geht es.“ Sie high in the air the mushroom kastade and biß ein biß ein over the high over the svampen swallowed it. großes Stück großes Stück treetops. treetops. […] högt över […] vom Pilz ab vom Pilz ab said Pippi and träd- throwing the und ver- und ver- broke off a topparna. toadstool schluckte es schluckte es nice, red fly high over the […] und […] und agaric treetops. […] warf den Pilz warf den Pilz mushroom. omission hoch in die hoch in die Luft über die Luft über die Baumwipfel Baumwipfel

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In this example the synonym shift of the red fly agaric demonstrates how it was considered of importance to place at the forefront the physical well-being of the childlike reader. Pippi, in the source text, breaks off a red fly agaric; in the German texts, however, this poisonous mushroom has become an ordinary brown edible mushroom. In the English version, the mushroom is also toned down and has become a toadstool. Therefore, it would seem that less trust was placed on the child reader; a fear that the child would copy Pippi’s behaviour and as a means of avoiding this, the editors have considered it safer to translate the poisonous mushroom with an edible version. By doing so, Pippi has become less dangerous and more child friendly. Once again in the 2007 reedition, we note a significant change, compared to both the 1949 and 1975 versions, where the ‘brown mushroom’ has reverted back to the source text and become a hübscher roten Fliegenpilz (a beautiful fly agaric). This confirms the partial strategy of return to the source text observed in other examples.

Table 82 Oetinger 2007 reedition

Verlag Friedrich Oetinger 2007 My Translation

P69: „Man sollte wirklich Pilze sammeln,“ ‘You really should pick mushrooms,’ said sagte Pippi und brach einen schönen Pippi and broke off a beautiful red fly braunen Steinpilz ab. „Ich möchte wissen, agaric. ‘I would like to know if you can eat ob man den essen kann. Jedenfalls kann it. Anyway, you cannot drink it, that much I man ihn nicht trinken, so viel weiß ich […]. know [...]. Maybe it will be OK.’ She bit off Vielleicht geht es.“ Sie biß ein großes Stück a large chunk of mushroom and swallowed von dem Pilz ab und ver-schluckte es […] it [...] and threw the mushroom high in the und warf den Pilz hoch in die Luft über die air over the treetops. Baumwipfel.

A similar process to the one described above, occurs in the next example, where the choice of vocabulary is not an exact synonym and creates a shift in meaning in the text.

Table 83 Synonym shift

Swedish British English West German East German My My Source Text Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P34: ”...Men P25: ‘But P48: - ... P23: “… ‘… but one ‘… but one man ka ju then, you Aber man Aber man can of course can of course inte få ha can't have kann ja nicht kann ja nicht not always not always

230 roligt jämt,” fun all the immer lustig immer have fun,’ be carefree,’ sa Pippi och time,’ said haben, sagte sorglos said Pippi said Pippi ställde sig på Pippi turning Pippi und sein,“ sagte and did a and did a händerna en a few stellts sich Pippi und handstand handstand tagg. cartwheels. ein bißchen stellts sich for a while. for a while. auf die ein bißchen Hände. auf die Hände.

The difference between ‘lustig haben’ (having fun) and ‘sorglos sein’ (to be carefree) shown in Table 83 is significant. The Swedish source text makes it clear both in its vocabulary ‘ha roligt’ (have fun) and through the description of Pippi’s action ‘och ställde sig på händerna en tagg’ (and did a handstand for a while) that this is about having fun. The fact that the East German translation decides to adjust the vocabulary, suggests firstly, that it may reflect social norms in toning down the element of fun and secondly, it reintroduces Pippi doing her handstand; turning things upside down. In the British translation, Hurup has changed the handstand for a cartwheel, thus creating a slightly more playful image than that presented in the source text. The way in which the character is represented is noteworthy. In the English version, we are introduced to a more playful character. In the West German edition the reader meets a character similar to the one described in the source text: a child expressing herself in a rather adult way, using an expression that most of all reminds us of an older generation gently reprimanding the younger generation to bear in mind, it is no good having fun without having earned it; and yet straight after the comment, Pippi does a handstand and is thus back in her childlike, but equally carnivalesque and subversive persona. In the East German version of Pippi, the contrast between what Pippi says and her doing a handstand, is greater than in the West German and Swedish versions, purely because of the mentioning of ‘not being able to be carefree’. It would seem therefore, that Pippi is represented as a more adult and responsible character in the East German version, whilst she is more childish in the British version. In the 2007 reedition, we see how the text has been changed very slightly from the West German version where lustig haben has become Spaß haben. The meaning within these two translations is the same; much as one cannot always be expected to have fun, Pippi will continuously strive to implement a sense of entertainment in her life.

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Table 84 Oetinger 2007 reedition

Verlag Friedrich Oetinger 2007 My Translation

P36. „... Aber man kann ja nicht immer ‘… but one can’t of course always have Spaß haben,„ sagte Pippi und stellts sich ein fun,’ said Pippi and did a handstand for a bißchen auf die Hände. while.

The examples in Tables 83 and 84 demonstrate that the adaption process can thus both tend towards infantilising the character or towards remodelling her in part. The following example will discuss the notion of thoughts versus considerations.

Table 85 synonym shift

Swedish British English West German East German My My Source Text Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P73: “Ja P61: ‘But if P110: - Ja, P51: „Ja, ‘Yes, but if it ‘Yes, but if it men, om det it was true, aber wenn es aber wenn es were true, were true, var sant how could it Wahr wäre, Wahr wäre, then it could then it could kunde det ju be a fib?’ könnte es ja könnte es ja not have not have inte vara [Omission nicht nicht been lied been lied lögn”, of: [fortsatte gelogen sein, gelogen about’, she about’, she fortsatte hon hon sina setze sie ihre sein“, setze carried on carried on sina fun- Gedanken sie ihre with her with her funderingar deringar]] fort. Überlegunge thoughts. considera- n fort. tions.

In this example, the Swedish source text can be fairly closely translated as follows: ‘“Yes, but if it were true, then of course it couldn’t be a lie”, she carried on with her considerations’ (my translation). ‘Gedanken’ (thoughts) describes a less involved and critical thought process than ‘Überlegungen’ (considerations), which implies that Pippi is weighing up her argument and giving it serious consideration. The East German translation is here very close to the Swedish source text. However, the change from Gedanken to ‘Überlegungen’ also involves an axiological shift placing importance on critical thinking. It is important to remember that literature in East Germany was to play a significant role in engendering social change, and children’s literature was viewed as equally important to that of adults in this respect. Children

232 were not to be viewed as half-finished adults, but instead as ‘beings integrated into society who deserve to be taken seriously’ (Thompson-Wohlgemut, 2009). Therefore, it was considered that children’s literature should match adult literature with regard to style, content and quality. In order to advance children’s development as ‘socialist personalities’ (ibid.), they were to be challenged mentally. In the early 1960s, ‘authors and publishers were urged to place higher demands on the reasoning abilities of children’ (ibid.). Lexical adjustments, as seen above where Gedanken (thoughts) have become Überlegungen (considerations), raise the register to a more formal level than that of the West German translation, to match the original, where Pippi is seen engaging in funderingar (speculations; considerations). When viewed from this perspective, it could be argued that the East German translation, at times, aims for a return to the source text, as can be the aspiration of faithful retranslations (Peter Davies, 2018:23). However, as mentioned above, this is on the whole counteracted by the fact that the East German translation is not the full translation, but often a combination of strategic adaptations of the source-text and the first German translation, where stylistic choices are closely linked to target cultural norms and contexts. The 2007 reedition is kept word for word to the East German version. As has been demonstrated above, the 2007 version tends to stay close to the East German version when the East German version reverts to the ST.

The various synonym shifts in the East German version discussed above thus serve strategic purposes and as a result of such adjustments, Pippi has been changed in accordance with target norm expectations, thus creating a safer and less exuberant piece of children’s literature. We see, however, in the 2007 reedition that there are times when it follows closely the East German translation. This is the case, when the East German translation stays close to the ST. When the East German translation shifts away from the ST, the 2007 version still tends to stay close to the ST.

6.4.2 Changes in Emphasis The next category, change in emphasis, refers to the process of adding elements into the text that alters or reduces the emphasis or thematic focus for one reason or another. This can include, as in the British translation, addition of exclamation marks, but another shift, with an affective emphasis, which we encounter in the German version rather than the British for linguistic reasons, is the use of diminutive in translation. The example in Table 86

233 demonstrates how the East German translation makes use of the diminutive, a form often used in German as an endearment or when talking to a child. Diminutives are more than their semantic meanings because their use reflects several issues: they reflect ‘a culture, the translator’s individual conceptualization of the words that undergo diminution and the translator’s preferences. At the core of diminutives lies a deeply embedded cultural worldview’ (Lockyer, 2012:20). According to Lockyer (ibid.), there is a shared opinion that the English language lacks diminutives and therefore cannot express emotion to the same degree. Lockyer (ibid.) claims that English diminutives most often use a systematic construction. Adjectives that signify smallness (i.e. teeny, little, tiny, wee) front the noun, as we see it in the English nursery rhyme teensy-weensy little spider or the itsy-bitsy little spider. Furthermore, the English language also possesses diminutive suffixes, be that to a far lesser degree, as pointed out above by Locker, such as the diminutives doggie, auntie, kitty, dearie, and so forth. When these are combined with an adjective, they form ‘double’ diminutives such as little doggie. The ‘double’ diminutive, however, mostly appears in situations involving children; it has not been used in the English translation of Pippi, whilst diminutives are frequent in the East German translation in particular, hinting at a younger audience as demonstrated again in the next example.

Table 86 Change in emphasis

Swedish British English West German East German My My Source Text Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P72: För en P60-61: It P109: für so P 51: für so For such a For such a sån liten apa wasn't much einen ein kleines little teensy- var det ju fun for such kleinen Äffchen war monkey, it weensy little inte så roligt a little Affen war es es ja nicht was of monkey, it att bli monkey to ja nicht besonders course not was of lämnad be left alone besonders vergnüg-lich, much fun to course not ensam i in the vergnüg- allein im be left lonely much fun to skogen. woods. lich, allein Wald in the be left lonely im Wald gelassen zu woods. in the gelassen zu werden. woods. werden.

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The East German translation of ‘För en sån liten apa’ (for such a small monkey) would translate in English as for such a teensy-weensy monkey, whilst the published British translation does not have this type of childish diminutive and is more neutral and in line with the Swedish text: there we learn that it is a small monkey, which is also the case in the West German translation. In the East German translation, we are told twice that this is a small monkey by way of a double diminutive as observed by Lockeyr (ibid.). Firstly, ‘kleines’ meaning ‘small’ and then the additional diminutive use ‘chen’ added on to masculine noun Affe which becomes Äffchen, a term that may appeal to a younger child. Mr Nilsson has on the one hand become a tiny sweet little monkey, whilst on the other, he appears more reassuring, as in that he is not a great big fierce animal. Placing emphasis through the use of the double diminutive, the reader is invited to feel pity or empathy for the monkey who as a result may appear more vulnerable. From this example we may conclude that Mr Nilsson’s character has changed, even if only slightly. He appeals even more to the younger, or the more sentimental reader. The 2007 reedition has kept the East German translation word for word and is thus an example of where both of these newer reeditions, 1975 and 2007, deviate from the ST. This may be as a result of the diachronic perspective in which the child image has changed too. In order to appeal to an independent child reader, this double diminutive serves its purpose by drawing on the child’s emotions.

In the following section, I shall discuss the trope shifts.

6.4.3 Trope Shifts

The notion of trope shifts refers to the translation of rhetorical tropes, such as for example figurative expressions, i.e. metaphors. In the following examples in Tables 87-89, we see how the lexis, here a pun on words, has changed between the two German translations. I will be analysing the trope shift where we have a loss of word play, which illustrates a linguistic choice in the East German text that takes less account of the wider co-text than the original invites a translator to do.

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Table 87 Loss of trope

Swedish British English West German East German My My Source Text Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P31: “... och P22: ‘... to P43: - … P21: ‘To learn to ‘To learn to läre sig learn the multipliziere „Rechnen multiply.’ calculate.’ multipli- multiplica- n lernen. lernen.“ […] […] ‘Why ‘Why does kations- tion tables.’ […] „Wozu muss does one one have to tabellen.” […] ‘Why -Wozu muss man in die have to go to go to […] “Varför do I [have to man in die Schule school?’ ‘To school?’ ‘To måste man go to Schule gehen?“ learn all learn all gå i skolan?” school]?’ gehen? „Um alles sorts of sorts of “För at lära ‘Well, to - Um alles mögliche, zu things, of things, of sej saker och learn things, Mögliche, lernen course.’ […] course.’ […] ting förstår.” of course.’ natürlich zu natürlich.“ ‘Lots of ‘Lots of […] “Allt […] ‘Any lernen. […] […] things’, said things’, said möjligt,” sa number of - Viele „Viele the police, ‘a the police, ‘a polisen, “en different Dinge, sagte Dinge, sagte whole lot of whole lot of hel massa kinds’, said der Schutz- der Schutz- useful useful nyttiga the police. mann, eine mann, eine things, for things, for saker, ‘A whole lot ganze ganze Menge example, the example, the multipli- of useful Menge nützliche multiplica- multiplica- kations- things, nützliche Sachen, zum tion tables.’ tion tables, tabellen till multiplica- Sachen, z.B. Beispiel die you know exempel.” tion tables die Multiplika- one times for Multiplika- tion, weiß one.’ example.’ tionstabelle. du, das Einmal- eins.“

The two German phrases multiplizieren lernen and Rechnen lernen refer to two slightly different concepts within the mathematical sphere. The first, as we see it in the West German translation, refers to multiplications only, whereas Rechnen lernen, as stated in the East

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German version, is all encompassing in that it implicitly refers to all of the four elementary mathematical operations of arithmetic. The issue at stake here is, however, that the play on words in the Swedish source text, where mulitiplikationstabell becomes pluttifikationstabell,75 is deliberate. Lindgren has chosen to use mulitiplikationstabell so that she can refer back to the phrase in the subsequent dialogue between Pippi and the police where the police in answer to Pippi’s question ‘Varför måste man gå i skolan?’ (‘Why does one have to go to school?’) (my translation), replies ‘För at lära sej saker och ting förstår. […] ‘Allt möjligt’, sa polisen, ‘en hel massa nyttiga saker, multiplikationstabellen til exempel.’ (To learn things you see. [...] All sorts of things’, said the police, ‘a whole lot of useful things, like multiplication tables for example.’ (my translation). The sense of repetition that we find in the Swedish source text is not carried across in the East German version and the humour to be found in the malapropism in the source text is absent in all the translations. The reason for such adjustments may be that the translators have not realised the inference of the nonce word76.The consequence of the linguistic choices in the translations is that Pippi’s humour, implicitly talking about flatulating, something most children would find very funny but that adults may deem inappropriate, is absent. The loss may indeed be deliberate in terms of censuring the original, as at least in the English version fartification might have worked as suggested by Metcalf (1990:132). In the source text, the implicit link between the educational institution and flatulating, creates a humorous text which is lost in translation: this may in part be due to linguistic reasons linked to the word play but also to an elimination of the reference to flatulation in view of target audiences and cultural norms of restraint in children’s literature. Finally, it is noteworthy that the East German translation has added an explanatory clause ‘weiß du, das Einmaleins’ (you know, one times one) as a way of ensuring that the child reader would understand the terminology to which the police is referring. This addition again helps create the message that the East German text has been adapted to suit a younger readership. In the 2007 reedition that addition has been maintained though a synonym shift has taken place where Schutzleute (police) has become Polizist (police). According to Duden online (2003), these words are synonyms and are used interchangeably.

Table 88 Oetinger 2007 reedition

Verlag Friedrich Oetinger 2007 My Translation

75 As both Metcalf (1990) and Russell (2000) observe, Lindgren is playing with the language. The joke here is that pluttifikation is supposed to make the reader make a connection with the word prutt (fart). 76 As mentioned in Chapter 5, a word or a phrase that has been invented but only used once and that has now been institutionalised, i.e. a word used for a single specific occasion (Katamba, 2005:74). 237

P35: „Rechnen lernen.“ […] “Wozu muss ‘To learn to calculate.’ ‘Why does one have man in die Schule gehen?“ „Um alles to go to school?’ ‘To learn all sorts of Mögliche, zu lernen natürlich.“ […] things, of course.’ […] ‘Lots of things’, said „Vieles“, sagte der Polizist, „eine ganze the police, ‘a whole lot of useful things, for Menge nützliche Sachen, zum Beispiel die example, the multiplication tables, you Multiplikation, weiß du, das Einmal-eins.“ know one times one.’

In the following example, I shall be discussing two adjustments, an omission of a monetary reference as well as an omission of a specific word play.

Table 89 Loss of trope

Swedish Source British English West German East German My Translation My Translation Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P90: “Jag OMISSION P136: - Ich P63: „Ich ‘I don’t ‘I don’t begär inte att verlange nicht, verlange nicht, demand that demand that ni ska säja daß ihr dank daß ihr you have to you are ’tack’”, skrek sagen besonders say thanks. Go particularly Pippi efter sollt. Ziehet höflich seid, in peace!’ And polite, but you dem, “men ni hin in Frieden! aber ihr könnt she went back could at least kunde Und sie ging wenigstens to her money. say ‘thanks’!’ åtminstone wieder zu 'danke' sagen!“ kosta på er att ihrem Geld säja ’tick’. Ni zurück. har ju inte vanligt klockvett! Men för all del, far I fred”, sa Pippi och återgick till sina pengar.

In the East German translation, the reference to pengar (money) has been omitted, and ‘this reflects the socialist virtue, that money is not important’ (Thompson-Wohlgemuth,

238

2007:182). Rather than drawing the attention to Pippi’s wealth, the East German translation instead omits this detail. Another omission has taken place on the semantic level relating to a word play in Swedish, where the clock says tick and the word for thank you is tack. This has been left out in both German translations, with the whole passage even being removed in English: ‘I don’t demand that you must say ‘tack’ (thank you), shouted Pippi after them, ‘but you could perhaps take the time to say ‘tick’ (the sound of the clock). You don’t even have a normal clock knowledge! But never mind, just you go’, said Pippi and started counting her money again’ (my gloss translation). The omission of the whole passage in the English version, demonstrates that the translation has caused significant problems for the translator. This can again be due to difficulties in translation of wordplay. The pun on the noise of the clock, the fact that Pippi ironically demands that the thieves should at least have manners and her unperturbed carrying on counting her money, were according to Moats (2007:21) a ‘clear mirroring of Pippi’s personality, which get lost in the translation.’ Her personality and quick wittedness therefore do not shine in this passage. In the 2007 reedition both the monetary reference as well as the word play have been kept. This is another example of this newer version replicating the ST.

Table 90 Loss of trope

Verlag Friedrich Oetinger 2007 My Translation

P 93: P63: „Ich verlange nicht, dass ihr ‘I don’t demand that you are particularly besonders höflich seid, aber ihr könnt polite, but you could at least say ‘thanks’!’ wenigstens 'danke' sagen!“

In the final example of loss of trope, I shall demonstrate omissions of ‘erotic allusions and innuendoes to gender roles’ (Surmatz, 2005:152). I will be comparing the West German translation (1949) with the East German edition (1970). Any differences between these two I have highlighted in bold writing.

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Table 91 Loss of trope

Swedish English West German East German My Translation My Translation Source Text Translation Translation Translation (W and E. (Swedish) German)

P81: “Tänk, P54: P97: - Daß P45: „Daß ‘That cows can ‘To think that att kor kan ‘Imagine that Kühe so Kühe so be so cows can be va [sic] så cows being störrisch sein störrisch sein stubborn,’ [sic] so sulky,’ tjuriga,” sa so pig- können, können“, Pippi said, Pippi said, Pippi och headed as sagte Pippi sagte Pippi leaping over jumping with hoppade that!’ said und sprang und sprang the gate with both feet jämfota över Pippi, mit beiden mit beiden both feet at together across grinden. jumping with Füßen Füßen once. ‘No the gate. ‘And “Och vad both feet zugleich zugleich wonder if the what’s the blir följden? together over über das über das bulls get result? That Att tjurarna the gate. Gatter. Gatter. angry.’ the bulls blir koriga ‘And what’s [Omission] „Kein become cow- förstås! Det the result? Wunder, like of course! är verkligen The pigs get wenn die It's really quite ganska cow-headed, Stiere awkward to ruskigt att of course! wütend think about.’ tänka på.” It’s really werden.“ disgusting to think about it.’

In this example, there is an immediate contrast in the source text, where Pippi talks about cows being stubborn, whilst she herself jumps over a gate, both feet together, thus breaks with the stereotypical gender norms of boys jumping gates. The contrast lies between the mention of the female animal on the one hand, and Pippi’s non-female characteristic way of jumping over the gate, on the other. This is maintained in all three translations. Secondly, however, Lindgren creates a word pun tjurarna blir koriga (the bulls become cow-like) which is omitted in the West German translations, translated in East German with no wonder

240 that the bulls get angry, thus losing the pun. In the English translation, the translator creates a pun to which an English readership would relate: the pigs get cow-headed. The problem with the English translation is that it does not lead on into the subsequent passage, where Lindgren again breaks with gender norms, allowing Tommy to have to fight with an angry bull and only surviving the event because Pippi, the strongest girl in the world, comes to his rescue. Whilst the issue of rendering puns and word plays in translation is a frequent point of loss, the result here also impacts on the challenging of gender roles. Whilst Pippi behaves in a similar fashion in the beginning of all three translations, the omissions carried out in the West German translation create a less humorous protagonist than that seen in the East German version and the 2007 reedition. In the 2007 reedition the text has been created in closer proximity to the source text in as far as ‘bulls get cow-like’. By contrasting the bull with the cow, the translation achieves what the source text promotes, namely, to draw attention to the fact that bulls are likely to adapt cow characteristics. This can be viewed as an introductory preparation to Tommy’s encounter with the bull where, as mentioned above, he becomes rescued by a female heroine, Pippi. The final passage of the source text (It's really quite awkward to think about) remains omitted in this later reedition from 2007.

Table 92 Oetinger 2007 reedition

Verlag Friedrich Oetinger 2007 My Translation

P69: „Daß Kühe so störrisch sein können“, ‘That cows can be so stubborn," Pippi said, sagte Pippi und sprang mit beiden Füßen leaping over the gate with both feet at once. zugleich über das Gatter. „Kein Wunder, "No wonder if the bulls get cow like.’ wenn die Stiere kühig werden.“

In this section on semantic shifts, we have viewed a variety of shifts ranging from synonym shifts, changes in emphasis to trope shifts. The analysis of semantic shifts has demonstrated that translational choices impact on the representation of Pippi: she comes across as less provocative and slighter more sensible and responsible in the East German version than she does in the West German. This observation raises questions as to how Pippi could be remodeled or infantilised to fit a (counter)norm. In the West German version, she is less toned down and stays very close to the Swedish source text. Further adaptation to the norms for a child audience are related to the editing out or avoidance of sensitive or negative notions such as dying and lying, as demonstrated above. These adjustments are implemented as a

241 means of ensuring that the child reader will not be exposed to topics that may conflict with target norms and expectations of what is considered appropriate for the child. Certain adjustments in the East German version may also refer to sociopolitical norms, such as the change in reference to holidays or female teachers. Some of the adjustments carried out in the examples above cast light on shifts in gender representations, such as seen in the adjustment of the reference to Pippi changing from ‘girl’ to ‘child’, or indeed in the behaviour of Pippi jumping gates and rescuing her male friend. Finally, the use of diminutive in the East German version creates a change in the representation of Mr. Nilsson. He appeals more to the sensitive and sympathetic reader than in the source text. As mentioned above, this double diminutive has also been restored in the 2007 reedition.

Pragmatic Shifts

Pragmatic shifts involve strategies that refer to the function of text and its relationship with the reader. Such shifts are often implemented when the source text requires an element of clarification for the target audience and tend to be of a cultural nature. They might also involve an editing process in view of the target audience. I will be analysing examples in this section referring to both transeditorial, the adaptation of cultural references and information change. In so doing, I will cast light on the adjustments noted in the East and West German versions as a means of gaining a better understanding of how such alterations may affect the representation of Pippi, both as a character as well as a book for children. In the analysis below, I will, as already mentioned above, be drawing on some examples from the second Pippi book, Pippi Goes Aboard (Pippi Langstrumpf geht an Bord), to demonstrate specific transediting shifts.

6.5.1 Transediting

Transediting is the terminology used to describe the radical re-editing translators may have to carry out sometimes on less well-written texts or in view of certain skopos. Transediting includes drastic reordering and rewriting at a more general level than the micro-level and is particularly present in the East German version given the editing and adaptation process

242 carried out on the initial German translation. In the section that follows below, I shall look at ten different examples. In my first and second examples I shall discuss omission suggesting a form of domestication. Then in my third example, I shall view an omission in the East German version relating to political norms. Examples four and five will be treated in one table and both of these examples are taken from the second book Pippi Goes Aboard (Pippi Langstrumpf geht an Bord), as discussed above. They relate to context that could have been deemed racist. Two further examples taken from Pippi Goes Aboard will demonstrate omission relating to foreign cultures. In the ninth example I shall discuss observations on the absence of omission of references to Africa in the East German version. Finally, in the tenth example, I shall focus on additions, rather than omissions, in the East German translation.

Table 93 Transediting

Swedish Source British English West German East German My Translation My Translation Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P25: Bengt P17: Bengt P34: Benno P17: Benno Benno turned Benno turned vände sig om turned around drehte sich um drehte sie um around and around and och fick se en and saw a girl und sah ein und sah ein saw a girl saw a girl who flicka som han he'd never met Mädchen, das Mädchen, das whom he had dared to grab aldrig hade before, er niemals es wagte, ihn never met hold of him. träffat förr. En an unruly, vorher anzufassen. before, a vilt främmande strange girl getroffen hatte, totally strange flicka som who dared to ein girl, who dared vågade peta på poke him! wildfremdes to grab hold of honom. Mädel, das es him. wagte, ihn anzufassen.

In the East German version, Pippi’s characteristics have been toned down. She is not a ‘totally strange/foreign girl’, but rather ‘a girl.’ The omission of ‘whom he had never met before, a totally strange girl’ may have been implemented as a means of domesticating the protagonist, adapting her to fit with target norms. The English version, on the other hand, uses “unruly” to describe Pippi’s appearance and thereby depicts the opposite image to that of

243 the East German version; a boisterous, disorderly and odd-looking girl. The addition of the exclamation mark in the English translation, adds further emphasis on the message: Pippi’s appearance really is unusual. In the 2007 reedition, the text stays close to the West German translation with some synonym adjustments. Getroffen (met) has become gesehen (seen) and anzufassen (grabbed hold of) has been toned down to anzutippen (lightly touched).

Table 94 Oetinger 2007 reedition

Verlag Friedrich Oetinger 2007 My Translation

P27: Bengt drehte sich um und sah ein Bengt turned around and saw a girl whom Mädchen, das er niemals vorhergesehen he had never seen before, a totally strange hatte, ein wildfremdes Mädel, das es wagte, girl, who dared to touch him. ihn anzutippen.

In the following example I discuss the omission relating to political norms in the East German version.

Table 95 Transediting

Swedish British English West German East German My My Source Text Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P11: “Varför P5: P13: - Omission ‘Why I am jag gick ‘Why am I Warum ich walking baklänges?” walking rückwärtsge back- sa Pippi. back- gangen bin? wards?’ “Lever vi wards?’ said sagte Pippi. - Pippi said, inte i ett fritt Pippi. ‘This Leben wir ‘Don’t we land is a free etwa nicht in live in a free kanske?” country, isn’t einem freien country, or it? Land? what?’

In the above example, we note the omission of a sizable amount of text within the East German version. Pippi makes a claim to freedom in this extract when she asks: ‘Don’t we live in a free country or what?’ The omission in the East German version is significant and suggests that certain aspects of Pippi’s personality do not fit the ideal of the ‘positive hero’.

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The passage omitted refers to Pippi’s unconventional behaviour and her claims to freedom. Whereas Pippi may be brave, energetic and active; she was also naughty, chaotic and rebellious towards adults and officials (Kümmerling-Meibauer, 2007:19-27). The late arrival of the first two translations and the omission of the last, as well as this type of transediting process of the text, confirms the difficulties surrounding Pippi’s characteristics seen from an East German perspective. The West German version maintains the ST message, and this rendering is also followed in the 2007 reedition.

In the following table, I will be discussing two examples taken from Pippi Goes Aboard (Pippi Langstrumpf geht an Board). These examples have been included as they both illustrate omissions relating to racism. The examples are treated in one table and they relate to the ideological context of Lindgren’s text and its portrayal of other cultures. The East German version has chosen to omit any reference that could be perceived as politically incorrect. It would seem that talking about Hottentots, was inappropriate and therefore the entire passages have been omitted, and the reference to negros has been removed.

Table 96 Transediting

Swedish English West German East German My Translation My Translation Source Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P79: “Fast P69-70: ‘But P119: - Aber OMISSION ‘Just imagine tänk nu”, sa supposing,’ bedenkt mal, this,’ said Pippi och la said Pippi, sagte Pippi Pippi, and begrund- putting her und legte whilst thinking ande fingret finger on her nachdenk- she put her på näsan, nose in a lich ihren finger on her “tänk om jag thoughtful Finger an die nose, ‘What if just har lärt manner, Nase, wenn I have just mej hur ‘supposing, ich gerade learned how många just when gelernt habe, many hottentotten I’ve learnt wie viele Hottentots det finns, så how many Hotten-totten there are, and en av dom Hottentots es gibt, und then one of går och får there are, eine davon them goes and

245 lung- one of them bekommt gets inflamma- goes and gets Lungen- pneumonia tion och dör, pneumonia entzündung and dies, then då är det ju and dies! und stirbt - it's all in vain, förgäves Then it’s all dann war das and I sit here alltihop, och been for ja alles and am not a här sitter jag nothing, and umsonst, und really fine lady och är inte here I am, no ich sitze da after all.’ She En Verkligt more a Real und bin kein pondered, Fin Dam ett Lady than Bißchen ‘Someone dugg.” Hon before.’ She "eine should say to funderade. thought hard. wirklich the Hottentots “Någon ‘Someone feine Dame". that they must borde säja ought to tell Sie behave till the überlegte. Es themselves so hottentottern Hottentots to müßte that there will a att dom behave, so jemand den be no mistakes uppför sej så that your Hotten-totten in your att det inte books don’t sagen, sie homework blir fel i era go wrong,’ sollen sich so books,’ she läxböcker”, she said. benehmen, said sa hon. daß in euren Schul- büchern keine Fehler stehen, sagte sie.

P114: “Det P99: ‘Not P174-175: - OMISSION ‘O, I'm going är inte many Es gibt nicht to be so pretty! många barn children viele Kinder, I'll have rings som blir det. become that. die das in both my O, jag ska bli I shall look werden. Und ears and a så fin! Jag grand! I shall fein werde slightly larger

246 ska ha ringa i have rings in ich sein! In ring in the alla örona all my ears alle Ohren nose.’ ‘What och en lite and a slightly werde ich else will you större ring i bigger ring Ringe haben be wearing?’ näsen.” in my nose.’ und in die asked Annika. ‘What else Nase einem ‘Nothing “Vad ska du are you noch more,’ said ha på dej going to größeren Pippi. ‘Not a mer”, wear?’ asked Ring. - Was stitch more! frågade Annika. wirst du But I'll let Annika. ‘Nothing sonst noch myself be “Inte mer”, else,’ said anhaben? polished with sa Pippi. Pippi. ‘Not Fragte shoe polish “Aldrig ett another Annika. - over my entire emul mer! scrap! But I Nichts body every Men jag ska shall have a weiter, sagte morning. So låta blanka cannibal of Pippi. Nicht that I will be mej med my own to eine Spur as black as the skokräm polish me all mehr! Aber other natives. över hele over with ich werde I’ll just put kroppen shoe polish einen myself outside varje every eigenen for brushing in morgon. Så morning. All Neger haben, the evening at att jag blir I’ll have to der mir jeden the same time lika svart do will be to Morgen den as the shoes.’ som dom put myself in ganzen Tommy and andra kurre- the passage Körper mit Annika tried to dutterna. Jag at night Schuhcreme imagine what bara ställer together with putzt. Damit Pippi would ut mej till my shoes.’ ich eben so look like. ‘Do borstning om Tommy and schwarz you think that kvällarna på Annika tried werde wie black is going samma gång to picture die anderen to look som skorna”.

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Tommy och what Pippi Neger. Ich beautiful with Annika would look stelle mich your red hair’ försökte like. ‘D’you jeden Abend asked Annika föreställa sig think the zum putzen doubtful. ‘We hur Pippi black will raus, will have to skulle look well gleichzeitig wait and see,’ komma att se with your red mit den said Pippi. ut. “Tror du hair?’, asked Schuhen. ‘Otherwise it's att svarta blir Annika Thomas und easy as pie to vackert till doubtfully. Annika dye my hair dit röda hår“, ‘We’ll see,’ versuchten green.’ She undrade said Pippi. sich sighed Annika ‘If not, it’s vorzustellen happily. tveksamt. easy to dye wie Pippi “Det får man hair green.’ aussehen se”, sa Pippi. She sighed in würde. - “Annars är rapture. Glaubst du, det en smal daß das sak att färga Schwarz gut håret grönt.” zu deinem Hon suckade roten Haar hänfört. aussehen wird? fragte Annika zweifelnd. - Das werden wir sehen. Sonst ist es ja eine einfache Sache, das Haar grün zu färben. Sie

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seufzte entzückt.

First and foremost, the continued reference to the Hottentots explains the omission of this relatively long passage. However, Pippi’s comments on how these people must behave themselves so that Swedish children do not make mistakes in their homework is again open to a double interpretation of suggested cultural dominance or the unrealistic expectations of traditional schooling, which may be out of touch with reality. On both accounts, her statement may have seemed inappropriate in view of social norms. Both the English and the West German translations stay close to the source text and have translated the full passage.

In the following examples, taken from Pippi goes Aboard, we observe another omission of a reference to other cultures which may have been considered offensive.

Table 97 Adaptation of cultural reference

Swedish English West German East German My Translation My Translation Source Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P79: “..., P69: ‘… but P118: - Aber P141: „Aber ‘But perhaps ‘But perhaps men det går I think man kann man kann you can’t you can’t kanske inte perhaps I vielleicht vielleicht become a become a att bli En can’t become ‘wirklich ‘wirklich ‘really fine ‘really fine Verkligt Fin a Real Lady keine feine keine feine lady’ if you lady’ if you Dam, om if I don’t Dame‘ Dame‘ don’t learn don’t learn man inte lär learn how werden, werden, how many anything.’ sej hur many wenn man wenn man hottentots många hottentots nicht lernt, nicht lernt.“ there are in hottentotter there are in wie viele Australia.’ finns i Australia.’ Hotten-totten Australien.” es in Australien gibt.

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The example above demonstrates another reference to the hottentots. The East German translation has omitted the reference in line with target norms. It would have been considered politically incorrect to discuss other cultures in a derogative way. The Swedish source text, written in 1945, may not have had the same connotations in Sweden at that time as the translation in East Germany in 1975 would have had. Therefore, the omission of the reference to hottentots, may have been implemented due to the time lapse. In the Swedish text there is an element of humour at the expense of the hottentots, that, due to the omission in the East German edition, gets lost. This type of humour belongs to a category of what may be referred to as racist jokes.77 These are considered to be offensive. In these examples, hottentots would refer to an ethnic group of people and as such the joke can be viewed as an offensive ethnic joke.

In the following example, also taken from Pippi goes Aboard, a reference to cannibals is maintained in the East German translation, however with the omission of a reference to vegetables, removing some of the initial humoristic contrast in the passage.

Table 98 Transediting

Swedish English West German East German My Translation My Translation Source Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P87: “..., P76: ‘…, P132: - ..., P147: „..., ‘…, only to be ‘…, only to be bare för att only to be nur um einen nur um einen served with served as bli serverad served with Kannibalen Kannibalen vegetables as dinner for a med stuvade two zum Mittag- zum Mittag- dinner for a cannibal!’ grönsaker vegetables as essen, essen, cannibal!’ som middag dinner for a zusammen vorgesetzt zu åt en cannibal!’ mit Gemüse, werden!“ kannibal.” vorgesetzt zu werden!

Pippi comments on how she will be served with vegetables for dinner to be eaten by a cannibal. Although the East German translation allows the reader shared part of the joke: that

77 Oxford Bibliographies https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195396577/obo- 9780195396577-0369.xml (Accessed 21st November 2019). 250

Pippi will be served as dinner for the cannibals, it does not allow the reader to enjoy the added part of the joke that they can also have vegetables to eat alongside.

A further form of transediting within the East German version, relates to the African references in the original. As already mentioned, the East German version was, with Lindgren’s permission, published in a shorter version; the examples below demonstrate that references to the word ‘negro’ have been removed almost systematically. There are however exceptions where the word is maintained, and these may simply have escaped the proofreader’s beady eye. The following example is one of two where the word Negerin has been maintained.

Table 99 Absence of transediting

Swedish British English West German East German My My Source Text Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P106: P92: ‘She P160: - P73: „Lange ‘For a long ‘For a long “Mormor thought to Lange Zeit Zeit hat time, granny time, granny trodde i det the very end hat Großmutter had thought had thought längsta att that Martha Großmutter gedacht, daß that she were that she were hon var en was a negro- gedacht, daß sie eine a negro a negro negerflicka, girl ‘cause sie eine Negerin because she because she för att hon her skin was Negerin wäre, weil had such had such var så mörk so dark, but wäre, weil sie so eine dark skin, dark skin, i skinnet, it was all sie so eine dunkle Hut but that was but that was men det var genuine dunkle Hut hatte, aber probably just probably just minsann washable hatte, aber das war genuine genuine den mest dirt, to be das war wahrhaftig washable washable tvättäkta sure.’ wahrhaftig nur der dirt.’ dirt.’ lort nur der allerwaschec alltihop.” allerwaschec hteste hteste Dreck. Dreck.“

In the 2007 reedition, we see how negro has been replaced with African. This adjustment positions the translation closer to the source text whilst ironing out some potential racial

251 connotation. We saw a similar phenomenon in Chapter 5 under the Pragmatic section where the 2007 retranslation of Pippi offered a more neutral translation of the original negro. Instead of maintaining the translational choice of cannibal, Nunnally adopted the natives. What we thus note from a diachronic perspective is a shift in the direction of what may be deemed more politically correct. In other words, we note a shift away from what today would be viewed as racist to a more neutral setting.

Table 100 Oetinger 2007 reedition

Verlag Friedrich Oetinger 2007 My Translation

P108: „Lange Zeit hat Großmutter geglaubt, ‘For a long time, granny believed that she daß sie eine Afrikanerin wäre, weil sie so were African because she had such dark dunkle Haut hatte, aber das war wahrhaftig skin, but that was probably just genuine nur der allerwaschechteste Dreck.“ washable dirt.’

The transediting process does not only involve omissions but also additions. In the following example, I discuss an addition in the East German version which includes a reference to pistols.

Table 101 Transediting

Swedish Source British English West German East German My Translation My Translation Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P135: “Vill ni P119-120: P205-206: - P94: „Wollt ihr ‘Would you by ‘Would you by ha var sin ‘Would you Wollt ihr übrigens jeder the way each the way each pistol each like a übrigens jeder eine Pistole like to have a like to have a förresten?” pistol, by the eine Pistole haben? Aber pistol?’ pistol? But no, frågade hon. way?’ she haben? nein, ich Tommy was I think we had asked. Tommy Thomas war glaube, wir thrilled, and better put these Tommy blev was thrilled, begeistert, und legen sie Annika would back in the hänförd, och and Annika Annika wollte lieber wieder also like to chest. That’s Annika ville said she would auch gern eine in die Kiste. have a pistol, if not for också gärna ha like a pistol Pistole haben, Das ist nicht only they were children!’ Now en pistol, bara too, if it wenn sie nur für Kinder!“ not loaded. ‘If Pippi took the

252 den inte var weren't nicht geladen Nun nahm we like, we telescope to laddad. loaded. war. Wenn wir Pippi das could now her eye. ‘If we wollen können Fernrohr vor form a group like, we could “Nu kan vi ‘Now we can wir jetzt eine der Auge. of robbers,’ now form a bilda ett become a band Räuberbande said Pippi, and group of rövarband om of robbers if bilden, sagte held the robbers,’ said vi vill”, sa we want Pippi und hielt telescope to Pippi, and held Pippi och satte to,’ said Pippi, das Fernrohr her eye. the telescope kikaren för looking vor der Auge. to her eye. ögonen. through the telescope.

The East German addition ‘Aber nein, ich glaube, wir legen sie lieber wieder in die Kiste. Das ist nicht für Kinder!’ (That’s not for children) (my translation) changes Pippi’s personality into that of a sensible or responsible person or adult. The addition seems out of character in that it stands in complete contrast to the Pippi we have just heard shoot the ghosts through the ceiling. It has been added as a means of making the reader realise that it is really not safe to play with guns, as mentioned in Chapter 3. The notion of playing with guns would connote a sense of violence. From Thomson-Wohgemuth’s (2007:178) research on fairy tales, we know that ‘a great number of expressions of a violent […] nature were eliminated […] on their journey into the socialist German culture.’ As far as the 2007 reedition is concerned, it replicates the West German translation word for word.

In this section on transediting I have observed, through the examples, numerous adjustments. These modifications have been implemented as a means of meeting target norms. These norms refer to political, ideological and racist norms and also to the way in which East Germany viewed foreign cultures.

6.5.2 Adaptation of Cultural References

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This section will discuss further adaptations of cultural references, beyond strategies of omission. In the typology of Chesterman (1997:108) ‘[t]his strategy is also referred to as naturalisation, domestication or adaptation; it describes the way in which SL items, particularly culture-specific items, are translated as TL cultural or functional equivalents, so that they conform to TL norms.’ I will be discussing eight examples in this subsection. In the first example, I shall analyse the change in Pippi’s clothing. The second, third, and fourth examples all relate to omission of monetary references. Examples five and six deal with omission and preservation respectively of religious references, whereas the seventh example will be discussing the omission of a culture-specific reference to food. In the eighth example, I shall discuss the omission of a fairy tale reference.

In the first example, we will look at a form of cultural adaptation related to a change in Pippi’s clothing.

Table 102 Adaptation of cultural reference

Swedish British English West German East German My My Source Text Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P10: På P5: On her P12: An P8: An ihren On her long On her long Hennes long thin ihren langen langen thin legs, she thin legs, she långa, smala legs she dünnen dünnen had a pair of had a pair of ben satt ett wore long Beinen hatte Beinen hatte long long par långa stockings, sie ein Paar sie ein Paar stockings, stockings, strumpor, one brown lange lange one zebra one striped, den ena brun and the other Strümpfe, Strümpfe, stocking, and and one och den black. einen einen one black. black. andra svart. Zebrastrump geringelten f und einen und einen schwarzen. schwarzen.

The descriptions of Pippi’s stockings are noteworthy for two reasons. Firstly, the Swedish source text describes her stockings as brown and black. In the West German version, which we also find in the 2007 reedition, the stockings have changed colour from brown to black. Furthermore, one of them has acquired a pattern. According to Surmatz (2005:154) many Germans would in 1949 have associated Pippi’s brown stocking with the ‘Hitlerjugend’

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(Hitler youth) and ‘Zebrastrümpf’ (Zebra stocking) was chosen to avoid this association in the West German translations. In the East German however, the animal reference to zebra, an animal to be associated with Africa, is edited out and the once brown stocking is now described as a striped stocking. The West German illustrations support the translations in full by depicting Pippi wearing one striped stocking and one black stocking. Whilst there are, as mentioned above, no illustrations in the East German version from 1975, only the one on the front cover and inside the dustcover, Pippi is depicted in accordance with the descriptions outlined above under the section on paratext. Her stockings are now red and white striped. The East German Pippi, is hence also visually depicted differently from the West German.

The following three examples (where the first and the third are taken from Pippi goes Aboard) of adaptation of cultural references relate to omission of monetary references in the East German version. East Germany, being a communist country, where the wealth supposedly is divided equally between citizens,78 it would not have been appropriate to draw attention to Pippi’s wealth. Firstly, in the following example in Table 103, the West German translation stays close to the Swedish source text both with regard to the vocabulary and the sentence structure, whereas the East German version omits the monetary reference again.

Table 103 Adaptation of cultural reference

Swedish English West German East German My Translation My Translation Source Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P108: …, P94: …and P164: ... Er P162: ... Er He was ..., He was och han var he was glad freute sich, freute sich, pleased that pleased that glad at hon that she had daß sie ihren daß sie keine she had taken she had not hade haft sin her suitcase Koffer mit Not zu leiden her suitcase had to suffer kappsäck of gold Gold- brauchte, with the gold whilst he was med coins, so that stücken mit- während er coins with her away. guldpengar she had not genommen fern von ihr so that she had so at hon inte suffered hatte, so daß war. not had to hade behövt want while sie keine Not suffer whilst lida nöd he was away. zu leiden he was away. brauchte,

78 Encyclopaedia Britannica, https://www.britannica.com/topic/communism (Accessed 21st November 2019). 255 medan han während er var borta. fern von ihr war.

Rather than specifically mentioning the fact that Pippi would be able to survive as a result of the money she had been given, the East German version omits this detail and states instead that Pippi’s father was pleased that she had not had to suffer whilst he was away. The reference to money has again been omitted in the East German translation just as we saw above in the above tables. Thomson-Wohlgemuth’s analysis of the adaption of Grimms’ fairy tales in East Germany (2007:181) supports the notion that money was something that should not be held in high regard in children’s books within the socialist state. She points out that in the East German edition of Grimms’ fairy tales, it often ‘appears children were guided towards believing that wealthy people and people of a higher class tended to be evil’ (ibid.): forms of explanations were frequently added ensuring no ambiguities were left for the young reader. The following example is from The White Snake, where the first text is the Grimms’ and the second the East German edited in 1953 by Dr Walther Pollatschek:

‘The servant refused everything and only asked for a horse and travel money, because he was keen to see the world and to go about a little’

‘The servant refused everything offered to him and only asked for a horse and travel money, because he did not want to stay with a king who had committed such great injustice and had threatened to take his life’

Whilst the omission of monetary references in the East German translation of Pippi seems to point in the same direction, it is worth noting that in the first Pippi book, the reference to Pippi’s suitcase of money, has been kept in the East German translation79 as can be seen in Table 104 below.

79 There are examples throughout the Pippi books of inconsistencies and the reference to money is one of these. 256

Table 104 Preservation of cultural reference

Swedish British English West German East German My My Source Text Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P8: Två P3: She took P7: Zwei P6: Zwei Two things Two things saker tog two things Dinge nahm Dinge nahm she brought she brought hon med sig from the sie vom sie vom with her with her från båten. boat, a little Schiff mit. Schiff mit. from the from the En liten apa monkey Einen Einen boat. A little boat. A little som hette whose name kleinen kleinen monkey, monkey, Herr Nilsson was Mr Affen, der Affen, der who was who was - den hade Nelson (he Herr Nilsson Herr Nilsson called Mr called Mr hon fått av had been a hieß – den hieß, und Nilsson – Nilsson, and sin pappa - present from hatte sie von einen großen him she had a big och en stor her father) ihrem Vater Handkoffer, been given suitcase full kappsäck and a big bekommen - voll mit by her daddy of gold full med suitcase full und einen Goldstücken, – and a big pieces, that gullpengar. of gold großen den hatte sie suitcase, full she had been pieces. Handkoffer, von ihrem of gold given by her voll mit Vater pieces. daddy. Gold- bekommen. stücken.

Whether this may have been left in by accident, as an oversight, or if there are other reasons for the preservation of this monetary reference is unclear. This is similar to the preservation of the ‘negro’ reference in the example above.

Beyond the matter of money, it is also worth considering the representation of religion in the (East) German translation, as shown in the next example.

257

Table 105 Adaptation of cultural references

Swedish English West German East German My Translation My Translation Source Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P13: “Kors, P6: ‘Oh, it’s P15: - Gott, P95: „Ach, ‘God, is that ‘Ohh, ist hat är det ni ...” you! …’ seid ihr es ... seid ihr es...“ you…’ you …’

The Swedish text translates in English directly as ‘Crucifix, is that you...’. Within this sentence, a certain Scandinavian humour is to be found. The humour lies in Pippi’s choice of language which most of all replicates that of an older person, trying hard not to swear. In the West German translation, it has been necessary to translate ‘kors’ (crucifix) with ‘Gott’ (God) so as to stay within the cultural boundaries. Although the humour is lost, equivalence of cultural reference has been maintained. In the East German translation both humour and equivalence of approximation have got lost in translation in line with target ideological norms. Similarly, Thomson-Wohlgemuth (2005:29) demonstrates the omission of religious references in Grimms’ fairy tales in the East German context where she states that there was no such thing as God’s will, rather the responsibility would lie on the individual to make of life what they wanted

[…] East German socialists strongly objected to […] the belief in God’s will and good fortune. In the opinion of the GDR bureaucrats, there was no such thing as God’s will but life was what people made of it, and already youngsters were told about the virtue of taking one’s life in one’s own hands. This attitude was certainly reflected in texts for children; as it was in Grimm’s [sic] fairy tales (2005:29).

Yet again, however, there is an inconsistency in that ‘Gott’ has been left in the East German translation in Pippi Langstrumpf geht an Bord, Chapter 8, perhaps in a more standard expression.

Table 106 Preservation of cultural references

Swedish English West German East German My Translation My Translation Source Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P125: P110: P178: - Gott P174: „Gott ‘Thank God Thank God for “Gudskelov ‘Thank sei Dank!, sei Dank!“, for that!’ said that!’ said

258 för det då”, goodness for sagte Pippi. - sagte Pippi. Pippi. ‘You Pippi. ‘You sa Pippi. “Ni that’, said Ihr könnt „Ihr könnt are certainly are certainly kan då också Pippi, ‘you einen ja einen ja capable of capable of skrämma certainly richtig richtig frightening frightening opp en!” gave me a erschrecken! erschrecken! people! […].’ people! […].’ fright!’ [...]. [...].”

Finally, a possible adaptation to cultural values is also visible in the following example, where a reference to indulgence in food has been edited out particularly in the East German translation.

Table 107 Adaptation of cultural references

Swedish Source British English West German East German My Translation My Translation Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P68: Till sist P57-58: At last P101: Zuletzt OMISSION Finally, the var barnen så the children waren die children were mätta att de were so full Kinder so satt, so full that knappt kunde they could daß sie sich they could röra sig, och de hardly move, kaum rühren hardly move. satt stilla i and they sat konnten. Sie They simply solskenet och quietly in the saßen nur stille sat quietly in bara njöt. sunshine and in der Sonne. the sunshine. simply felt

good.

The West German translation has omitted ‘och bara njöt’ (and just enjoyed). These omissions, and in particular the East German adaptation, leave out the pleasure the children were feeling having enjoyed their meal. According to Patricia Hogwood (2012:5) ‘[f]rom an eastern perspective, western acquisitiveness was perceived as individually self-indulgent and socially decadent.’ She claims (ibid.) indeed that self-indulgence was viewed upon as a negative attribute in the East German context. Interestingly, this omission is carried through into the 2007 reedition and it poses questions as to whether this newer edition was based purely on earlier German translations rather than on the ST. 259

The final example in this subcategory will be discussing a reference to one of the Brothers Grimms’ fairy tale.

Table 108 Adaptation of cultural reference

Swedish British English West German East German My My Source Text Translation Translation Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German)

P26: P18: ‘Carrot P35: - P18: ‘Little Red ‘Red fox! “Rödluvan, top! Carrot Rotkäppchen “Rotfuchs! Riding Red fox!’ rödluvan!” top!’ , Rotfuchs!” Hood, Little Rotkäppchen Red Riding Hood.’

The example in Table 108 is a literary reference to the Little Red Riding Hood fairy tale. While the West German translation, as well as the 2007 reedition, stay totally faithful to the source text, the East German version chooses to stray away from the fairy tale reference and instead calls Pippi ‘Red fox! Red fox!’ According to Thomson-Wohlgemuth (2007:175) following the Second World War, fairy tales were rejected in the GDR, partly because ‘sceptical voices pointed to a connection between the cruelties committed by the National Socialism and those depicted in fairy tales.’ The oven in Hansel and Gretel is, for example, associated with the incinerators in the concentration camps. There were many other reasons why fairy tales were rejected in the GDR. It was thought improper to depict a fantastical world in which the rich and clever went to the top of society for ‘miracles and fantasy were in conflict with the dogma of Socialist Realism’ (ibid.). Interestingly, within the English translation the reference to the fairy tale has also gone missing. Moats (2009:24) claims that the reason for this may have been that addressing Pippi as Little Red Riding Hood would have been awkward and she concludes that ‘despite the loss of intention [in the source text], there does not seem to be any major semantic loss in the TTs, since both terms [the English and the American translations] aim at describing someone with red hair’. From a semantic perspective, the change in punctuation is noteworthy as it changes the emphasis. The extra exclamation mark has been added as a means of placing further importance on the red fox. The meaning is clear: an insult to Pippi’s red hair.

260

From the examples under this subcategory, it can be seen that the text has undergone numerous adjustments. These modifications have been implemented as a means of encouraging the book to fit into cultural, political, ideological and historical target norms. Any reference that might have been deemed racist has carefully been removed, as have most monetary and religious references. Instead, Pippi has been created in such a way that it would be fit to enter into East Germany in a safe manner.

6.5.3 Information Changes

The final pragmatic shift, information change, refers to the addition of new (non-inferable) information which is thought to be relevant to the target text readership, but which is not present in the source text. It can also refer to omissions of information from the source text if for example the information is deemed not to be of relevance. This strategy can therefore either use addition or omission. Omission can also consist of summarising. In this final subcategory, I shall be discussing examples that all implement information change through addition.

Table 109 Information change through addition

Swedish English West German East German My Translation My Translation Source Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P39: Pippi Pippi certainly tat das often did this jedenfalls oft

The addition follows a description of Pippi’s garden full of old oak trees excellent for climbing. The addition, ‘at least, Pippi often did so’ suggests that it may only be Pippi who often climbs the trees, and thus the addition creates a division between Pippi and others, including the reader. It categorises people into two groups: the ones that would do what Pippi does, and the ones who would do what we would expect them to do. The effect of such a shift may be viewed as a distanciation of the character; a way of creating some distance between Pippi and the reader. This addition features too in the 2007 reedition.

The following example is taken from chapter nine, in the Pippi book, where Pippi visits Tommy and Annika for the first time.

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Table 110 Information change through addition

Swedish English West German German My Translation My Translation Source Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P71: Thomas Tommy and und Annika Annika sat saßen da und there and starrten Pippi stared at Pippi erschrocken in horror an

The addition follows a description of Pippi’s behaviour at the coffee party in Tommy and Annika’s home. Pippi has managed to stuff her mouth full of cakes, and she is busily expressing her gratitude for the invitation to the party, as she has never been to one before, when she catches sight of a beautiful cake with a sweet in the middle. She bends down and grabs the sweet with her teeth and, in the process, gets cream all over her face. The addition is used as a means of reminding us of how one should behave and in so doing it implicitly tells us not to attempt breaking any norms. Annika and Tommy embody the norms here, as opposed to Pippi. The addition has not been included in the 2007 reedition.

A further example in which the children can be seen to represent acceptable behaviour, as seen in Tommy and Annika, or the norm breaker, as seen in Pippi, is also demonstrated in the following example where other children are described as being perplexed by the latter:

Table 111 Information change through addition

Swedish English West German East German My Translation My Translation Source Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P34: Die The children Kinder sahen looked verdutzt aus. perplexed.

262

Before the East German addition, Pippi is visiting Annika and Tommy’s school and has managed to upset the teacher on several counts. Towards the end of the chapter, Pippi is telling the class that in Argentina, school children are not allowed to know the answers to any mathematical questions, and if they do know the answer and ‘are silly enough to tell the teacher, then they have to stay in the corner of the classroom for the rest of the day’. Finally, she says that reading only happens on Fridays and only if they have any books from which they can read, ‘But there are never any books.’ The addition of ‘the children looked perplexed’ is not to be found in any other translations, or in the Swedish source text. Pippi’s unconventional or transgressive speech is thus followed by an implicit reassertion of the norm. Interestingly, this addition has been kept in the 2007 reedition. The next example, taken from chapter five in the Pippi book, discusses the East German translation. The information change is also aimed at reinforcing norms.

Table 112 Information change through addition

Swedish Source British English West German East German My Translation My Translation Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P70: “Det där P58: ‘That isn't P105: Das P48-49: „Das ‘The last [I ‘The last [I sista var lögn true, you letzte war letzte war said] was of said] was of förstås”, la hon know,’ she natürlich natürlich course a lie’, course a lie’, till efter en added after a gelogen, setzte gelogen,“ she added after she added paus. pause. sie nach einer setzte sie a little pause. laughingly Pause hinzu. lachend nach after a little

einer Pause pause. hinzu.

In Table 112 the addition of lachend (laughing) changes the narrative mood. It is as if the East German version wants to stress that lying is unacceptable and that Pippi laughs it off as a realisation that she had done wrong. It has an attenuating effect, which reminds us of the British translation, where the notion of ‘lying’ was abandoned in favor of something not being true. The notion of lying was discussed above under synonym shifts in Table 85. In that example I considered the difference between thoughts (West German translation) and considerations (East German translation) and how these words were used to express specific

263 ideas relating to the concept of lying. The addition laughing does not exist in the 2007 reedition and therefore it seems that there has been no need for a didactic or moralistic addition.

In the following example, there is an addition in the East German version of the word, the adverb gemütlich (cosily). I shall discuss the consequences of this addition below.

Table 113 Adaptation of cultural reference

Swedish Source British English West German East German My Translation My Translation Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P58: Det P47: It wasn’t P85: Es P39-40: Bald It didn’t take Soon all three dröjde inte long before all dauerte nicht saßen alle drei long before all children were länge förrän three children lange, bis alle Kinder dort three children sitting up there alla tre barnen sat there. drei Kinder oben sehr were sitting up cosily. satt där. dort saßen. gemütlich. there

The addition of the adverb gemütlich (cosily) in the East German version adds an element of reassuring the reader that much as it had been tricky getting into the tree and although they had been frightened, particularly Annika, they were now sitting there and all was well. The source text does not imply this. The changes seen within these examples demonstrate that the translator has wanted to create a protagonist who is aware that lying is wrong and also to tone down any danger implication; the tree is after all a comfortable place to be.

The following example of change in information through omission has a similarly reassuring effect.

Table 114 Information change through omission

Swedish Source British English West German East German My Translation My Translation Text Translation Translation Translation (W. German) (E. German) P121: ..., för de P106: …, for P183: ..., weil P84: ..., weil sie …, because …, because trodde att hon they were sure sie glaubten, glaubten, daß they thought they thought skulle ramla she would fall daß Pippi Pippi that Pippi that Pippi ner och slå and hurt herunterfallen herunterfallen would fall would fall ihjäl sig. herself. und sich down and kill down würde herself

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totschlagen würde

In Chapter 5, Table 29, we saw examples of how the notion of lying has been toned down in the British translation. In this example, the notion of getting hurt to such an extent that one may die, is being analysed. The Swedish och slå ihjäl sig (and kill herself) has been moderated somewhat in the British translation to saying hurt herself. Similarly, in the East German version, it merely says herunterfallen würde (fall down); the reference to dying has been omitted. Thomson-Wohlgemuth (2007:178-179) draws our attention to the fact that within the East German editions of Grimms’ fairy tales, a great number of expressions of a violent nature were eliminated. The value is on humanity and occurs both in the British and East German translation and may refer to a protective stance towards the intended audience linked to the genre of children’s literature, which tones down some of the force or norm- breaking stance of the original. As Pippi does not break with the taboo of talking about death, she appears as slightly less provocative and daring.

In the reedition from 2007 the omission has been removed and the text does refer to the possibility of dying. But rather than implying one would kill oneself, it merely says that one could fall and die.

Table 115 Oetinger 2007 reedition

Verlag Friedrich Oetinger 2007 My Translation

P123: …, weil sie glaubten, dass Pippi …, because they thought that Pippi would herunterfallen und sterben würde. fall down and die.

In the following example, I will demonstrate omissions of military salient linguistic features within the source text. The discussion will focus on axiological changes that have been taken as a result of these omissions.

Table 116 Information change through omission

Swedish English West German East German My Translation My Translation Source Text Translation Translation Translation (W and E. German) (Swedish)

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P126: - P87: P152: - P70: ‘Company Company, “Avdelning ‘Company, Abteilung „Abteilung forwards forward framåt forward vorwärts m a vorwärts MARCH! m a r c h!’ MARCH!” MARCH!’ r c h! ertönte march!“ Then came the came the next Ljöd nästa came the der nächste ertönte der next cry and call, and Pippi rop, och next cry, and Ruf, und nächste Ruf, Pippi walked strode Pippi gick Pippi went Pippi ging und Pippi to Mrs. steadfastly med taktfasta forward with mit ging mit Settergren with toward Mrs steg fram till measured taktfesten taktfesten a steady pace. Settergren. She fru steps to Mrs Schritten zu Schritten zu gripped her ‘Company Settergren. Settergren. Frau Frau hand with both HALT!’ She ‘Company, Settergren Settergren “Avdelning hands, which stopped. HALT!’ she hin. hin. HALT!” she stopped. [omission] [omission] ‘Arms forward Hon affectionally ‘Present Sie faßte mit Sie faßte mit stroke, one, stannade. shook. arms, one, beiden beiden TWO,’ she “Armar TWO!’ she Händen ihre Händen ihre screamed, framåt stråk, yelled, Hand, die sie Hand, die sie grasping with ett, TVÅ,” taking Mrs herzlich herzlich both of her skrek hon Settergren’s schüttelte schüttelte hands, Mrs och grep hand in both [omission]. Settergren's [omission]. med sina of hers and hand which båda händer shaking it she om fru heartily. affectionately Settergrens ‘Knees shook. ‘Knees ena, vilken bent!’ she bent, she hon hjärtligt. cried, screamed and skakade. curtsying curtsied prettily. beautifully. “Knäna böj,” Then she Then she skrek hon leaned smiled at Mrs. och neg toward Mrs Settergren […] vackert. Så log hon mot

266 fru Settergren Settergren […] […]

This example is again taken from chapter nine where Pippi has been invited to a tea party at Tommy and Annika’s house. In order for Pippi to gain the confidence required to enter her friends’ house, she has dressed up as a fine lady and arrives in her outfit in a rather military fashion. In both German translations, the use of capital letters has been omitted and reduced, in the western translation, to lowercase but spaces introduced between the letters, and in the eastern version, to italics. Further passages referring to military behaviour have also undergone omissions. It seems understandable that the Oetinger Verlag felt a need to omit references to military commands80, bearing in mind the close proximity of the publication to the Second World War. What seems odd, however, is that not all military references have been omitted. Surmatz states in another example (2005:136)81 that although texts published in Oetinger at that time often denied or eliminated allusions to weapons or war toys, Pippi should be left out of context – kept as a sign of well-being combined with a self-directed military command tone – and viewed as a piece of persiflage. The consequences of such adjustments are that the German texts both portray Pippi’s behaviour in a less militaristic and less exuberant manner. In the source text, Pippi’s loud entrance connoting to militaristic behaviour stands in complete contrast to her clown-like attire. Lindgren uses satire to criticise and ridicule the petit bourgeois norms of the time in which the book was written. In the two German translations, there has been a deliberate turn away from associations made to weapons towards a less dangerous and less militaristic text.

In the East German reedition from 2007, all the text has been translated and stays close to the source text as can be seen from the table below.

Table 117 Oetinger 2007 reedition

Verlag Friedrich Oetinger 2007 My Translation

P 103: „Abteilung vorwärts march!“ ertönte ‘Department forward march!’ Came the next der nächste Ruf, und Pippi ging mit call, and Pippi walked up to Mrs Settergren taktfesten Schritten zu Frau Settergren zu. with steady steps. ‘Stop derivation!’ Pippi

80 The move away from military terminology in children’s literature following the Second World War is discussed in Chapter 2. 81 Based on an interview with Kutsch 1991. 267

„Ableitung halt!“ Pippi blieb stehen. „Arme stopped. ‘Arms forward - stretch out!’ She vorwärts – streckt!“, schrie sie und ergriff shouted and grabbed one of Mrs. mit beiden Händen Frau Settergrens eine Settergren's hands with both hands and Hand und schüttelte sie herzlich. „Kie – shook it warmly. ‘Knee - bend!’ shouted beugt!“, schrie Pippi und machte einen Pippi and made a nice curtsey. Then she schönen Knicks. Dann lächelte sie Frau smiled at Mrs. Settergren [...]. Settergren an [..].

In this section under pragmatic shifts I have analysed examples under subcategories of transediting, adaptation of cultural references and information changes. The transediting section has highlighted the need for specific text to be re-edited and in some cases omitted. We have also seen examples where there has been a need for adding extra information. Such implementations have been put in place in accordance with target norm expectations.

268

Conclusion

From the examples within this section on syntactic shifts, where I have viewed unit shifts and transposition shifts, it would appear that two predominant elements present themselves. There is a tendency to adhere to a stricter and more simple grammatical syntax in the East German version than there is in the West German translation. Such alterations may be a means of modernising text as the East German version did appear on the market some 30 years after the West German translation and therefore it might have been deemed necessary to meet target expectations of a slightly more modern language. However, another reason for the shift can be a different conception of the child readership and expectations in terms of style and also grammatical correctness in this context. Predominantly, we may conclude that the two translations differ in terms of syntactic shifts so that they each set about to achieve what the translator/publisher felt was appropriate. The West German version often tends to stay closer to the original as can be seen from the above examples – though there was amongst others an omission to the act of writing in the above – whereas the East German edition has undergone an additional editorial process. The latter therefore places more emphasis on linguistic choices correlated with a children’s audience and its needs as perceived within a certain educational context and conception of literature explicitly centered on supporting child development. Changes on the syntactic level are limited to micro-changes but can have a pragmatic effect in terms of readership and register, contributing to the shifts and processes of meaning-making on the semantic and pragmatic level, which are more directly ideologically invested in the field of children’s literature. I shall first sum up the main differences between the Swedish source text and its translation into West German. Next, I shall conclude how the East German translation has been shaped through an editing process. Finally, I shall compare both versions and their representational adjustments of Pippi, with reference also to the later changes in the 2007 reedition.

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6.6.1 Conclusion on the West German Translation

The West German translation has tended to stay close to the Swedish source text throughout most of the analysis. The reason behind this phenomenon may be linked to the fact that the syntax of the German language, at least compared to English, is relatively close to Swedish. As a result of this closer linguistic proximity, there has been less of a need to change the text from a linguistic perspective. With regard to the semantic and pragmatic levels, it would seem that the West German text has had to undergo relatively little editing. That said, there are examples of when the West German text has strayed significantly from the original. Within the syntactic shifts, under the subheading transposition, we note for example, how the West German translation omits the act of writing Pippi hade haft ett rysligt besvär med att skriva det (Pippi hatte schrecklich Mühe gehabt, es zustande zu bringen). As a result of this omission, less focus is placed on the difficulties Pippi had in carrying out the writing. Within the trope shift, we observed how the translator had left out the translation of the pun on words found in the Swedish source text Och vad blir följden? Att tjurarna blir koriga forstås! Det är verkligen ganske ruskigt att tänka på (That the bulls become cow-like of course! It's really quite awkward to think about). This example demonstrates that it can be difficult to translate tropes and that if the translator deems it too challenging to get a trope across in another language, he or she may instead simply delete the trope. The omission in the example above has led to an omission of a pun that has gender specific connotation; bulls becoming cow- like. In chapter six in the Pippi book, where Pippi arranges a picnic, there are numerous references to gender roles and reversal of these. We learn for example, that Tommy is unable to fight the bull he comes upon; Pippi on the contrary, successfully fights the bull. The reference to the bull becoming cow-like, links to this set of gender roles being swapped around. As such the reader of the West German text experiences a lack of cohesion. Finally, within the pragmatic shifts under the subcategory of adaptation of cultural references, we noted that the West German translation had omitted the ‘Och bara njöt’ (and simply enjoyed) reference to the children eating their food. Drawing the audience’s attention to an element of indulgence in food may have seemed unnecessary or inappropriate in the post-World War II context. Whilst I will discuss some further changes in the West German translation as part of a comparative discussion with the East German version, it is interesting to note that the West German translation has made relatively few adjustments to the source text and that Pippi, as

270 mentioned in Chapter 1, was well received in West Germany in the years following publication.

6.6.2 Conclusion on the East German Translation

In the following section, I will summarise my findings with regard to the East German version. It is clear from the above analysis that there are numerous examples of differences between the East German translation and its Swedish source text. I shall draw these together in the following section. Firstly, within the syntactical shifts, I observed for example how, within the section on unit shifts, the East German version adheres more strictly to grammatical rules, whilst it also, at times, aims to address the child reader. Transposition shifts also contribute to a more simplified language version. Overall, in the syntactical shifts, it seems that the East German text strays from the source text on a regular basis and that it aims to address the younger reader. Whilst, as mentioned in the previous chapter, syntactic shifts may be linguistically motivated or reflect the target readership, they may in subtle ways contribute to meaning-making processes and to the representation of social norms and textual characters. The examples in my analysis above indeed demonstrate that the adjustments are sometimes motivated and/or may contribute to guiding the representation of the text into a certain direction, attenuating or diluting certain elements and normalising or naturalising them in accord with target norm expectations.

In terms of the subsection on semantic shifts, I have also noted here a variety of changes. Within the synonym shifts, I noticed some possible political implications, for example relating to a need to change Fräulein to Lehrerin, but also referred to the time lapse between the publication of both German versions as a potential explanation for certain changes. As noted under hyponym shifts there may also be some gender adjustment through which Pippi becomes Kind (child) in the East German version, where she is referred to as a ‘girl’ in the source text. In the subcategory of change in emphasis, we noted that Pippi’s monkey, Mr. Nilsson, had been transferred to a double diminutive. The use of diminutive may again have been implemented as a way of addressing the younger reader. Within the section on trope shifts, it is interesting to remember the addition in the example of the multiplication tables. Here the reader is being told, as an addition, what a multiplication table is just in case he or she would not know. This type of adjustment would confirm that the text might be aimed at a

271 younger readership, an audience who would not necessarily understand what was meant by multiplication tables. Within the section on trope shift, the example discussed above under the West German loss of trope, regarding the bull becoming cow-like, also features in the East German translation. Interestingly, however, in the East German version, the translator has aimed at including at least some of the trope: ‘no wonder that the bulls get angry.’ The pun and the implied humour relating to the gender issues discussed above, are not maintained in the East German translation either. Instead, Pippi’s comment on the bull seems disjointed and creates a somewhat ambivalent utterance. On a semantic level, the East German translation seems on the whole to suggest that Pippi is represented as less chaotic, more politically correct and as a less gender specific piece of literature. Furthermore, it seems that the text is reaching out to a younger readership. This has resulted in a number of editing changes with regard to the original West German translation which, as we have seen, are particularly impactful on the level of pragmatic shifts. The transediting examples cast light on the fact that Pippi has undergone significant changes as a means of fitting in to target cultural norms. The first example within this subcategory raises questions as to why the translator deemed it necessary to omit the question posed by Pippi as to whether she was not after all living in a free country. The message is clear. Asking such a question would not have fitted political target norms of the time. Living in a communist regime, freedom of speech would not have been welcome. Omissions of references to other cultures, be that negro or hottentots, seem, too, to have been implemented as a means of adhering to cultural and political target expectations. Poking fun at ethnic minority groups would have been deemed racist in the 1970s and therefore, it would have been easier to omit such allusions. The omission of the reference to pistols suggests that Pippi’s personality in the East German version has been toned down. She recognises that guns are dangerous and that it may be best if children do not play with such things. As a result of these adjustments, Pippi displays a much more mature and sensible attitude than in the original text. Within the subcategory of adaptation of cultural references, there are numerous examples of adjustments made in line with target norm expectations. Firstly, we learn that Pippi’s stockings have changed from a zebra stocking to a striped stocking. This observation may suggest that the East German version did not wish to maintain the indirect African reference created as a result of the association to Africa via the zebra pattern. References to money, religion, food and fairy tales have also been omitted in the East German version. It would seem these references were deemed inappropriate in that they did not fit with the political context. Finally, information changes too, demonstrate numerous alterations within the East German translation. The 272 examples all support the notion that the translator deemed it necessary to add in small reassuring, or lecturing comments. It seems such additions served as moralistic or didactic warnings. There are also omissions which create axiological shifts and result in a different portrayal of the protagonist to that of the source text. We noticed for example, how the reference to Pippi falling down and subsequently killing herself (my italics) was omitted. Inviting an audience to consider the consequences that a fall could equate to death, would have been deemed too serious for a child reader. The East German version differs, as demonstrated above, in many ways from the original source text. The representation of Pippi, both as a character, but also as a children’s book, has been defused. The analysis carried out in this chapter casts light on many different aspects. Primarily, it becomes clear that the East German translation has been adapted from the West German one to reflect some of the social norms in the GDR. The East German children’s author Holtz-Baumert states ‘ultimately, the success in the education of our children will decide the fate of our nation’ (as quoted in (Wille 1951:319). This principle can also frequently be seen in fairy tales, which (2007:175) were often adjusted in the East German translations as only edited version, in which ‘critical passages’ were left out, were published. Semantic and pragmatic shifts serve strategic purposes and as a result Pippi has changed in accordance with target norm expectations. The Pippi which in 1975 was let into the former East Germany arrived in the guise of a safer and less exuberant piece of children’s literature.

6.6.3 Conclusion on the German Translations

In this following section I shall briefly conclude the examples from my analysis where the two German translations both deviate from the source text, and also draw comparisons with the more recent addition. The first example, that describes a divergence from the original, is demonstrated in Table 77 under the subcategory of synonym shifts. Here we were invited to observe the way in which Pippi addressed her mother. Both German translations opted for a more formal register than the one suggested in the source text. As a result, a much more stilted register has occurred. Two further examples under synonym shifts, demonstrate deviations from the source text where both the West and the East German translations agree on these adjustments. Firstly, we note that Pippi’s greeting in chapter four where she comes to school with Tommy and Annika, has been toned down. Instead of roaring a greeting,

273 dominated by alliteration (hello, hello), she greets the teacher with an expected ‘hello’ and rather than roaring the greeting, she merely shouts it. Secondly, we note that both the German translations agree on changing the poisonous toadstool to an ordinary edible mushroom. Pippi has been tamed and appears as more respectful, more formal and less outspoken towards her teacher. She also does not tempt the children into consuming food that may be of consequence to their health. Pippi’s behaviour was further toned down in both German translations through the omission of references to militaristic behaviour and military commands have been omitted. As discussed above in the analysis of this example, it is understandable that there was a need to remove references to the military bearing in mind the publication of the West German translation being only four years after the end of the Second World War. By removing the references, the contrast created by Lindgren between Pippi looking like a clown, due to her oversized clothes and failure of proper make-up application, and her loud and self-imposed militaristic linguistic entry, has been omitted. Lindgren’s critical view of petit bourgeois society expressed through satire has got lost in translation. Instead, the reader is faced with a text consisting of a deliberate turn away from associations made to weapons, to a less militaristic text. Changes in both versions, at the various levels, are therefore of an axiological nature, but the East German version presents a further editing process which presents Pippi in a different light. Here Pippi is less provocative, more formal and comes across as more responsible than in the original text. The references and comparisons to a newer edition, the 2007 reedition by Oetinger Verlag, have been implemented as a means of considering the evolution of norms and strategies. We have seen that the new version returns to the original. Overall, it appears that this later 2007 reedition has situated Pippi in a world that is more accepting of children facing dangers, as demonstrated in the example where Pippi eats a poisonous mushroom. It also refers to the notion of death in the example from chapter ten where Pippi rescues the two small children from the burning house as demonstrated above in Table 114. It is clear from the brief comparison of the more modern version, that Pippi has not undergone the same severe adjustments that we have seen in both the East and the West German translations. Her personality is much more in line with that of the Swedish source text. For example, Pippi’s salutation when arriving to school on her horse stays close to the source text both in terms of aiming to keep the alliteration but also with regard to the manner in which she presents herself on her entrance. Despite some returns to the source text and a more daring version of Pippi, references that may have provoked racist connotations have been shaped differently and we have seen how negro has become African as demonstrated in Table 100. So, the 274 reedition does not only refer to the source text and changing views on the child, but also broader cultural norms have played a role. In the reunified 2007 reedition, Pippi has become a product of 21st Century Germany in which a freer, autonomous and more exuberant protagonist has been allowed to feature in accordance with target norms. We note too in the reedition from 2007 the gender references. Whereas Pippi in the 1949 translation is a Mädel (a girl), she is referred to as Kind (child) in the 1975 reedition and in the reedition from 2007 she has become Mädchen. We have also seen the gender related issue concerning salutations where Fräulein becomes Lehrerin. When comparing the West German translation (1949) and the East German version (1975) to the 2007 reedition we can thus see how translational norms shift in accordance with target norms and how the newer reedition has moved closer to the ST.

275

Chapter 7 Conclusion

This conclusion will consider the findings of this PhD project in relation to the research aims and questions. It will also contemplate broader implications of the research, limitations of the current project and avenues for future research. This thesis has set about to achieve an understanding of the early representation and reception of Pippi in the UK and in former West Germany and East Germany. It has focused on the initial translations of the first Pippi book, published in 1954 for the UK version, 1949 for the West German edition and 1975 for the East German translation, which relies heavily on its West German counterpart. To contextualise and deepen the analysis, I have included comparative perspectives with the 1950 US editions and the more recent reeditions and retranslations of the texts, which provide further insights into the impact and evolution of literary, cultural and translational norms.

As explained in Chapter 1, this project has worked on the hypothesis that stylistic choices in the translation may impact on the representation of Pippi in translation and has examined to which extent these choices can be viewed within specific target contexts. In order to establish these contexts with specific regard to text genre, Chapter 2 has provided insight into key principles of children’s literature and in the respective traditions of children’s literature within the specific target cultures. The chapter has demonstrated that children’s literature is considered to be less autonomous than other literary genres and tends to remain dependent on cultural norms and agents. The links with the sociocultural context have implications for the portrayal of children in general, and in particular for the gender(ed) presentation and models in children’s literature. As we have seen, in Sweden children’s literature tended to follow European trends up until the immediate post-war period with a predominant didactic and moralistic perspective. Literature was written with a specific gender perspective where boys would read adventure stories and girls tended to read stories rooted in domesticity. After the Second World War, Sweden experienced a swift evolution within children’s literature, particularly regarding gender perspectives. Lindgren was instrumental in implementing this turning point in children’s literature in post-war Sweden with her creation of Pippi. Portraying a female protagonist capable of carrying out activities hitherto associated with male main characters, meant that Lindgren broke with gender norms within children’s literature.

Prewar gender-specific children’s literature in the UK and within the two Germanies also encouraged boys to read for entertainment whereas girls were led more towards educational

276 literature. Boys’ literature would, as mentioned in Chapter 2, feature male protagonists and would often be portrayed in faraway places. Girls’ literature, on the contrary, would be set in familiar places and focus on model behaviour. Within the UK, however, post-war children’s literature evolved at slower pace than that of Sweden, due, in part, to the desire to promote a return to prewar stability. a significant change within children’s literature did not occur until the second half of the Second Golden Era where authors such as Roald Dahl, for the UK, began to write for a dual readership. It was not necessarily evident in the gender of the protagonist, but more in the narrative that would lend itself to both a male and female audience: both boys and girls could relate to the storyline and identify with the protagonist, not because of the main character’s gender, but rather because of what the protagonist had to endure, as seen for example in George’s Marvelous Medicine. On the German side, post-war children’s literature in West Germany tried to move away from the wartime propaganda literature and therefore it initially promoted children’s literature from pre-war times. East German children’s literature was heavily influenced by the Soviet State where the main focus was to promote the socialist state.

As writers such as Roald Dahl have become internationally successful, another key question that arises in relation to children’s literature is that of translation, and the way in which translation processes in children’s literature relate to the contextual dimension of certain norms and of cultural settings and knowledge in general. As discussed in Chapter 2, regarding children’s literature, the role of translation in the mediation between cultures forms a key question. Translation plays indeed a central role in the possible universalisation of key texts and characters and visible or indivisible processes of cultural mediation. The friction between universalist methods and foreignising or domesticating perspectives merits careful consideration and contextualisation. It is clear that children’s literature despite certain connections and shared features, has developed over time and space, and sometimes at different paces. Therefore, it is difficult to perceive the distribution of texts outside their contexts of production and reception from a purely universalist perspective. The discussion thus needs careful consideration in terms of different types of norms relating to children’s literature, education, as well as translation.

The case of Pippi Longstocking is particularly relevant for this type of question as Lindgren’s text breaks with the cultural and gender norms and stereotypes outlined in Chapter 2. As demonstrated in the literature review in Chapter 3, Pippi is generally considered to be a highly unusual child. On the one hand, she possesses supernatural strengths, a trait mostly

277 associated with male protagonists, whilst, on the other hand, she leads an autonomous lifestyle in which she is capable, though in a somewhat messy manner, of undertaking all domestic roles which would traditionally have been ascribed female protagonists and children. Pippi’s questioning of society and authority compounds this norm-breaking character. Already within the Swedish source culture Pippi’s initial arrival was therefore, as mentioned, not free from complications. She was considered too unruly both in her behaviour, as well as her dress code, her language, her outlook on life and questioning of society. With regard to the question of how she has been received and represented outside Sweden, translation studies scholars have, as also outlined in chapter 3, focused on a number of specific adaptations of the source text on a sociocultural level and with regard to ideological values. This project has built on existing research by integrating various levels of analysis in the processes of meaning-making and their relation to a range of literary, sociocultural and translational norms.

As outlined in Chapter 4, the analysis has built on a translational stylistics approach (Malmkjær 1996, 1997, 2001, 2003, 2011, 2018), which also draws on critical linguistics and sociological frameworks. This broader framework includes Halliday’s systemic functionality as a means of analysing the translations and the source text at a grammatical level and relates to the cultural and literary contexts studied in Chapter 2. From the point of view of translation studies, the critical linguistics and sociological frameworks shed additional light on the importance of stylistic choices and their reasons, as part of the meaning-making process in the target text. In order to analyse this in a comparative manner across various translations, I have used Chesterman’s typology of translation shifts to organise observations into syntactic, semantic and pragmatic levels. In line with Malmkjær’s translational stylistic model, I have considered these different levels of shifts and the links between them from the perspective of meaning-making processes, linking translational choices to representation, with a focus on strategies and translational, literary and sociocultural norms. I have combined this with broader questions relating to gender norms and broadened my comparative focus through a diachronic perspective in which I have viewed retranslations and reeditions. In so doing, I have considered the impact of Berman’s retranslation hypothesis.

Two analytical chapters have applied this methodology to the British and West- and East- German translations of my corpus, respectively, in order to investigate how translational changes and choices impact on the representation and reception of Pippi and how they relate to specific cultural and literary contexts. As I have argued, such stylistic choices do not only

278 stem from linguistic differences but also reflect meaningful socio-cultural variations and norms. As mentioned, following Chesterman’s classification, the analysis has been organised in syntactic, semantic and pragmatic shifts, though with the understanding that there are a number of grey areas between the various types, as shifts occurring on one level (for instance the syntactic level) may also have implications on other levels (for instance in terms of register, on the pragmatic level). The classification has therefore been used as a tool to examine and compare meaningful shifts and as a starting point for the translational stylistics analysis, which has allowed to consider the impact of certain shifts, for instance on the level of representation, focalisation and reading experience. The selection of meaningful shifts is, to a certain extent, dependent on the specificity of translation and combines a bottom-up approach with top-down hypotheses based on archival research, paratext and cultural context. I have therefore examined meaningful shifts and stylistic choices and their representational implications in the UK and German translations of Pippi, in the intial translations and with regard to the first US editions and later retranslations or editions in English and German.

In the following section, I will summarise my findings with regard to the respective translations, before drawing some broader conclusions about the project. In my analysis of the British translation from 1954, I have discussed how adjustments on the syntactic level have neutralised the narration of the story and how this has had consequences for the suspense created by Lindgren. Furthermore, on the semantic level, I have pointed out how synonym shifts have altered the meaning of the text. We have for example seen a change in setting and axiological shifts with regard to the notion of telling lies. On the pragmatic level, cultural shifts have been implemented as a way of avoiding racist connotations. The portrayal of Pippi is also highly affected through changes in register and grammatical accuracy. As a result of the cumulative changes, in the UK version from 1954, Pippi’s character has changed considerably. In terms of behaviour, Pippi is less provocative and less outspoken. She does not suggest that it is appropriate to consume a poisonous toadstool, nor does she use language referring to lying or to the afterworld. Pippi is still kind and considerate towards others but she wishes to draw attention to herself and thereby appearing as a somewhat spoiled child. On the level of language, Pippi comes across as much younger than in the original text due to the grammatical inaccuracy. My analysis suggests that the slightly belated arrival of Pippi into the UK seems indicative of the Oxford University Press’ uncertainty and reluctance to introduce Lindgren’s character into the UK. In view of the uncertainty of how Pippi would be received in the British context, the publisher identified a need to adjust the character in

279 translation. This has served to assess Berman’s retranslation hypothesis (1990). He argues, as mentioned in Chapter 4, that first translations would resist foreign elements and that retranslations were more faithful. When viewing Nunnally’s retranslation (2007) there are numerous examples of a retranslation that has moved closer to the source text. The 1954 version has, as established above, been exposed to a significant amount of adjustments. We see in Nunnally’s retranslation how Pippi has been changed in accordance with the source text. She is for example able to introduce poisonous mushrooms to the children, talk of lies instead of untruths and she can speak in an eloquent manner. This suggests that views on the child in UK society and literature have evolved. The child itself has gained more authority as can be seen for example in Horrid Henry, and Roald Dahl’s characters. This includes certain gender perspectives, as demonstrated through works by Walliams and J.K. Rowling’s strong female protagonist. However, even if these elements support Berman’s retranslation hypothesis to some extent, it is worth noting that references to ethnicity have not been restored in accordance with the source text and that other norms hence still remain present, beyond a return to the source text, and rely on pedagogical and ethical considerations linked to children’s literature and its values today, including diversity. There are also examples in Nunnally’s retranslation (2007) where here interpretation deviates from the source text. We see for example in chapter 1, where Pippi moves into Villa Villekulla, a play with the typology. Here Nunnally adds a sophisticated solution to Pippi’s claim to freedom by reversing the order of the letters to highlight the fact that the protagonist is unusual in her walking backwards. Further, Nunnally draws attention to the gender of the protagonist in her retranslation by using the female personal pronoun in Pippi’s speech where Pippi asks ‘Can’t a person walk any way she likes?’ (my italics). These two examples, demonstrate the extent to which a retranslation can go beyond the source text. When viewing the American translation (1950), we note that it has predominantly stayed close to the source text. This regards for example the notion of lying, drinking coffee and preserving place names such as Villa Villekulla. In this section, it thus becomes evident that Berman’s retranslation hypothesis on the one hand can be proven in as far as Nunnally’s retranslation does move closer to the source text as demonstrated above and particularly when compared to the initial UK translation (1954). There are, on the other hand, however, as mentioned above, also times where the retranslation cannot revert fully to the source text as time will not allow for such radical adjustments. We can see from the above that the retranslation can also at times through its interpretation of the source text take on additional implementations. Finally, when

280 viewing the US translation, we note that Berman’s retranslation hypothesis does not fully maintain its claim.

In the chapter on the German versions, I have discussed the double process of translation and editing for the West and East German context through a comparative analysis, shedding light on meaning-making and norms. On a syntactic level, the West German translation stays predominantly close to the source text, whereas the East German version tends to stray more readily away from the Swedish text. On a semantic level, shifts can be inspired by translation issues related to the rendering of tropes, in the West German text, in the East German version the use of hypernym/hyponyms as well as converse shifts suggests further interventions in the source text. Finally, on a pragmatic level, we note how the East German version has made use of numerous additions and omissions as a way of adapting Pippi in accordance with target norms. Pippi’s character has again been changed as a result. In the West German she has been adapted into a slightly less provocative young lady; where for example, pedagogical interventions have been implemented in an attempt to reduce the impact on the child reader. Furthermore, word plays have been reduced and protective interventions regarding physical well-being have implemented as a way of removing any danger elements (Surmatz, 2005), similarly to the English translation. In the East German version, Pippi’s character has also changed to becoming a less challenging protagonist. She adopts on several accounts the persona of the educator, for example in the scene where she puts away the pistols claiming that these are unsafe for children, and through additions of information relating to stories of untruths. Within the reedition from 2007 we see a reversion towards the Swedish source text where Pippi in the reedition eats a poisonous mushroom, roars her salutation at school and makes a claim to freedom. In other words, her character has changed and is affiliated with the Pippi from the source text. When exploring Berman’s retranslation hypothesis, it is important to consider that the reality is complex due to the interplay of different norms as demonstrated throughout this project. Both Nunnally’s retranslation as well as the German reedition have as mentioned above adjusted the cannibal king to king of the natives and as such, we see how cultural norms play an important part in retranslation.

In conclusion, the findings within this project will build towards a new understanding of the translation of children’s literatures in the respective contexts and of the representation of Pippi in particular. Further, this project has also cast light on evolving norms within children’s literature and has demonstrated through the diachronic perspective how such norms have shifted in accordance with target norms. This has included a shift towards more

281 children-centred perspectives and an emphasis on inclusivity, which is reflected both in some shifts in gender representations and their reception, and in the emphasis on autonomy as opposed to authority. The new norms do not always include a return to the target text, for instance for references to ethnicity, where values may still be considered to be out of line with Lindgren’s initial representation. In the case of Sweden, we have seen a much earlier tendency towards adjustments of gender norms with a view to gender neutrality than was the case in the UK. Gender representation in children’s literature remains an area of important and yet underdeveloped research within the field of Translation Studies and the study of children’s literature. The contribution of this study promotes consideration of the intersection of various norms, which can to some extent be contradictory in their approach to domestication and/or foreignization and bring a highly interesting and unique insight into how norms on children and children’s literature evolve, including in terms of gender, whilst still being tied to educational and ethical values, such as inclusivity. In this sense the project offers a point of reference in the study of the evolution of norms in children’s literature, in gender, with particular relevance to retranslation practices.

The project has hence allowed to offer new insights into the axiological stakes of children’s literature in translation and their link to translational norms and strategies. The comparison between various translations has highlighted the differences in approach between translations, depending both on language combinations and on cultural contexts. This cultural specificity shows that in the corpus analysed, the process of adaptation often tends towards a domesticating strategy which is linked to specific sociocultural norms as well as translational norms related to children’s literature in particular. Whilst there has more recently been an increasing emphasis on foreignisation in literary translation, under the impulse of Venuti’s work, it would seem that Pippi, at the time, was perhaps just a little too unusual to fit into the respective target cultures discussed as part of this project. These translational norms have shifted since, and views on children’s literature and its values have also evolved, including at an axiological level. Therefore, when relating Venuti’s work to the retranslation and reediting of Pippi, we note for example in Nunnally’s retranslation from 2007 the use of foreignization having taken place and there by promoting future social change. Therefore, this project also demonstrates the ongoing and increasing popularity of Pippi, which can be seen as ‘timeless’ and ‘universal’.

From a methodological perspective, the contribution and conclusion of the current project therefore show that a translational stylistics approach has made it possible to analyse the

282 relationship between stylistic and translational shifts and the cultural context of Pippi’s translations in new depth. Beyond the case of Pippi, the research poses a broader question, the question of evolution of norms in children’s literature and in children’s literature in translation. It considers the extent to which examining translation norms and/or sociocultural, literary norms may have shifted, for instance with regard to the autonomy of children, the representation of gender or the tension between domestication and foreignisations. The combination of methodological frameworks, including sociological perspectives, and their application in a comparative perspective has developed the intercultural dimension implicitly present in Translational Stylistics and as such complements existing case studies such as Malmkjær’s research on Dulcken’s translations of H.C. Andersen’s fairy tales (2003 and 2004). Further exploring the link between language and society to the combined perspective has proven particularly relevant in the context of children’s literature with its high ideological stakes. As such the project offers an integrated study of translational, socio-cultural and literary which may be fruitful for further research.

In terms of venues for future research, it is worth noting that to date, little research on gender within children’s literature in translation has been carried out. Further research can demonstrate how shifts in translation or links with popular figures within children’s literature are meaningful in the context of contemporary approaches to children’s literature and its stakes, such as views on childhood and gender and values promoted. It would therefore also be of interest to consider whether Pippi has had an effect of ‘polynisation’ and how Lindgren’s and other texts or models of ‘autonomous children’ permeate various cultures, looking again at how models can be transferred to universal models and/or adapted to specific contexts.

Finally, the study of the representation of Pippi can extend beyond paratext and illustrations to translations and adaptations into different media. On the 2nd October 2019, the decision to create a new Lindgren film about Pippi was announced. Lindgren’s grandson Nils expressed, in an interview on Radio 4 (2nd October 2019),82 his gratitude to have been able to find a film company whom he believes will be able to create a film that can do justice to his grandmother’s piece of writing

82 https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/m0008y7p (Accessed 4th October 2019). 283

we are confident that we have found a team that can understand and appreciate the full value of Pippi Longstocking and develop films that capture both the playfulness and the gravity in my grandmother’s works. We are therefore very excited and pleased to announce this collaboration. I’m especially thrilled to announce this now, when we’re in the midst of planning Pippi Longstocking’s upcoming 75th Anniversary in 2020 together with a global campaign in support of Save the Children’s important work for Children on the Move”’83

Andreas Wiseman states (2nd October 2019)84 in the news blog Hollywood Deadline that film producer of Paddington and Harry Potter David Heyman is looking forward to creating a film adaptation of the ‘timeless Pippi’

David Heyman (film producer of Paddington and Harry Potter film) ‘I am thrilled to collaborate with Thomas Gustafsson, Olle Nyman and their team at the Astrid Lindgren Company and our partners at Studio Canal on this film adaptation of the brilliant and timeless Pippi Longstocking. Pippi has endured and inspired families everywhere through her life force, strength of character and her irrepressible joie de vivre. Astrid Lindgren’s books have been translated around the globe for many years, a testament to her vision which we are determined to honour with a new film.

In terms of possible rebrandings. Nyman points out85 how Lindgren was ahead of her time in dealing with ‘girl power’ back in the 1940s. Now this girl power has come across in different manners in space and time. Very recently, under the guise of ‘Girls on the Move are the Pippis of Today’, an initiative established by the Lindgren Company in partnership with Save the Children, Pippi has also become an emblem of refugee children, placing an emphasis on her being without parents, but placing her in a situation of relative helplessness. In a more recent Danish study Pippi for voksne (Pippi for Adults) Rikke Collin and Signe Amtoft (2020), discuss Pippi’s philosophical outlook seen from an adult perspective. Collin and Amtoft (ibid.) analyse famous quotations within the Pippi trilogy and relate these to topics of anxiety, money, formation/education, humour, and gender. They raise questions as to what extent Pippi’s way of handling society may be relevant in today’s culture. In their study they claim that Pippi is still influential in 2020 society and they promote her as a symbol of

83 https://cineuropa.org/en/newsdetail/379619/ (Accessed 4th October 2019). 84 https://deadline.com/2019/10/pippi-longstocking-paddington-studiocanal-heyday-astrid-lingen-1202749950/ (Accessed 4th October 2019). 85 https://cineuropa.org/en/newsdetail/379619/ (Accessed 4th October 2019). 284 positivity and as a rolemodel. In some businesses within Denmark (ibid.) Pippi is currently being used as a way of educating people to believe in themselves and to overcome angst. She is held up as a positive heroine whom we can safely follow. Here again, the figure of Pippi is embedded with new values which show the ongoing potential both of the character and of children’s literature in general to play a broad social role. This builds on the tension between universal and cultural-specific representations, which I have considered here in a diachronic perspective.

285

List of References

Primary Sources

Lindgren, A. (1945) Pippi Långstrump, Stockholm: Rabén & Sjögren.

- (1945/2012) Pippi Långstrump, Stockholm: Rabén & Sjögren.

- (1946/2012) Pippi Långstrump Går Ombord, Stockholm: Rabén & Sjögren.

- (1948/2012) Pippi Långstrump i Söderhavet, Stockholm: Rabén & Sjögren.

- (1949) Pippi Langstrumpf, Translated by Cäcilie Heinig, Hamburg: Oetinger Verlag.

- (1950) Pippi Longstocking, Translated by Florence Lamborn, New York: Viking Press.

- (1954) Pippi Longstocking. Translated by Edna Hurup, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

- (1956) Pippi Goes Aboard. Translated by Marianne Turner, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

- (1975) Pippi Langstrumpf. Translated by Cäcilie Heinig, Berlin: Kinderbuchverlagerlag.

- (2007) Ur-Pppi: Originalmanus, Stockholm: Rabén & Sjögren.

- (2007/2011) Pippi Langstrumpf. Translated by Cäcilie Heinig, Hamburg: Oetinger Verlag.

- (2016) Lindgren’s War Diaries. Translated by Sarah Death, London: Yale University Press.

- (2007/2010) Pippi Longstocking. Translated by Tiina Nunnally, Oxford: University Press.

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Emails:

From Gabriela Thomsen-Wohlgemuth letter from the Federal Archives 1974.

From Oetinger Publishing House in Hamburg: 11th September 2018.

From Johan Palmberg, Astrid Lindgren Company (Saltkraakan) 18th October 2017.

From Johan Palmberg, Rights Manager, The Lindgren Company, 21st October 2019.

From Johan Palmberg, Rights Manager, The Lindgren Company, 22nd October 2019.

313

From Johan Palmberg, Astrid Lindgren Company (Saltkraakan) 18th November 2019.

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OUPA, 182/000899, Pippi Longstocking, reader’s report, H.M., 13 June 1952.

OUPA reader’s report, B.X.W., 13 June 1952.

Ibid, reader’s report, Kathleen Lines, July 1952.

Ibid, letter from John Bell to Hans Rabén, 24 Jul 1952, referring to the minutes from the publisher appraisal meeting, held on 18.06.1974. https://www.b.dk/kultur/der-er-ikke-et-ord-hos-astrid-der-er-tilfaeldigt (Accessed 30 November 2017). https://www.b.dk/kultur/der-er-ikke-et-ord-hos-astrid-der-er-tilfaeldigt (Accessed 30 November 2017). https://grupotierratrivium.com/2018/03/18/was-gullivers-travels-meant-to-be-a-childrens- book/ (Accessed 1 September 2019). https://www.panmacmillan.com/authors/charles-kingsley/the-water-babies/9781909621404 (Accessed 1st September 2019). https://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/books/3668234/Pippi-Longstocking-the-Swedish- superhero.html (Accessed 11th September 2019). http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2%3A704475&dswid=9680 (Accessed 11 September 2019). https://www.cairn.inro/revue-le-francais-hui-2003-3-page-47.html#no8 (Accessed 11 September 2019).

314 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/294291480_We_love_what_we_know_the_canonic ity_of_Pippi_Longstocking_in_different_media_in_Flanders/link/57079a0308aea660813311 9a/download (Accessed 12 September 2019). https://www.fun-mooc.fr/asset- v1:ulg+108002+session01+type@asset+block/fifi_brindacier.pdf (Accessed 12 September 2019). http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:704475/FULLTEXT01.pdf (Accessed 12 September 2019). https://s3.amazonaws.com/academia.edu.documents/31353359/Skopos_Theory._Schaeffner.p df?response-content-disposition=inline%3B%20filename%3Dskopos_theory.pdf&X-Amz- Algorithm=AWS4-HMAC-SHA256&X-Amz- Credential=AKIAIWOWYYGZ2Y53UL3A%2F20190921%2Fus-east- 1%2Fs3%2Faws4_request&X-Amz-Date=20190921T120111Z&X-Amz-Expires=3600&X- Amz-SignedHeaders=host&X-Amz- Signature=a0c86daad677411557f26b813a6bfff199c26c9a5ea4518b947c32a8a138a19e (Accessed 21 September 2019). https://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/acref/9780190491482.001.0001/acref- 9780190491482-e-4477 (Accessed 25 September 2019). https://www.lexico.com/en/definition/elision (Accessed 26 September 2019). https://transvanilla.blogspot.com/2010/04/translation-shifts.html (Accessed 5 October 2019). https://digilib.phil.muni.cz/bitstream/handle/11222.digilib/125687/2_CentralEuropeanJournal Canadian_8-2012-1_12.pdf?sequence=1 (Accessed 5 October 2019). https://www.thenewfederalist.eu/Growing-up-in-East-Germany (Accessed 5 October 2019). https://www.theguardian.com/childrens-books-site/2015/sep/09/pippi-longstocking-a- feminist-an-optimist-and-a-free-thinker (Accessed 19 September 2019). https://ladyofthecakes.wordpress.com/2013/10/09/language-matters-why-its-not-geil-to-call- us-fraulein/ (Accessed 10 October 2019).

Early Children’s Literature, The Birmingham Central Library Collection, 1538-1830 http://www.ampltd.co.uk/digital_guides/early_childrens_literature_parts_1_to_3/Publishers- Note.aspx (Accessed 22 October 2019).

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New Lindgren film about Pippi has just been announced https://variety.com/2019/film/news/paddington-pippi-longstocking-movie-studiocanal-david- heyman-1203355732/ (Accessed 2 October 2019). https://deadline.com/2019/10/pippi-longstocking-paddington-studiocanal-heyday-astrid- lingen-1202749950/ (Accessed 2 October 2019). https://cineuropa.org/en/newsdetail/379619/ (Accessed 2 October 2019). https://geektyrant.com/news/paddington-producers-bringing-pippi-longstocking-back-to-the- big-screen (Accessed 2 October 2019). https://inews.co.uk/culture/film/pippi-longstocking-movie-harry-potter-paddington- producers-film-641577 (Accessed 2 October 2019). https://deadline.com/2019/10/pippi-longstocking-paddington-studiocanal-heyday-astrid- lingen-1202749950/ (Accessed 2 October 2019). http://www.nordiskfilmogtvfond.com/news/stories/harry-potter-producer-prepares-pippi- longstocking-film (Accessed 2 October 2019). https://translationjournal.net/journal/63theory.htm (Accessed 6 November 2019).

Language matters. Why it is not geil to call us Fräulein https://ladyofthecakes.wordpress.com/2013/10/09/language-matters-why-its-not-geil-to-call- us-fraulein/ (Accessed 7 November 2019).

Encyclopaedia Britannica, https://www.britannica.com/topic/communism (Accessed 21 November 2019). https://www.worldcat.org/title/ces-mots-qui-ne-vont-pas-de-soi-boucles-reflexives-et-non- coincidences-du-dire/oclc/300026635 (Accessed 23 November 2019). https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=HaHTZ2IxIX4C&pg=PA27&lpg=PA27&dq=christiane +Nord+skopos&source=bl&ots=UF9dfi5V86&sig=ACfU3U3ejZKkPDJaNh6wbTcGKFzrd4 4yTw&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiIovjhq4PmAhUBYsAKHdYqCIwQ6AEwEXoECAk QAQ#v=onepage&q=christiane%20Nord%20skopos&f=false (Accessed 24 November 2019).

316 https://write.co.nz/about-the-swedish-gender-neutral-pronoun-hen/ (Accessed 24 November 2019). https://publishingperspectives.com/2016/12/sweden-olika-childrens-book-diversity/ (Accessed 24 November 2019).

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