Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 21, No. 1, pp. 6-16(1999).
Indian Names and Naming Practices in the Sierra Nevada Foothills
LINDA E. DICK BISSONNETTE, Univereity of San Diego Anthropology Program, San Diego, CA 92110-2492.
The linguistically classified Yokoch, Mono, and Miwok Indian people of the central-southern Sierra Nevada foothills are known for their large and widespread aboriginal population, their sizable and active contemporary population, their association with Yosemite and Sequoia-Kings Canyon National Parks, and their oittstanding basketry traditions that are world-renowned. A study comparison of their traditional andpostcorUact naming practices and names revealed that the source and nature of cultural change in their case was northern Euroamerican hegemony.
M. HE late Elman R. Service's research on nam traditions that grace museums around the world. ing and political evolution brought the topic of This study of their names and naming practices naming practices to my attention in the early revealed that northern European hegemony was 1990s. My maiden name, Dick, although some the source and nature of culture change ki histor what ignonunious for its profane misuse in Amer ical and early modem times in the central Cali ican popular culture, is a well-known and respect fomia interior. ed kiekan family name in central California. My Acexirding to the most reliable estimate, there maternal grandmother, a descendant of Miles ware more than 60 localized, dialectical "tribes" Standish, used to "read" phone books to see what in the central Califomia interior prior to Euro families and ethnic groups lived in the communi american contact (Latta 1977:63). Population es ty. I was predisposed, therefore, to study nam timates for the aboriginal Yoktx;h, Mono, and ing for clues regarding s(x:ial organization and Miwok combined range from about 20,000 to culture change. Previous Califomia ethnogra about 36,000 (Kroaber 1925:882-883; Cook phers recorded whan and by whom Indian names 1976:191-193, 236; Kunkel 1962:477, 497; were bestowed (e.g., Kre)ebar 1906; Gifford Baumhoff 1963:231; Latta 1977:63). The ab- 1932:46-49; Gayton 1948b: 166, 234, 273; Spiar origkial economy of these groups falls into the 1978:479). Another look at the data and recent category of "collectors" (e.g., Binford 1980) or native consultant statements cast mora light on "complex huntars-and-gatharars" (e.g.. Bean infroduced customs and changes over time. The 1974:13). In general, their diet consisted of results could prove useful for comparison witk cooked acorns and salmon, supplemented by other regions antj cultures. other seasonal plwt foods, fish, and game. The The subjects for comparison herein are the largest groups had several year-round settlements linguistically classified Yok(x;h,' Mono, and Mi or vUlages with abemt 200 or more inhabitants in wok of the central-southam Siena Nevada foot each (Latta 1977:63). Other site types mcluded hills (Fig. 1), who are noteworthy for their large, intertribal gathering locations, seasonal camps, widespread aboriginal population, their sizable and resource gathering areas. The more than 7,600 recorded archaeological sites m Madera, and active ctMiten^xirary peculation, their assex;i- Fresno, and Tulare counties (A. Baldwki, per ation with Yosemite and Sequoia-Kings Canyon sonal communication 1999) reflect both tiie wide- National Parks, and their outstanding basketry INDL\N NAMES AND NAMING PRACTICES
Yosemite
Fig. 1. Miwok, Yokoch, and Mono groups in the central-southern Sierra Nevada. (Map adapted from Gayton [1948].) spread aboriginal population and the sometimes person. More recently, Shoumatoff (1985) re concentrated, sometimes dispersed historical pe stated Engels' (1884) economic history, which riod settlements. was based on Morgan's research, by noting that family names and descent were asscKiatad with NAMING RESEARCH control over and inheritance of property. Farm More than a century ago, Lewis Henry Mor land was usually the most important property to gan (1881:2, 8) noted tiiat in prehistoric times, track for this purpose, but in nonfamting socie gens or clans (and individuals) were named after ties, personal names were sometimes used to le an animal or an inanimate object, never after a gitimize use-rights to gathering areas and inhari- 8 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY tance of property such as ceremonial objects from either or both maternal and paternal (e.g., LaPana 1978:327; Pilling 1978:145; Wal grandparents: lace 1978:686). Sometimes, "not vety often," the chUd is given ki tiieearl y 1900s, Kroaber (1925:499) noted the same n^ne as ejne of the grandparents. In this that "[ajknost all [Califomia Indian] names ware way a name wkl be used through a series of gener those of ancestors or older relatives," although a ations. It becomes, in effect, a fanuly possession few were names of animals, objects, verbs, or in because no other fanuly will use it [Spier n.d.: 1/154]. one case, the number seven.^ Reported names, naming practices, and a few genealogies con Mono consultants have stated repeatedly that vinced University of Califomia ethnographers it is the paternal grandmother or father's sister that the Yokex;h, Mono, and Miwok were patri who bestows personal names in their culture lineal, with personal names and clan or moiety (Dick n.d.). Traditionally, tins was done in a totems passed down on the father's side (Kroeber naming ceremony during which the infant was 1925:835; Gayton 1930:365, 1945:411, 413, "pulled" flu-Qughth e top of a cradlaboard basket 1948a:2, 103, 134, 1948b: 166, 192, 234, 273; made by the name giver. Later, m a smaller cer Gifford 1926:389, 393). However, it is more emony, a Me)ne)-Yokex;h aider e?q)lained, the ma likely that indigenous naming customs—as well ternal side of the family gave the baby a name as as movable pre^rty, resource gathering area use well (N. Tumer, personal communication 1993). rights, trade contacts, knowledge, and ritual ob The latter practice ceiuld be a Mono adaptation to jects—were ambilinaal, if not matrilineal, prior Foothill Yokex:h culture. to European and American contact. On the basis of residence pattern data and in termarriage between the Northern Fex)thill Yei- TRADFTIONAL NAMING CUSTOMS ktxh and Southern Siana Miwok, it seems likely Martha (Wilcox) T^leras (personal commu that the Pohonichi (Mi) were also matronyntic and nication 1994), a Wukchumni-Waksachi (Y-M) bilateral in their naming practices prior to con elder, explained that according to their tradi tact. A mala Miwok consultant reported that "You tions, children are named after relatives on both belong to your wife's people after you are mar sides of the fantily, or after a bird, animal, or ried, not to your own" (Aginsky 1943:464), indi legenelary character. She named one of her cating that the Miwok prescribed matrilocality as grandchildren Lintik, after the Prairie Falcon did thek neighbors and m-laws, the Chukchansi (Y). character m Fexithill Yokoch fables. Among the Kroeber (1925) recorded that the historical Mi Inyana (upper Kings-Kaweah River Yokeich) in wok included oblique totemic references in their particular, the maternal grandmother gives the personal names. For example, someone might be child its first name. The paternal grandmother named Hauchu, referring either to a yawnkig bear chooses its second name, which is now used as or a gaping salmon, but only the person's closest the nuddla name. During the traditional naming relatives and irieneis knew which totem and asso ceremony, the core value of reciprocity is rain- ciated moiety the name referenced. He thought this forced by the baby being "given" to the grand was probably a "secondary and comparatively mother who, in return, bestows a name and late" addition to Miwok culture (Kroeber 1925: thereby a stx;ial identity on the infant. The stated 453-454). Supporting this conclusion of a postcon- reason for this custom is to show respect for the tact change, a Chukchansi-Miwok woman ex grandparents and to strengthen extended family plained to Gayton (1948b: 198) that moiety totem ties (L. Franco, personal communication 1995). inheritance was "like children havkig the father's The Chukchansi apparently also derived names name the white way." INDIAN NAMES AND NAMING PRACTICES
Whatever the group differences, it is clear that "I know five or six Indians who been at Missions. naming was cemsidered an honor and a privilege in One [or] two been Monterey. One [or] two been the central-southem Siena Nevada foothills. Name- San Juan. One [or] two been San Miguel. They giving undoscored the importance of grandparents tell me 'bout the church there. They no like k." ki children's lives, and the naming ceremony itself Some individuals from the foothill and mountain rekiforced fanuly ties and the principle of reciproc groups were killed when thek villages were at ity. tacked, while others escaped kito the mountains (Cook 1976:250). Some were captured or recap Multiple Name Custom tured. Pico's expedkion in 1825-1826, for exam Prior to Euroamerican contact, Indian people ple, captured 40 natives, one Christian (baptized often had several names, bestowed by both sides of Indian) from the Chukchansi area, and 10 ran- the family. The restriction on speakkig the name of aways, "old and young," from Soledad Mission, a deceased person until after the annual coming- who fled to the Kings River (Cook 1961:182). out-of-mouming ceremony practically necessitated Contact-kiduced diseases and warfare killed many such a custom (Kre)eber 1925:55). As Kreieber Indians in the lower foothills and the San Joaquki (1925:499) noted, "a new appellation was assumed Valley who might otherwise have acquired Spanish on the death of any namesake ... the kiconveni- names. ence caused by this practice was guarded agakist A more prevaloit naming pattern in the study by the custom of each child receivkig two names." area began in the nud-nineteenth century, when Apparently, the two names were used altemately American settlers staked claims to farm and ranch by the different sides of the family, not as fu'st and lands in the San Joaquin Valley, as well as to min- last names. Otho- kidications of flexible, ambilocal kig areas and summo- grazkig meadows in the high residence and bilateral (Hawaiian) kkiship are in Sierra. Indian men employed by these settlers to accord wkh this remembered naming tradkion (see drive cattle, shear sheep, or build roads often took McCarthy 1993:55; Dick-Bissonnette 1997:229- the last name of thek employer as their Euroameri 231).' can name. Sometimes this resulted in fiill siblings having different last names. A Wukchumni man HISTORICAL NAMING PRACTICES known as Sam Garfield, for example, used the Beginning around 1770, Spanish nussionaries name of his father's or brother's employer in the baptized central Califomia Indians, givkig them Springfield-PortervUle area, while close relatives ki Christian names ki the process. Examples from the the tribal homeland near Three Rivers went by the Siena Nevada foothills include the names Grego- surname Hunter (M. Tapleras, personal communi rio, Jose, Francisco, and Pasejual.'' Mission Indians cation 1994). or neophytes ki the area are kidicated by the last In some cases, Indian children were adopted or names of Soledad and Bautista, after Nuestra Sen- became indentured servants. An orphaned Indian ora tie Soledad and San Juan Bautista missions lo boy raised by the Sample family became known as cated mea-e than 100 miles west of the Siena Neva Sam Sample (E. Sample, personal communication da foothills. Spaniards and Mexicans also chris- 1993). Anotho'Indianbeiy by the name of La-ache taied Indian people, makily the elderly, during thek was indentured for 13 years to Ira McCray in the expedkions to the Califomia kiterior (Phillips 1850s "in the capacity of Domestic servant and 1993:47-51). However, mission survivors were general laborer" and given the name "Jack" (Fres relatively few m number in the study area. Pahnut no Historical Society Archives, as cited ki Clough (Bill Wilson), a Dumna (Y) man who grew up ki and Secrest 1984:20). Another source of last the Friant area in the late 1800s, told Latta (n.d.). names was the fkst name of a white employer. 10 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY
Thus, Tom, Dick,^ Bill, George, Charlie, Ed, and Indian name was conupted to "Tupino" (Latta Pete became Indian surnames in a progression 1977:609). from, for example, "Tom's Indian" to "Indian As with other Califomia Indian groups, k was Tom," or, using a place name to distinguish one probably customary in the Sierra Nevada foothills man from another, "Dry Creek Tom." In the next never to speak one's own Indian name (e.g., Kroe generation or census, Tom would then become a ber 1964:127-128), so even well-intentioned white surname. people could only kidkectly learn them. The loss Several Indian people ki the study area tewk the of distinctive Yokoch, Mono, and Miwok names names of early whke settlers who left to fight in the signifying individuals' heritage and their replace Civil War. A white stordceeper on the Fresno Riv ment with ceMTimem Euroamerican first names was, er named James M. Rhoan or Roane left his sur of course, just one of many indignities suffered by name behind when be retumed to the South (En these people in their dealings with whites (e.g., glish 1986:29). A "half-blood" Chukchansi man Planas 1991). named George Rivercomb was bom in the Friant Nicknames were acquked throughout one's life area ca. 1858 (Latta 1977: 157, 443). His prob time, reflecting the flexible nature of naming and able namesake, George Rivercombe, came to Mil- the indigenous use of humor and ridicule as level lerton ki 1853, settled ki Burrough Valley, and then ing devices. Gayton's (I948a:30) Chunut and Ta- left to join the Vkginia Confederates around 1861 chi (Y) consultants cited individuals with five or (English n.d.:194; Clough and Secrest 1984:103). set nicknames. A Dunma (Y) man named Pahmk Not everyone who ended up wkh a European (Bill Wilson) acquired the nickname Lumpah, name was associated with a particular person. meankig "cave-ki," after several unsuccessful gold Some came to be known by a place name or geo mkiing efforts in the mid-1800s (Latta n.d.). More graphical feature near where they lived. Sparush ignoble nicknames sometimes were bestowed by militaty officer Alferez Gabriel Moraga is credked whites. One Indian man was nicknamed "Plez with naming the San Joaquin River to honor the Work," probably by bis boss, and an elderly Indian Virgki Mary's father (Bancroft 1885:47; Rose woman employed at the Wawona Hotel ca. 1900 1992:13). The Posgisa Mono femily name Joaquin was nicknamed "Short and Dirty" (C. Bates, per (see Theodoratus et al. 1978:B5) probably derived sonal communication 1987). Examples of nick from their home tenitory on this river. names in the area that became surnames include While some foothill and mountain fanulies re Patch, Gexxieye, Polecat, and Buckskin. membered the Indian names of thek parents and Once officially recorded on a birth, baptismal, grandparents, only a few managed to be known by or wedding certificate, or for a land allotment (after an Indian name in their dealings with whites. A the Dawes Act of 1887), family names were passed man named Watokai (from the word watak, mean down to the next generation. Of the 426 house ing pine nut) was a well-known tribal leader in the holds abstracted from the 1933 United States Bu Centerville area in the mid-1800s (Kroeber 1906: reau of Indian Affairs California Roll Book from 142). Joe Pohut (from the Wukchumni [Inyana] the Sierra National Forest region (English 1986), wordpohut, mearung squkrel), and his cousin Hen European family names predominate (80%). These ry Icho, (from the word for turtle ki several Ftxit- names were mostly of English and Irish origin, al hill Yokoch dialects), kept these Indian words as though a few are French, Swedish, Polish, and His last names (Gayton 1948a:103; Latta 1977:609). panic. An untold number of Indian women married Thek contemptM"ary, Tawpnaw, was lass fortunate. whke men and took thek names. One recognizable Ha often was refened to ki the white community as categoty daived last names from white men's first names (13%). A small number of family names Jkn "Britches" due to a childhood incident, and his INDIAN NAMES AND NAMING PRACTICES 11 came from nicknames (6%). Only a handful of communication 1993; E. Sample, personal commu names were based on Indian words or names, or nication 1993). were followed by an Indian name ki parentheses, While some Indians adapted to white society, suggesting that k was recognized outside as well as others resisted with tradkionalism. McCarthy within the individual's iamily (1%). (1993:71) noted North Fork Mono descendants who used thek mother's last name when thek fa WOMEN'S NAMES ther was non-Indian. In two prominent cenfral A few Indian women's names are documented Foothill Yokoch families, the daughters kept their in the area. Examples include Kalapine, "an old maiden name (from their father's first name) when docttess" at the Chukchansi Picayune Rancheria th^ married to remain idoitified with thek Indian near Coarsegold; a Mono woman named Moiac, heritage (Noren n.d.). In one of these famiUes, the who lived ki Crane Valley around 1870; Wahnom- mother was an accomplished basketmaker, and in kot (Maggie Icho), a Wukchumni basketmaker; the other the maternal grandfather and mother were and nine other Yokoch women interviewed by respected healers. These examples demonstrate a Frank Latta (1977:xxiv).^ In the nud-nineteenth sex:ial enientation towards the Indian conununity in century, women often were given an English first mexlem times when the pressure to assimilate, and name, usually by an employer or client for whom thus resistance, intensified. they worked as a maid or laundress. Young wom PLACE NAMES en acquired last names when they married or re- manied, but some elderly Indian women were Place names in the central Califomia interior known ki the white community only by a fkst that were derived from Indian names include Wah- name. There woe many Matys, Lucys, Janes, and toke Creek, after the aforementioned Centerville Annies among them. area "chief'; Lake Moic, ki honor of a Mono wom Around the beginning of the twentieth century. an named Moiac; Mt. Hogan and Hogan Road af Christian missionaries introduced another namkig ter a Chukchansi medicine woman named Molly practice, that of addressing a woman by her hus He)gan, who lived to be ova- eme hundred years old; band's last name, e.g., Mrs. Sherman (Christensen and Toiaya Lake, named after a Yosenute Miwok n.d.). While this Euroamerican custom acknowl elder (cf Gudde 1998:390, 415). Other place- edged a woman's social rank (above children and names in the area that are still in use today were unmarried women), k also slighted her identity derived from local tribal or place names, such as apart from her husband's and symbolically sqia- Yosemite, WaweHia, Nipinnawasee, and Ahwahnee. rated her from her mattilateral kin. However, by Squaw Leap on the San Joaquki River and the nud-twentieth century, the title "Mrs." was Squaw Valley in Chukainuna tenkory were obvi considered a more respectful way to address some ously named by Euroamericans but perhaps in one than by one's fkst name. Wearing an apron translation of former Indian place names that re and serving coffee and cake also were interpreted fened to women.^ Two stories or legends have by Indian women as "the white way" of honoring been recorded about the place name Squaw Leap. soiior womai who tradkionally heated gatherkigs. In one story, the setting is the Gold Rush era, ca. Women who ki thek youth had worked as maids 1850. Yokeich Indian women (probably Dumna) for white families surely did not miss the subservi are pursued by whke miners near Fort Miller and ent nature of their role but several Mono and Yo jump off the high bluff into the river to avoid being koch cemsukants made unsolicited comments about captured and raped* In a very different (and prob how kkid thek white employers were and how ably older) Mono legend, the origin of saknon ki much they leamed from them (M. Baty, personal the upper San Joaquin River is attributed to two In- 12 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY dian women, one of whom jumps into the river and among the Aymara of South America was a change turns into a fish when her sister refuses to babysit intrexluced by Spanish legislation at the end of the for her (Lynch 1973:56). sixteenth centtity" (Olson 1933:380). Squaw Valley (ki eastem Fresno County) might A significant pattern in personal naming re have been so named by white hunters when Indian vealed by this study is the domkiance of patronymy men were absent, fighting in the Mariposa Indian in the foothill Indian communities of central Cali War (Clough and Secrest 1984:210). Another pos fomia by 1933. In comparison, McCarthy (1993: sibility is an explanation given by "one of the older 86) found that "at least 50%" of the names listed Indian women," about fifty years ago, that a de for the North Fork Mono in the 1900 Census were pression in a bedreick outcrop on the west side of Indian names. The small number of Spanish names the valley was a woman's footprint (Clingan and reflects the few individuals who retumed to the Clingan 1985:40). Accordingly, the rock was Sierra Nevada region from the Spanish missions, named Wex)tona, or woman's foot, designating the and the relatively less significant impact of Spanish valley as women's land. and Mexican culture in this area compared to the mostly northem Euroamerican onslaught that fol DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS lowed. In the late 1920s, a Choinimni man known as In sum, a shift to patronymy in the central Cali Pony Dick Wkiatun stated that the Choinimni "fol fornia interior resulted from approximately four lowed the father in evetything." Gayton (1948b: generations of expe)sure to and interaction with Eu 148) interpreted his statement as a reference to roamericans. Although some tradkional Indian "moiety, totem, and official positions, but not nec customs continued to be handed down, the context essarily ... professions such as doctoring." Alter of Gayton's (1948b) conclusion that the Yokoch- natively, he could have been refening to or been in Mono were "strongly patrilineal" is late nineteenth fluenced by postcontact changes, includkig accep to early twentieth century Eure)america. tance of the Christian concept of "God the Father." In related but broader research, ethnographic Christian patriarchy was syncretized wkh tradi and archival data indicate that groups in the Sierra tional beliefs in the 1870 Ghost Dance movement Nevada foothills had a matrifocal social organiza (Bean and Brakke Vane 1978:670-671). Thus, tion that shifted towards pafriarchy in response to translation problems or misunderstandings between Europeans and Americans but retained some of its the investigator and the consultant, along wkh a gender egalitarianism (Dick-Bissonnette 1997, shift towarels patronymy ki the early twentieth cen 1998). A possible alternative explanation to adap tury due to partial assknilation, probably contribut tation and assimilation was suggested by Johnson ed to a presumption of patrilkiy by ethnographers. (1988), who concluded that on the basis of mission Accounts from other regions support the idea baptismal, marriage, and death records, elite fami that patronymic naming and patrilkiy were intro lies among the historical Chumash on the central- duced by outsiders. By the late 1700s, Spanish southam Califomia coast were patrilocal while the missionaries in coastal California began recording residence preference or pattern for Chumash com women's and children's names based on the hus moners was matrilocal. In this light, dual residence band's or father's new Spanish name (Johnson patterns reflect indigenous, stratified social organi 1988:233). Working in the Northwest Coast cul zation. ture area in 1928, Barbeau (1990:58, 63) noted Accordkig to a cross-cultural study of matriliny that village and tribal moieties ware not totemic or by Schneider and Gough (1961), there is nothing patronymic "until the coming of the white man." inherently contradictoty about matriliny and socio- Bandelier found that "succession m the male line polkical complexity; thus, fiirther explanation is INDIAN NAMES AND NAMING PRACTICES 13 needed to account for pafriiiny in cenfral Califor family genealogist, could find no direct connection be tween our Scotch-Irish ancestors and the central Cali nia. Since JeJmson's (1988) data are from the post- fomia area prie>r to my natal family's relocation to contact period, his findings could reflect contact- Fresno ki 1965. This anecdote pokits out, however, induced change, with perhaps differential rates of that last names that appear to be first names can be accukuration between elite and commoner Chu misleading. 6. A photograph of Kalapine can be found at the mash families being due to their differential access Huntington Library Photo Archives, Grace Nicholson to material wealth and power from the invaders.' Collection #D-55-3. In 1871, Moiac manied George FurtiiCT edmohistorical, ettmographic, and com Sharpton, a Fraich immigrant and carpenter, and thek parative studies have the potential to shed more daughter Mary married cattleman George Teaford. Lake Moic, on the Teaford Ranch in Madera County, lig^t (»i these related questions. The research pre was named in the mother's honor (Dick-Bissonnette sented here suggests that despite the fragmentary 1993). Crane Valley was a Chukchansi summa- home nature of the data, namkig practices and associated and resource gathering area prior to encroachment by customs can contribute msights into the often piece die Nortii Fork Mono (McCartiiy 1993:68). A dam bulk at die southeast end of Crane Valley in 1895 cre meal process of accukuration and the variable na ated Bass Lake (Clough 1983:83). ture of cross-cultural interaction. 7. The American frontiersmen'sderogatot y term for Indian women, "squaws," originates fromth e Al- NOTES gonquian language (Hinton 1994:171). The term and 1. Yokuts, more accurately glossed "Yokoch," is the stereotypes associated vrith it are understandably a linguistic classification based on the word for "Indi offensive to contemporary Indian people. ans" in several foodiill dialects (Powers 1877:369). In 8. Accounts of John Sutter (Phillips 1993:124- this article, groups M^iose fkst language was a Yokoch 125), Jdtm Marsh (Lyman 1940), and Lewis and dialect are indicated by (Y), transkional Yokoch-Mono Clark's Frendi-Canadian guide Charbonneau (Howard groups by (Y-M), Mono by (Mo), and Southern Sierra 1971), fer example, describe the use and abuse of Indi Miwdi by (Mi). an women by froitieranen. See Hurtado (1988, 1999) 2. Wukchumni elders told Gayton (1948a: 103) for historical accounts regarding the mistreatment of that during the first few weeks of a baby's life, before CalifcHTiia Indian women during the Gold Rush era, it was given a name, it was called "one-seven," then and Planas (1991) for oral histories in the study area. "two-seven," and so on. Thus, "seven," or "six" before 9. Elizabedi Colson (1977:383) suggested tiiat the introduction of the seven-day week by the Spanish, male Indian leaders in colonial Califomia were like was a term ofaddressmeanmg "week-old baby." Mid- Melanesian "Big Men," in that "[t]bey were tolerated twentieth century genealogies indicate high birth and because thek c(»nmunities needed diem as power bro- high m&nt mortality rates (Spia- n.d.). The latter may kas in dealing widi potentially dangerous strangers or partly e?q}lain viby kiiants were not named immediate with siq)aTiatural powas, but they were trading on this ly after birth. tolerance to create bases of political power." 3. Aboriginal population estimates alone are too ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS unreliable to determine if ambilocality was a result of contact period depopulation, but other data pokit to a This article is a revised version of a subsectiesi of matrilocal or ambilocal residence pattern for this sub- my doctoral dissertation and as such its content has region (Dick-Bissonnette 1997; cf Kunkel 1962, benefited from review and comments by several an 1974). thropologists, especially Professor Emeritus Thomas 4. The first Spanish mission on the central coast, G. Ffarding. For mformation and examples used here San Carlos Braromeo (Carmel), was established in in, I am grateful to Margaret Baty, Emily Sample, 1770 (Castillo 1978:100). Juan Jose and Francisco Martha (Wilcox) Tapleras, Lalo Franco, Norma Tur- wae Kaweah (Y) "chiefs" who were "much respected na, Maggie Sample, Henty Jones, Lorrie Planas, and by the people" (Stewart n.d.:l 1). Francisco could be Bob Adams. My thanks also go to Ron Maboney for the "Cowees [Kaweah] captaki" of the same name bringing the June English and Vernon Brooks Collec maitioned ki an 1850 account as "an old mission Indi tions to my attention, to Craig Bates and Linda Eade an from San Luis Obispo" (Derby 1852:39). of the Yosemite Research Libraty for making Frank 5. A white man by the name of James Dick lived Latta's Papers and Fieldnotes available, to Robert F. G. "about a mile below Pinehurst" in die late 1870s Spier for cqiies of bis fieldnotes, and to Adele Baldwin (Clough 1983:137). 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