American Foreign Policy and the Ottoman State, 1774-1837, As Revealed in United States Documents
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AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY AND THE OTTOMAN STATE, 1774-1837, AS REVEALED IN UNITED STATES DOCUMENTS Thomas Jam.es Adams B.A., Kent State University, 1952 ... B.F.T., Thunderbird, The Garvin School oflnternational Management, 1953 M.S., San Francisco State University, 1961 Ph.D., University of California, Berkeley, 1972 THESIS Submitted in partial satisfaction of The requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in Liberal Arts at CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO SPRING 2007 AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY AND THE OTTOMAN STATE, 1774-1837, AS REVEALED IN UNITED STATES DOCUMENTS AThesis by Thomas James Adams __, Second Reader Student: Thomas James Adams I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the thesis. 17 flf v: l 2c><.'1 ey - I Date Liberal Arts Master's Program 111 Abstract of AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY AND THE OTTOMAN STATE, 1774-1837, AS REVEALED IN UNITED STATES DOCUMENTS by Thomas James Adams Research Question and Statement of Problem What was the effect of American diplomacy on the Ottoman State, 177 4-183 7? Sources of Data Where ever possible American primary documents including those of the State Department, Annals of Congress, Memoirs ofJohn Quincy Adams, Papers ofJames Madison, Compilation ofthe Messages and Papers ofthe Presidents, Documents on American Foreign Relations, et al, are cited. Conclusions Reached American foreign policy slowly evolved to become more systematic and structured during and after the Revolutionary War. Following the War, Congress approved the French Alliance but in a few years overturned it and approved a British Alliance. The change was expressed by the John Jay Treaty that included attacks on President George Washington who supported it. In Washington's Farewell Address, he warned against European diplomatic entanglements while simultaneously recognizing that they may be needed from time to time. American foreign intervention grew apace during the wars IV with the Barbary Pirates which saw the development of the American Navy and the consulate corps as instruments of foreign policy. These all came to a head with the Greek War of Independence of 1821-1827. While American public opinion was heavily pro Greek, including demands by members of Congress to give direct aid to the Greek provisional government, President James Monroe opposed it. A resolution by Daniel Webster of Boston favoring the Greek cause was defeated in the House of Representatives despite the knowledge of the members that major supporters of noninvolvement were New Englanders in the slave trade and in the Smyrna-Canton opium trade. While some voted against Webster because of Washington's admonition, others used it as an excuse. The non-involvement policy later coalesced in the creation of the Monroe Doctrine. In 1774, prior to the outbreak of the Revolutionary War, the United States sought formal diplomatic relations with the Ottoman State. From the initial contact with the Ottoman Empire by the United States Navy in 1800, these feeling were also expressed by Ottoman officials including the Sultan. Despite efforts by both parties, it was not until 1830 that a Treaty of Commerce and Navigation was finally signed by the Sultan and ratified by the United States. Committee Chair Katerina Lagos [o fm,;_)J J[JO'f · ate v Dedicated to the Memory of Two Ottoman Greeks, My Parents, Adamandios Adamandithis, of Aretsou, Asia Minor and Eleni Katsourou Adamandithou, of Smyrna, Asia Minor ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank the following for helping me with this work. To: Professor Katerina Lagos, the head of my committee, for guidance, helpful and cheerful suggestions, and insightful comments. Professor Speros Vryonis, Jr., for his friendship, his scholarship, and his inspiring spirit of scholarly zeal. The Tsakopoulos Hellenic Collection at the University, which he personally assembled, aided my research enormously. Professor Vryonis is the embodiment of that most mysterious of Greek virtues, qnJ..,6nµo. Professor Jeffrey Brodd, Coordinator of the Liberal Arts Master's Program, for skillfully guiding me, even now, through the labyrinth of University requirements. The late Professor James Reid for his helpful suggestions and quietly encouraging support. That Jim passed away in the flower of his most productive years is a great tragedy. George Paganelis, Curator, Tsakopoulos Hellenic Collection, for his virtually instantaneous response to my questions and for steering me to the best sources available. Stavros Stavridis, M.A., Research Scholar at the National Centre for Hellenic Studies and Research at La Trobe University, Melbourne, Australia, who time and again provided new leads that helped my research. That we "met" on the Internet, established a friendship there, and were finally able to meet in person, was a delight. Jack Smith of the Library's Interlibrary Loan Department for the timely handling of my many requests for material. Angelo Tsakopoulos and his family, for the gift of his Hellenic Collection to the University. Theodora Adams Highum, my sister, for an emergency job of copy editing. Shirle, my wife, for her usual first-rate job of copy editing and for only grumbling quietly through yet another writing project. And finally to the people of California for the 60+ Program that enabled me to again experience the thrill of systematically learning something new and to halt in some measure the process of mental aging (at least I hope so). vii TABLE OF CONTENTS Dedication ........................................................................................vi Acknowledgments ...............................................................................vii Prologue ............................................................................................. ! A. French Designs in the New World ................................................ .4 B. The American National Style ...................................................... 5 C. Early America and the Ottoman State ............................................. 8 Chapter 1 The Beginnings of American Diplomacy ................................... 15 A. America's Interest in Free Trade ....................................... 16 B. The Withering of the French Alliance and the John Jay Treaty .... 17 C. Washington's Farewell Address ......................................... 19 2 America's Response to the Barbary States .................................24 A. The First Barbary War ....................................................27 B. The Second Barbary War ................................................ .46 3 The Greek War of Independenc~, the Monroe Doctrine, and the Beginning of America's Policy toward the Ottoman State ...... 51 A. The American Philhellenic Movement ................................. 55 B. First Diplomatic Feelers from the Greeks .............................. 58 C. The Genesis of the Monroe Doctrine ................................... 61 D. Daniel Webster's Resolution on Greece ................................. 66 E. Yankee Opium Trade: Smyrna to Canton, China ..................... 69 F. The Marquis de LaFayette and the Greek Cause ...................... 82 G. Failed Attempts at Greek Aid............................................. 84 H. America's Treaty with the Ottoman State ............................. 89 Conclusion ....................................................................................... 97 Bibliography ................. : .................................................................. 102 Vlll 1 PROLOGUE Early colonists of the United States believed that the country being forged was different from all others. Indeed, in 1630 John Winthrop, first Governor of Massachusetts, in his Model ofChristian Charity? wrote "for wee must consider that wee 1 shall be as a citty upon a hill. The eies of all people are uppon us [sic]." The phrase , "a city upon a hill," is filled with hopes, dreams, and also an admonition that Americans must conduct themselves in such a way as to continue to be the hope of mankind. This phrase has been used repeatedly by American leaders, from the founding of the Massachusetts Bay Colony to President Ronald Reagan 350 years later.' The earliest New England settlements in the New World were theocracies formed to subjugate worldly activities. As John Winthrop put it, "We have entered into a Covenant with [God] for this work. ... lfwe should neglect the observation of these articles which are the ends we have propounded, and, dissembling with our God, shall fail to embrace this present world and prosecute our camall intentions, seeking great things for ourselves and our posterity, the Lord will surely breake out in wrathe against us; be revenged of such a [sinful] people and make us know the price of the breache of such a covenant [sic]."2 As new generations appeared, the spiritual message began to wane. "From the middle of the seventeenth century, the inhabitants of New England were frequently reminded by their ministers that 'New England is originally a plantation of religion, not a 1 John Winthrop, A Model ofChristian Charity. http://www.wsu.edu/~campbelld/amlit/winthrop.htm. (accessed November 1, 2006). 2 Ibid. 2 plantation of trade.' "3 As the new merchant class began to flourish, their tithes grew apace and cries warning of vanity and the sinfulness of luxury became more muted to the point where it "came to be admitted that wealth and prosperity might