Akrotiri Thera and the East Mediterranean Table of Contents

NANNO MARINATOS

Preface 9 The Chronicle of the Discovery of Akrotiri: 1932 to 1974 XX The City and Its History XX West House XX Who was the Owner? XX Emblems and Symbols XX The Voyage of the Fleet at the Ends of the Earth XX Arrival at Akrotiri XX Xeste 3 XX The Great Goddess and the Griffin XX The Spirals of the Third Floor and the Solar Nature of the Goddess XX The Nature of the Great Goddess XX The Painting of the Tree Sanctuary and Egyptian Religion XX Epilogue: A City of Fifty Years XX The Archaeological Site XX Bibliography XX

6 7 8 9 Preface

The excavations at Akrotiri, Thera (Santorini) began with Spyridon Marinatos in 1967 and are still in progress under the direction of Professor Christos Doumas. They have gradually revealed an ancient town of significant wealth, the finds of which have exceeded every expectation: almost every season has yielded new surprises. As the thousands of fragments of wall paintings gradually become restored (and this is an on-going process), a new picture book on Minoan life and religion is emerging giving new insights into every-day life, international relations, myths and rituals. I have been studying the frescoes for many decades, but only recently did it become evident to me that Sir Arthur Evans’ early view about the existence of monotheism in the Minoan age was essentially correct. Indeed, Akrotiri yielded evidence not of polytheism, but of one single female Great Goddess. Her presence is either explicit, as in the frescoes of Xeste 3 (discussed in this book), or implicit manifested by her symbols and sacred animals as shown on the frescoes of Room of Lilies, Room of Monkeys, Room of Ladies, Sector A (Porter’s Lodge). In many ways, the persona of this goddess combines the three major Egyptian goddesses of nurture and nature: Nut, Hathor and Isis. All of the latter deities were connected with nature and, what is also important, the sun. Some words now about how I approach the question of the minoanization of Akrotiri and its relation with Egypt. The finds and architecture show that the town was under the direct influence of Knossos after 1550 BCE. It is true that large quantities of Knossian wall paintings have not been adequately preserved and that there is therefore a relative dearth of comparative material. On the other hand, the lack of frescoes iscompensated for in Crete by the existence of magnificently engraved gold rings with scenes of divine epiphanies and tree cult. A seated goddess with her companions and sacred animals features on many gold signets, some of which have been found relatively recently in a cemetery at Poros by Nota Dimopoulou Rethemiotaki (see p. 145). The composition of the scenes on these rings matches the Theran frescoes quite well; consequently, the thesis of the present book is that the religion of Akrotiri cannot be appreciated if it is divorced from Minoan religion. As well, I argue that the designation “Late Cycladic” (which is at present prevalent in the scholarly literature) may be misleading, since ancient geography did not have the same boundaries as modern geography. I have attempted to link Thera with Crete geographically and culturally and have extended the cultural horizon to encompass Egypt. I hope that this approach is historically sound and that it will have payoffs for the understanding of the symbolic codes that underlie the images.

Previous pages: View of the archaeological site from above; the Bioclimatic Shelter is visible, fully integrated into its surroundings. (Architect N. Fintikakis, photo: Y. Yiannelos.)

10 11 The association between the Aegean and Egypt is not an entirely novel idea, since it was conceived by the excavator of Knossos, Sir Arthur Evans, and was supported by Spyridon Marinatos. Many scholars today (Peter Warren and Manfred Bietak are some of them) still support the Egyptian connection. I note here that Marinatos even spoke about the presence of Africans in Thera. Egypt was, of course, the dominant culture in the East Mediterranean for almost three thousand years. The strength of its influence depended on the stability of government within Egypt, on the one hand, and the internal unity of Crete, on the other. Thus, when Knossos rose to power at the turn of the third millennium BCE, it was able to develop a unified system of symbols inspired to a great degree by Egyptian ones. When Crete began dominating the Aegean, these symbols were spread to the mainland of Greece as well as to the Cycladic islands. Some of them are discussed in this book: the ankh, the papyrus, the so-called sacral horns, the latter imitating the Egyptian mountains of the horizon. It must be further noted that the peak of Egyptian influence on Crete coincided with periods of strong kingship within Egypt itself, especially the Eighteenth Dynasty during the reign of Hatshepsut and Tuthmosis III. Evans’ early observations raise another important issue, namely the role of royal houses in the formation of religion. Egypt’s Akhenaton in the 14th century (Eighteenth Dynasty) is an example of how one single pharaoh could cause radical changes in the theology and iconography of his people. Chances are that the powerful Eighteenth Egyptian Dynasty influenced the royal dynasties at Knossos in 16th century BCE and that Knossos, in its turn, influenced Thera. Some royal correspondence of the second millennium, dating a little later than the destruction of Akrotiri, testifies to the travels of religious objects and ideas. Kings not only communicated with each other but also sealed their alliances and treaties by intermarriage and religion. When the Mitanni king of Anatolia, Tushratta (14th century), sent his daughter as a bride to pharaoh Amen-hotep III, he sent together with her at least one image of the local goddess Shauska. The goddess supposedly said the following: “I wish to go to Egypt, a country that I love, and then return”. In another letter, the male storm god Teshub and the god Aman, were asked to bless king Tushratta with the good fortune of receiving the favor of the pharaoh.1 It is clear that the gods of one country had the power to bless the people of another, as long as the rulers mutually decided that this blessing was desired. We may conclude, then, that religious influences flowed from one royal court to the next. The above mentioned letters provide us with possible models of how Egyptian symbols travelled to the Aegean. In the case of Thera, the Egyptian religious ideas arrived mainly through Crete although other alternatives cannot be excluded.

Old lithograph showing the eruption of Santorini in 1866. (Dimitris Tsitouras archive) 1. W. Moran, The Amarna Letters, 1992, p. 48.

12 13 In some ways, the present work, although focusing on Akrotiri, is a continuation of my previous work, Minoan Kingship and the Solar Goddess, where I laid the basis for understanding the common symbols of the East Mediterranean by establishing a visual comparative grid. I by no means implied that we ought to sim- plify complex cultural systems by reducing them into one. But I did (and still do) insist that the Aegean ought not to be isolated from its neighbors. Akrotiri is a special case of a Cycladic port city and it retains some of its original Cycladic character. This fact has been indis- putably shown by the researches of Professor Christos Doumas and his team, as well as by the study of the pottery by Dr. Mariza Marthari. And yet, the fact remains that the last phase of the city, rebuilt after the earthquake of c. 1550 BCE, altered its character and that it subsequently reflected Knossian fashions. Knossos was, at that time, in very close contacts with Eighteenth Dynasty Egypt. The links are historically undeniable. It remains to thank the many people who have contributed to the making of this book. The ruined state of the town is captured by the excellent photographs of Yiannis Yiannelos. The original idea is due to Mrs. Clea Soujoultzoglou, whom I thank very heart- ily. Her enthusiasm and energy helped with the inception of the original Greek version of this book published with the titleAkrotiri, Santorini, the Biography of a lost City. The present work represents an expanded version of the Greek original with an emphasis on religious iconography.

The storage room of Sector A. Photo: Y. Yiannelos.

14 15 For the beautiful drawings of the Xeste 3 goddess, I am indebted to Ray Porter, New York; for the digital pictures to Markos Toufeklis. For the copy-editing I am most grateful to my friend and colleague at the University of Illinois at Chicago, Anita Skarpathiotis. For pictures I am most obliged to my friends in Crete, Georgos and Nota Rethemiotaki, Alexandra Karetsou and my equally good friend, the Egyptologist R. H. Wilkinson (University of Arizona). I thank my colleague Kostis Davaras for the Petsofas model; the publishing house Philip von Zab- ern for the Egyptian picture from the tomb of Sennefer. For support and ideas regarding the earlier Greek version, I thank Clairy Palyvou and Lefteris Platon. The latter gave me access to his father’s, Nikolaos Platon’s, archives. For generous support for the publication of the volume I am indebted to the Kaspersky Lab. The Athens Archaeological Society and Professor Doumas’ team at Akrotiri have been most generous with pictures. I am grateful to them all. The errors remain mine.

Nanno Marinatos, Chicago, Spring 2015

Map of Santorini (Plan del ile de Théra ou Santorin). Copperplate, 18.5 x 27 cm. Sketch by G. Bernard. G. A. Olivier, Atlas pour servir au voy- Marinatos (right) and Christos Doumas (left) with a visitor (center). Doumas was at age dans l’Empire Othoman, Paris, 1801, pl. 7. (Dimitris Tsitouras archive) that time Marinatos’ assistant. Photo: unknown.

16 17 The Chronicle of the Discovery of Akrotiri: 1932-1974 ost archaeological discoveries are made by chance, but the excavation of Akrotiri on Thera (Santorini) was due Mto a carefully thought-out plan that was first conceived in the mind of the Greek archaeologist Spyridon Marinatos long before the site was actually excavated. The story began on Crete, in the period between the two Great European wars, while Sir Arthur Evans was still excavating and restoring the palace of Knossos. It is proper to begin with Evans. In June of 1926, while he was asleep in the cool basement bedroom of his house, the Villa Ariadne, an earthquake occurred. When the earth began to groan and shake, he woke up and rose hastily with the intention of fleeing the house. Yet, he quickly realized that his best chance of survival was to stay where he was and wait out the shock: a wise decision as many people lost their lives due to the panic that ensued. When the tremors stopped, Evans rushed to the palace and found that it had weathered the earthquake very well, whereas much of the town of Herakleion had been turned into rubble. Much damage was done to the old Archaeological museum of Herakleion, which housed the treasures of Minoan civilization. This is where he met the young Spyridon Marinatos (at the time twenty-six years old) who was serving as second ephor, superintendent of antiquities. The encounter between Evans and Marinatos was very important: due to Evans, the Greek ephor was inspired to assess the impact of natural disasters on civilization. It was the earthquake of 1926 that made Evans seriously rethink the role of earthquakes on the palace of Knossos. Minoan Crete, he realized, had suffered periodic destructions throughout its history; a major one occurred every 100 or 150 years. This insight led him to formulate the theory that the final earthquake at Knossos (c. 1400 BCE) was responsible for the decline of the palace. He published these thoughts in the second volume of the Palace of Minos in 1928. This idea exerted a great influence on Marinatos when he read the second volume of the Palace of Minos. He conveyed Evans’ ideas to a German schoolmaster in Leipzig in 1930 and the latter wrote back inquiring more information.1 Marinatos then gave a talk on Minoan civilization and its decline (1930): “After the earthquake of 26th of June 1926, the same that damaged also the archaeological museum of Herakleion, Sir Arthur Evans introduced a new theory about the effects of seismic destructions, which is undoubtedly much closer to what really happened on Crete. There is no doubt that at Knossos, which is very prone to seismic destructions, the palace suffered periodical disasters due to natural catastrophes. Every 100 years the region around Herakleion is afflicted by major earthquakes.”2 A few years later, however, Marinatos found some startling new evidence that led him to revise the earthquake theory of

1. Archives of Spyridon Marinatos. 2. Unpublished Manuscript, 1930. Archives: Nanno Marinatos.

Marinatos shows the successive layers of pumice and ashes that reveal the exact history of the eruption. (Photo: unknown).

20 21 Evans. It originated from his own excavation at Amnisos, a seashore settlement on the north coast of Crete close to Knossos cup is carried by “Keftiu” (Cretans) on the wall paintings of the tomb of Senenmut, an official of queen Hatshepsut of the (see map on p. 53). There, he first excavated a small building close to the shore, which had been badly damaged. It was as Eighteenth Dynasty. The cup in Senenmut’s tomb reflects a real object. Now, a cup with the exact shape and decoration as though its walls had been struck by a forceful wave. Was this wave caused by a terrible earthquake? This was Marinatos’ the one depicted in the Egyptian mural has been found at Akrotiri; thus, the time of the destruction of Akrotiri coincides with first thought. However, he changed his mind when he realized that the small building in question had been fully packed the early Eighteenth Dynasty in Egypt, namely the reigns of Queen Hatshepsut or her successor, Tuthmosis III (see p. 56). with volcanic pumice. How was he to interpret this phenomenon? He thought at first that the pumice had been stored for But let us leave chronology aside, in order to fully understand how Marinatos imagined the effects of the Theran eruption industrial purposes (it is good material for polishing), but he eventually rejected this option. The picture became clearer on Crete. In order to visualize the magnitude of the disaster, he studied the case of the volcano of Krakatoa, situated between when he excavated a little further inland and found a luxurious Minoan mansion, the massive stone-walls of which had been Sumatra and Java. It was a good model because it had exploded in 1893 and was well-documented and studied. The noise violently deformed and tilted outwards as a result. It seemed to Marinatos that a huge wave had sucked the walls towards of the explosion of Krakatoa had been heard all over the world; its ashes and pumice had reached distant coastal cities and the sea while the wave was retreating. Suddenly, he realized with overwhelming clarity that a tsunami had hit the coast and the tidal wave it caused, the tsunami, had swept everything on its way. By analogy, Crete (and indeed the entire Aegean) had swept everything in sight: buildings, animals, human inhabitants. The reason why the walls of the villa were tilted was would have been similarly afflicted during its golden age when the Thera volcano erupted. Marinatos did not dare propose his that the tsunami had sucked them towards the sea in its retreat. The next question was what had caused the tsunami? Only hypothesis in public, but he shared it with his assistant, Nikolaos Platon. By a strange accident of fate, it was Nikolaos Platon the explosion of the nearby volcano of the island of Thera could have been responsible. This hypothesis would explain why who was destined to eventually furnish solid proof of Marinatos’ theory thirty years later, through his own excavations at all the coastal settlements of the north side of the island had been destroyed at the same period and perhaps why even all the palace of Zakros about which more will be said later. For the moment, we observe that the correspondence between the the palaces (except Knossos) had been abandoned within a short time afterwards. Evans had indeed been right about the two men in the 1930s shows that they were trying to date the finds of the cave and to determine whether the destruction effect of natural disasters on Minoan culture, but, according to Marinatos’ new theory, Evans had not realized that the vol- of the cave and villa of Amnisos were contemporary. In 1935 Marinatos writes to Platon: canic eruption of Thera was related to the earthquakes and was the ultimate cause for the enormous change in the social “I am inclined to think that the entire deposit [at the cave of Arkalochori] was buried after the disaster landscape of the island. caused by the Theran eruption after 1550. I received a letter from Evans, who considers the double axes The villa of Amnisos was itself an example of the impact a destruction may have on buildings on the coast. It once was a Late Minoan II, but he still does not persuade me. It is of course true that the cache may include objects most beautiful Minoan house, lavishly decorated with frescoes (hence named “Villa of the Lilies”). The paintings consisted of from various periods, as happens with the deposits of later Greek temples. Meticulous excavations in the elegant large red and white lilies. One may even say that these murals prophetically foreshadowed the lilies that Marinatos future may solve the problem definitively.”3 was to find on Akrotiri, Thera some thirty years later (see pp. 135, 131). By 1939, Marinatos felt ready to present his bold new hypothesis in print and chose to publish it in the British journal In the following years, more evidence came to light to fortify Marinatos’ conviction that the destruction of Amnisos had Antiquity out of deference to Evans by whose original theory he had been inspired. His vivid imagination enabled him to been caused by the eruption of the volcano of Thera. In 1934-35, he began digging a cave at the village of Arkalochori assisted visualize the disaster as though he had lived it himself. The affliction which the Cretans experienced was horrendous. Light by the young epimelete of Antiquities, Nikolaos Platon. Arkalochori was not too far from Knossos but located further inland; was turned into night, the sun was obscured; hot ashes and pumice fell on the earth, destroying all plant and animal life. consequently it could not have been affected by the tsunami. And yet a violent earthquake had destroyed it too and caused Fresh water wells were poisoned, whereas a deafening noise created unimaginable terror. its roof to collapse as suddenly as Amnisos. Its treasures, bronze swords and dozens of gold and silver double axes had been All of this seemed too fancy to contemporary scholars. The theory was considered bold but unproven and was questioned buried as a result of this collapse. Could it be the case, Marinatos wondered, that the destruction of Amnisos and Arkalochori even by the editors of Antiquity. It was, however, enthusiastically received by a colleague, a professor at Oxford by the name were absolutely contemporary, and that they both occurred within the period of the Eighteenth Dynasty in Egypt, around 1500 of Lionel Casson, who wrote in 1939: BCE? I mention the Egyptian chronology, because although there is a large controversy about the absolute dates of Minoan “A group of isolated archaeological facts... remained isolated until the research of one man, Spyridon dating, no scholar would challenge that fact that the peak of Akrotiri culture coincides with the early eighteenth dynasty of Egypt. And this can be proven by the following detail. A cup decorated with a band of spirals was found at Akrotiri. Such a 3. Sp. Marinatos to Nikolaos Platon, 21 January, 1935. (Nikolaos Platon’s archives. Courtesy Prof. Lefteris Platon).

22 23 Marinatos, seems to have correlated them together in one solid hypothesis... It is the first comprehensive theory that explains all our outstanding difficulties of this period. Here is a magnificent opportunity for geologists, vulcanists, botanists, archaeologists and Egyptologists, historians and seismologists to co- operate. Actually, Mr. Marinatos is working alone at the mass of material, impeded by the skepticism of many and the failure of most to realize the import of the theory. Santorini should be submitted to a large and comprehensive study. The facts are there. They can be found. An apple fell on the head of Newton. Mr. Marinatos tipped over some pumice.”4 This endorsement was remembered fondly many years later by Marinatos. In retrospect, after Akrotiri was unearthed, the connection between the volcanic eruption of Thera and Cretan civilization seems obvious to most students of Minoan civilization, but in those days the endorsement of the Oxford scholar meant a great deal. Was Marinatos’ theory about the volcanic destruction of Crete verified? The new evidence has divided scholars. Some express doubts and argue that the destruction of many sites on Crete is to be dated later than the destruction of Akrotiri. Others (among whom foremost is Lefteris Platon, the son of Nikolaos Platon) argue that the destructions on Crete and Thera are contemporary. We cannot hope to solve the problem here, but one fact is certain. The eruption of the Thera volcano did occur and therefore must have had some effect on the sites of the north coast of Crete. How can it be doubted that such an eruption would have been a hugely traumatic event for the inhabitants of the entire Aegean? One even wonders if the Egyptian pharaoh sent some help. Today, we understand more because of the relatively recent tsunami disasters that afflicted East Asia, disasters well documented because they were captured on camera. The Indonesian tsunami occurred ten years ago in 2004, and 200,000 people perished as a result. The island has still not fully recovered and in any case, it is forever changed. Another tsunami occurred in Japan in March of 2011 and swept away everything within reach: cars, ships, houses, and even entire villages. Again: the effects on Japan are still noticeable. We know all this now, but back in 1939 it was hard for scholars to imagine the magnitude of the disaster on the physical as well as the social landscape. Having remained without substantial scholarly support, Marinatos postponed excavating Thera. Then the war came. In 1940 Greece challenged the Italian Axis forces, whereas the following year, it was invaded by the German Nazis. Crete, the last stronghold of free southern Europe, fell to the invader in May 1941. Under these circumstances, Marinatos’ intention to excavate on Thera (Santorini) was forgotten or at least put in the back shelf.

4. Cited by Sp. Marinatos in a manuscript found among his archives as L. Casson 1939, 9-11.

Opposite page: Marinatos on the floor of the second storey of Sector Beta. (Photo: Spyros Meletzis.)

24 25 The end of the war found Greece in a state of complete devastation. As well, the intellectual landscape in Europe had been location of the old excavated settlements remained unknown. Proceeding like a detective, he gathered clues from old reports permanently altered: even the great Evans had passed away in 1941, having had the misfortune to live just long enough to and matched them up with information obtained from the villagers. In the end, he decided that the most promising spot hear about the occupation of Crete by the enemy. was a place called Favatas near the sea: if there had been a town there once, it would have faced south towards the Cretan After the war, Marinatos did not excavate Thera, as he had once intended. Instead, he turned his attention to the mainland metropolis (see air-view, p.52). of Greece and dug in the Peloponnese throughout the late 1950s and 1960s. He found several princely tombs there, one of Five years later, in 1967, Marinatos began systematic excavations at Akrotiri. It is hard for the visitor of today to envision which was un-plundered and yielded spectacular gold and silver finds, as well as seal stones. Thera was almost completely Santorini as a poor and abandoned corner of Greece as it was those days. Its few scattered villages had no electricity, trav- forgotten. But fate has unexpected twists. Marinatos’ old assistant and friend, Nikolaos Platon, had in the meantime ac- elling was hard as the island possessed only one or two hotels whereas the village of Akrotiri was accessible only by a dirt quired a Professorship at the University of Thessaloniki and decided to conduct a major excavation in east Crete where he road. The sole taxi driver of the village was a red-haired man known by the nickname “George the Red”. As for what is now unearthed one of the most spectacular Minoan buildings of the post-war years, the palace of Zakros (see map, p. 53). This the archaeological site, it was reachable only by donkey. Marinatos had to travel through the vineyards by mule and camp dig brought to light splendid objects left behind by the inhabitants when they fled the palace in utter terror for their lives. on the site. He relates why and how he chose the spot to excavate. Why? Platon wondered. When he found volcanic pumice in the site, he realized that the Theran eruption was the cause of “For various reasons, I chose for my first trench a point at a place called Favata in the field of Madame the sudden disaster at Zakros. Platon boldly announced in the Greek newspapers that Marinatos’ theory about the volcanic Calliope Bronos, on the west side of the ravine. The reasons for my choice of the Bronos field were many eruption of Thera had been correct, and this fact encouraged the latter to revisit the question of Thera and excavate there. and none of them entirely clear even to myself. Two positive reasons were, however, that erosion was well He gratefully expresses his indebtedness to Nikolaos Platon in 1968: advanced here and that no layer of pebbles endangered our work.”6 “... archaeological discoveries like that of the palace at Zakro … have contributed additional evidence for The fever of discovery possessed him instantly and yet some delays were inevitable: the “Volcanic destruction” theory.”5 “On Monday, May 29, 1967, the village of Akrotiri celebrated a local feast… It was a difficult job to persuade Thus, Nikolaos Platon’s excavation at Zakros inspired Marinatos to re-think the explosion of Thera and he visited Santorini even a few workmen to work after 9’oclock, and even then I benefited more from their pious stories than in 1962 and 1963. He began surveying the surface of the soil and collecting oral reports and memories from the villagers from their labor.” 7 of Akrotiri. He noted down the names of locals who had reportedly found antiquities, or who thought that they had seen A few days later, as work resumed, the first building emerged in the plot of a villager by the name of Arvanitis. It was a something out of the ordinary. Here are some notes from his diaries. large building and had ample storage space on the ground floor full ofpithoi (storage jars). Marinatos was instantly reminded “Tuesday, 26 June 1962: Early in the morning we visited what the locals call ‘the palace’... On the road we of the magazines of Knossos and suspected that he had found a Minoan palace. However, a few days later, he realized that were met by Georgi Saliveros (alias George Matzanis). He handed over to us a blade, the product of his this building was a single house, belonging to a man of great wealth. As was the case on Crete, the storage space doubled own archaeological endeavors, conducted 60 years ago.” as a workshop and therefore contained workmen’s tools. Possibly, the storage room served also as a grocery shop for the Marinatos realized that the best place to begin excavating was on the south part of the island close to the seashore, distribution of agricultural products. On the other hand, the quarters upstairs were fancier and were decorated with frescoes within the general territory of the modern village of Akrotiri (see map on p. 31). This was the place where excavations had of a mountainous landscape with an Egyptianizing shrine and worshiping monkeys. This was a promising beginning and very taken place in the nineteenth century at a place called potamos by the German archaeologist Robert Zahn. Another dig had evocative of Knossian customs. been undertaken by the French geologists Henri Gorceix and Henri Mamet. Pottery and stone tools had been yielded, as What came to light in the next few seasons, however, caught even the excavator by surprise. An entire town was slowly well as fragments of frescoes depicting Lilies. Some of the finds were on display in the local museum of Thera, but because being unearthed looking very Minoan and yet infused with local architectural idiom. This town had remained virtually intact they were not properly labeled, their information was incomplete and too vague to be of real value to Marinatos. The exact

6. Sp. Marinatos, Thera I, 13. 5. Sp. Marinatos, Thera I, p. 1. 7. Sp. Marinatos, Thera I, 19.

26 27 since the day of its destruction. Slowly, Marinatos realized that fate had led him to make a huge discovery: he had begun the excavation only to prove a theory (in which few people had faith), but he ended up opening a new world, one that ri- valed Knossos in importance and was its partner across the sea. Akrotiri verified many of Evans’ ideas, such as the high level of Minoan culture and the existence of a strong navy. Following the inspiration of Evans, Marinatos thought of making the entire site a live museum accessible to a larger public. This idea was eventually abandoned when the excavator understood that it was impossible to secure the stability of the ruins, the walls of which were almost crumbling. As well, the finds were so numerous that they could not possibly be accommodated in situ. He conceived of an alternative plan: to build special magazines and laboratory facilities for the restoration of pottery next to the archaeological site. The frescoes, emerging in unbelievable quantities, were sent to Athens for conservation. Soon the operation became too huge for a single man to handle, but he was lucky to have many skilled people working by his side. His assistant was the young archaeologist and specialist on the Cycladic culture, Christos Doumas. His foreman was the well-known field worker, Ioannis Karametros, and his chief of staff in pottery restoration was his old friend Zacharias Kanakis. Kanakis had known Marinatos since the Interwar period having worked with him in Crete and then in the Peloponnese after the war. When Zacharias died, just two years before Marinatos himself, the latter was devastated (see p. 46) because the two of them had worked continuously side by side for over forty years—since the days of Evans at Knossos. In the next few years, Akrotiri became the most famous site in the East Mediterranean. Journalists from Europe, the USA, Australia, Iran, Japan, and China visited the site and reported the news in their media. National Geographic dedicated a special issue to Minoans and Mycenaeans with Thera featuring alongside Knossos and Mycenae (February 1978). The village of Akrotiri became famous and finally acquired the much-desired paved asphalt road. The modern village of Akrotiri became a tourist attraction. Despite the fact that Marinatos’ fame spread world-wide, the last year of his life in Akrotiri, 1974, was a melancholy one. At the age of 74, he began looking towards the past rather than the future for inspiration. He was most discouraged by the political developments in the international scene, especially when Cyprus was invaded by Turkey and the world powers, the very ones that had once guaranteed Greece’s integrity as a nation, stood by and watched. Suddenly he was seized by nostalgia for the lost idyll of the Minoan world. “I am a citizen of Minos and I live in 1500 BCE”, he wrote in a letter to an acquaintance. A month later, on October 1, 1974, he stumbled from an ancient wall and suffered a fatal accident. His grave is close to the site.

Spyridon Marinatos 1939. (Photo: Nelly)

28 29 Sp. Marinatos 1937. This portrait was taken by a famous photographer Sir Arthur Evans (second from left) explains his vision of Knossos to the governor of Crete. The picture was taken by Marinatos during of Herakleion, Nikos Lambrinides. The latter worked also for Sir Arthur Evans’s last visit to Crete 1935. Evans.

30 31 Left: Double vase with lily decoration from Amnissos found in 1934. (Photo: Sp. Marinatos). The site of Amnissos in 1932. The tent in which Marinatos camped is visible next to the ruins of the villa. The ruins led to the theory of the Right: Lily decoration on a vase found in Akrotiri. Marinatos regarded the similarity of the style between the two of lily vases as proof that volcanic destruction of Crete in 1500 BCE. (Photo: Sp. Marinatos). he was right about the simultaneous destruction of Akrotiri and north coast of Crete.

32 33 Color reproduction of a Lily Reconstruction of the Hall of the Villa of the Lilies, Amnissos. Drawing by unknown. fresco from Amnissos.

34 35 The restorer Zacharias Kanakis always accompanied Marinatos in his excavations from 1934 until 1967. Here Marinatos Marinatos learned much from the inhabitants of Akrotiri. Here he is being shown an ancient object by the chief guard of Akrotiri, Minas (right) and Kanakis (left) examine a pot-sherd at Akrotiri in 1970. Arvanitis. Photo: Otis Imboden.

36 37 Marinatos on top of the most impressive multi-storied building Marinatos’s grave within the site of Akrotiri, Xeste 4. The of Akrotiri. He died as a result of a latter is as yet not fully fatal accident in Oct. 1, 1974. excavated. (Photo: Y. Yannelos).

38 39 Opposite page: Areal photograph of the site of Akrotiri with a good view of the harbor. Map showing the Aegean in the sixteenth century BCE. The map shows the approximate extent of the Mi- noan dominion with Knossos as its centre. (C. Palyvou, Akrotiri).

40 41 The City and its History

42 43 arinatos dated the eruption of the volcano to c. 1500 BCE (plus minus twenty years). It is important to stress that Mabsolute dates are hypothetical and that Marinatos based his dating on synchronizing Akrotiri pottery with ceramic styles found in Crete. He had in mind especially those coastal sites that were afflicted by the tsunami, Amnisos, Nirou, Chani, and Zakros all of which yielded a style of pottery similar to that found at Thera. Nobody can doubt this fact, which led Nikolaos Platon to propose that the eruption of Thera was responsible for the tsunami that destroyed Zakros. These results are supported by new studies of Lefteris Platon. Today, there is another dating method based on ice-core extraction conducted in scientific laboratories. This new dating places the eruption at about c. 1630 BCE. To the uninitiated, this seems to contradict the old dating of Evans and Marinatos. Not so! Because the laboratory proposes a new numerical value, but this does not affect the relation between Cretan and Theran pottery nor can it alter the relationship between Theran, Cretan and Egyptian artifacts. Thus, if the new dating is- cor rect, the Cretan and Egyptian pottery will also have to be dated to 1631. Consequently, the historical correlation does not change, even if the absolute chronology is altered. It must also be noted that the style and shape of pottery found at Akrotiri can be matched exactly with representations of vessels carried by Minoan men (Keftiu) on Egyptian frescoes from the tomb of Senenmut, dating to the reign of pharaoh- queen Hatshepsut. This gives us a chronological horizon roughly between 1508-1458 BCE, according to Egyptologists, and seems to confirm the old dating proposed by Evans and Marinatos. We now turn to the history of the town of Akrotiri. The studies of Christos Doumas, the successor of Marinatos after the latter’s death in 1974, have yielded important results as they have shown that the birth of the city Akrotiri began already in the third millennium BCE, namely long before its final Minoan phase. The first inhabitants acquired their wealth through agriculture and animal husbandry but by the first half of the third millennium, they had a merchant fleet of their own that resulted in an affluent way of life typical of many Cycladic coastal towns. Elegant marble vases, anthropomorphic figurines and colorful pottery decorated many houses, a fact that indicates that the town was well off for nearly a thousand years. This is a very long period of habitation compared to modern cities. Here is food for thought: How long has Chicago been in existence? The long duration of Akrotiri as a Cycladic settlement is very significant and this fact is owed to Doumas’ researches. Alabaster Vase from a Knossian tomb at Katsambas bears the However, what will concern us here is only the last phase of Akrotiri, which can easily be called its golden age. Oddly cartouche of Tuthmosis III. Herakleion Museum. (Στ. Αλεξίου, enough, what induced the extreme affluence was not a happy event but a very destructive one, the occurrence of an earth- Υστερομινωικοί Τάφοι Λιμένος Κνωσού [Κατσαμπά], pl. 10, 1967). quake around 1550 BCE, the period of the Hyksos dynasty in Egypt. This earthquake destroyed much of the settlement, but Right: Statue of Egyptian queen Hatshepsut dressed as a male phar- at the same time gave it an opportunity for renovation and change. After the destruction, the inhabitants were able to build aoh. The eruption of the volcano Thera took place either during her something new and better than before: the disaster proved to have hidden benefits. It must be added, however, that this late reign or the early reign of her successor, Tuthmosis III. Metro- politan Museum, New York. (Kurt Lange-Max Hirmer, Ägypten, pl. opportunity was owed not to a small degree to Knossos; we shall return to the subject of Knossos later. 127). The new town was rebuilt on a grand and lavish scale after the earthquake. All the crumbling walls were demolished and the

44 45 Left. Marinatos is seated on the bench of the so-called Mill House while his foot is resting on the mill’s grinding stone. To his right and left are storage vessels found in situ. Photo Sp. Melentzis: 1970. Right. Mill house to the right. To its left we see the Telchines road, a major street of the town. (Photo: Sp. Marinatos).

debris was tightly packed in the street thus raising its level. Some houses were repaired and expanded in size whereas others were built from scratch. However all had a new style of refurbishing according to the latest Knossian fashion. Almost every single house among those thus far excavated had frescoes and this gave the upper floors an especially elegant and Knossian appearance. The decorated apartments were designed as the reception and dining spaces of each house, as we shall see later. It is worth making an observation about terminology at this point. It is not historically illuminating to designate the Theran frescoes as “Cycladic”, a description that rests on the admittedly true fact that they have common features with paintings of other Cycladic islands, such as Kea and Melos. Still, the designation “Cycladic” is misleading because it ignores the fact that all the aforementioned islands, as well as Cos, Rhodes and Miletus, were truly Minoanized. Consequently, the commonalities between Cycladic frescoes can be explained by the fact that they all look Minoan and this is due to the increasing influence of Crete in the Aegean during a period that begins with the Hyksos Dynasty in Egypt and ends with the reign Amenhotep II of the Eighteenth Dynasty (1405-1365 chronology according to Emma Brunner-Traut). Note as well that the Theran frescoes display considerable Egyptian influence. As for any differences between Akrotiri and Knossos, they are due to the local idiom of workshops rather than substantial differences in their respective conceptual framework. Top: Keftiu (Cretans) from the tomb of Senenmut, an official of the time of pharaoh Hatshepsut. (Evans, PM II, Fig. 470). At the present, let us remain at Akrotiri itself. It is perhaps difficult for the contemporary visitor to grasp the beauty and Bottom: Keftiu cup with spiral decoration from Akrotiri. (Photo: Y. Yannelos). sophistication of this town when he or she looks at the dusty remains made even gloomier than ruins usually are by the solid

46 47 roof that protects them. The ancient city was enlivened by sunlight and trees (remnants of an olive tree have been found outside the West House), while color was achieved in the architectural designs by use of multi-colored stones. Even by modern standards, Akrotiri was a vivacious town of sizeable proportions, comprising several main streets and at least two squares, the Mill House Square and the Triangular Square (pp. 182-83, 190-91). A main road run along a north-south axis and divided the town into two halves. Marinatos baptized it “Telchines road” (the street of the smiths), using the myth of Hesiod as an inspiration; the truth is that he had found metal workshops in houses on either side of the street and he decided to “mythologize” and give the street an ancient name. It must have been a busy street, brimming with life as the workmen of the town went busily about their tasks with the affluent owners of the large houses ordering the workmen, their employees, to do this and that. Many of the affluent men were undoubtedly merchants possessing entire ships and travelling abroad to transport and exchange goods. Not only did they manage the imports and exports of the town but some of them must have managed some farmland as well. Most likely, masters and workmen lived in the same houses, but their quarters were separated horizontally: upstairs and downstairs. The servants may have slept on the ground floor among their tools or on the third storey (if such existed), whereas the masters slept in the fancier frescoed apartments of the upper floors. Some animals roamed through the streets: a pig was caught by the earthquake in the basement of one of the houses—evidently it was kept there. Each day, the workingmen and women would grind cereals and prepare meals for the household. In the Mill House, next to one of the town square, the flour was placed in buckets and was distributed to people queuing up in the square. According to Egyptian records and paintings, we know that workmen received a portion of flour or other food as a daily ratio, a kind of payment; alternatively, they may have traded it for other goods. We cannot be sure what were the exact arrangements at Akrotiri, of course; but the position of the Mill House next to the square suggests that people would queue in front of the mill (p. 188). Did this imply communal distribution? The Akrotiri craftsmen produced also wine and oil, wooden furniture, sculpture, and multi-colored fabrics. A lively picture of what their work might have been is furnished by an Egyptian tomb painting (p. 58). Some of the domestic products were utilized by the household of the house inhabitants, but the surplus was surely sold. This explains some of the architectural features of houses at Akrotiri, the ample storage rooms full of storage jars of some houses, which had large windows on the street level. The latter were suitable for commercial transactions: on one of the windowsills we see a stone tripod table suitable for flour grinding (see p. 51). Cooking took place downstairs as we can tell by pots that were kept in the basements close to hearths (pp. 52-53). When the contents of the pots were analyzed, it was determined that the diet consisted of meat stews, cereals and legumes. The meat was pork or lamb and was grilled on barbecue stands. Opposite page: Sculptors, wood-workers, glass-blowers on a mural from the Egyptian tomb of Ipuy, 18th Dynasty. This image gives an idea of the social conditions of the workmen in the 16th and 15th centuries BCE. (Egyptian Wall Paintings. MET’s Collection of Facsimiles, 1979, p. 31).

48 49 Left. Stone vessel and pounding stones were utilized in the open, next to the street after the final earthquake forced people to leave their houses. Right: A Large window looks into the basement room of Sector Delta (D 2). The room was likely a shop and transactions took place between the inside and people on the street through the window. A tripod stone vessel, found in situ, was most likely used for the grinding grain and for measuring the right portion. Next pages: cooking vessels and cups from a kitchen on the ground floor. (Photos: Y. Yannelos).

50 51 52 53 Turning now to the luxury quarters of each house, we have seen already that the most elegant apartments were located on the second storey, but there are exceptions to this rule. One building, Xeste 3 and the block of apartments that has been named Sector Delta, have yielded painted rooms on the ground floor. There are reasons for this. For example, Room D2, the so-called Room of the Lilies, served as a ceremonial and reception room at the same time and this is the reason why it needed to be accessible. But it must also have served as a bedroom since a bed was found in situ. In short, the second floor was much fancier than the ground floor. The rooms there were paved with slabs whereas their walls, decorated with brightly colored frescoes, gave an impression of great finesse and sophistication. We cannot exclude the possibility that hand-woven area rugs and pillows were spread on the pavement and on the furniture: the general impression must have been one of colorful brilliancy. Hand-curved wooden Top: Plaster-cast of a table used for dining. It was retrieved by furniture added a further touch of elegance. A table and stool left pouring gypsum in the imprint left by the object on the ashes. (Photo: Y. Yannelos). their imprint on the ashes. When when wet gypsum was poured Bottom. Elegant double vase decorated with swimming dolphins. in the imprints, a replica of the original was recovered giving us a (Photo: Y. Yannelos). nice sample of the carpenters’ skills. The ceramics of the houses were nicely displayed on wooden shelves or cupboards fitted onto the walls and since the pottery was beautiful, their presence enhanced the impression of luxury. Everything a visitor would see betokened the existence of an affluent bourgeoisie; brilliance of color radiated from the fabrics, frescoes and pottery.

Opposite page: Old excavation photograph of the bed found in the frescoed Room of the Lilies. Below the bed, the owner stored some of his ceramics so as to protect them from the earthquake. Their original position must have been on wooden shelves. (Sp. Marinatos, Thera IV, pl. 34b).

54 55 Left: Multiple doors in building Xeste 3 (the technical term is polythyron or Pier and Door Partition). The original frame was made of wood. Marina- tos, following the methods of Evans, ordered concrete to be poured in the imprints left by the wooden piers and thus the wooden frame of the door was reconstructed. (Photo: Y. Yannelos).

Right: Similar pier-and-door construc- tions from Knossos. Reconstructions by Evans and his architect Piet de Jong in the Royal Quarters and Royal Villa. (Friedrich Matz, Art of Crete and Early Greece, London 1962, pl. 17.)

56 57 Imported Minoan pottery from the West House and other buildings. (Photo: Sp. Marinatos).

is not accidental. An equally strong influence of Crete is evident in the fashion of dress, jewels, hair-styles, pottery and other imports, such as bronze utensils, seal stones. The impression one gets is that there was plenty of conspicuous consumption in the society of Akrotiri and that the inspiration came from Knossos. Last, but not least, we should note the presence of Minoan sacral horns, emblems of the religious authority of Knossos (pp. 60). Two pairs of so- called sacral horns have been Representation of Minoans from the tomb of Rekhmire, a vizier in the early reign of Tuthmosis III. The Cretans were called Keftiu by the found at Akrotiri, and they reveal how eager the inhabitants were to appear like their Knossian neighbors. The monumental Egyptians. (A. Karetsou and M. Vlazaki, Crete-Egypt, p. 22). buildings imitate the sacred buildings on Crete, an example of which we see on a Cretan gold ring (p. 61). We shall return to the significance of the so-called sacral horns in the last chapter. There is a curious fact that needs explanation. It has already been mentioned that, after the renovation, the architecture Why did Akrotiri seek to imitate Knossos? Why would the inhabitants of a town with such a long tradition of native Cycladic and art of the new city lost its previous Cycladic character and began looking like a reflection of a Minoan town. Especially culture feel the need to ape their Cretan neighbors? Did minoanization confer advantages of status to the Akrotiri people? It noteworthy is the use of evenly hewn blocks which architects call “ashlar masonry” (in Greek: xeste). This kind of work on seems that the answer is yes. One cannot ignore the fact that Knossos was highly admired even by the super-power of the stone required specialized masons; it is not clear whether the workmen came from Crete or whether they were locals who time, Egypt. Nor should we overlook the connections between Egypt and the Crete at the time since they are testified by the had received some training there. Another Knossian architectural feature is the practice of dividing large rooms into two parts presence of Minoans (Keftiu) in the tomb of Senenmut (already mentioned above) and the vizier of Tuthmosis III, Rekhmire. by the use of multiple doors (polythyra). This is an ingenious solution for achieving spacious and interconnected spaces and The presence of the Keftiu in the Egyptian royal court testifies to the prestige that Knossos enjoyed abroad, and also to the reminds strongly of Minoan halls in palaces and upper class mansions (pp. 56-57). Surely this imitation of Knossian architecture fact that Minoan envoys had a role to play in Egyptian ceremonies.

58 59 Much evidence concerning Egypto-Cretan relations has come to light after the excavations of Manfred Bietak at Tel el Dab’a in the Egyptian Nile Delta. He found Minoan paintings there depicting bull-leaping, lions and leopards, hunting scenes and part of a large griffin. The excavator dates all the murals to the reign of Hatshepsut or Tuthmosis III namely close after the eruption of the Theran volcano. After these discoveries, it is hard to doubt that Knossos enjoyed great prestige abroad and we have an explanation why Akrotiri on Thera tried imitate the metropolis of Crete. There is another fact that needs explanation, however, and this has to do with the sources of the new prosperity of Akrotiri. To answer the question we need to address the broader historical picture within the entire east Medi- terranean. It will be remembered that we are talking about the time when Egypt was the supreme power in the East Mediterranean under queen Hatshepsut and her successor pharaoh Tuthmosis III (approximate dates: 1479-1436 according to Emma Brunner-Traut). Despite some conflicts with the Hittites in Syria, the period of Hatshepsut’s and Tuthmosis III reigns were characterized by peace and wealth. Central powers usually manage to bring order; this implies elimination of banditry which in its turn ensures safety of travel and transportation of goods. Indeed, without peace imposed by central powers trade can hardly flourish. This is a truth that was well understood by the excavator of Knossos, Sir Arthur Evans.

Top: Gold ring found at a tomb in Poros, Herakleion by N. Dimopoulou. It shows a palace topped by sacral symbols. (G. Rethemiotakis, Athenische Mitteilungen 118, 2003, 1-22, Fig. 1). Opposite page: East façade of Sector Delta. It was originally crowned with a pair of sacral horns which for reasons of convenience have now been placed within the door frame. (Photo: Y. Yannelos).

60 61 On the Aegean side, archaeologists testify to the rapid growth of the city of Knossos. Evans reckoned that it may have numbered as many as 100,000 inhabitants and modern calculations have not contradicted his claim. Since Crete had strong connections with Egypt at the time, we cannot exclude a significant political naval alliance between the Knossian king and the pharaoh. Nor can there be any serious doubt that Crete possessed a strong navy at that time. The hard-core evidence is indirect but plentiful. Harbors have been excavated in recent years by Joe and Maria Shaw at Kommos, southern Crete, whereas additional coastal towns in East Crete have been excavated by Philip Betancourt, Kostis Davaras and Tom Brogan. A splendid harbor has been identified by Nota Dimopoulou and George Rethemiotakis at Poros in northern Crete. As well, the naval power of Knossos was emblematized on dozens of Minoan seal-stones (see p. 63). If the Minoan navy patrolled the seas and made travel safe for trade, this fact fully explains the absence of strong fortifications around port-towns during the peak of the Minoan era; it also explains why the Aegean coastal towns enjoyed great prosperity. It is worth repeating that prosperity goes hand in hand with safety in the seas. It was the Cretan domination of the seas that provided the opportunity for Akrotiri to develop. Lying just to the north of Knossos (see map p. 41), the harbor of Akrotiri offered the Cretan metropolis a convenient intermediary station for its northern trade network and made it a stepping-stone for the transfer of Minoan goods towards the north Aegean and the mainland. Excavations have proven that Cretan pottery, luxury items and administrative documents inscribed with the Minoan script Linear A, have been found throughout the Aegean: at the city of Miletus on the coast of Asia Minor excavated by Wolf and Barbara Niemeier, at Trianda and Ialysos on Rhodes, on the islands of Melos and Kea and many other places. In short, there is archaeological evidence of the Minoan presence everywhere. Evans realized this fact with great clarity and named this great period of human civilization Pax Minoica (Minoan Peace) but what he meant by the term requires explanation. Many think that Pax Minoica refers to a period without wars; that the inhabitants of Crete were flower-loving peaceful people. Nothing could be further from the truth. Evans envisioned a strong state with military authority and an organized navy that enforced order, eliminated piracy and banditry and dominated the Aegean. As we shall see, this navy is shown by one of the fresco friezes found by Marinatos at Akrotiri. The naval power of Crete may be the explanation for the prosperity of Akrotiri: the merchants of the island grasped this opportunity to ally themselves with Knossos and safely conduct trade from port to Top. Detail of a ship from the flotilla fresco of the south wall, port. It is no accident that one of the inhabitants of Akrotiri chose to represent a flotilla on the walls of his residence, the room 5, West House. The cabin is crowned with the captain’s West House. In summary, only the Pax Minoica, the period of Minoan dominance of the Aegean, explains the exceptional personal helmet. (Photo: archives of Sp. Marinatos). wealth of Akrotiri. Bottom. Emblematized ship on a seal-stone from Crete. The presence of ships on several other Minoan seals advertises the naval supremacy of Knossos. (CMS II 3, 298).

62 63 The West House

64 65 Who was the Owner?

We now turn to one of the wealthiest houses of the town, the so-called West House, so named because of its location in the city’s west sector. The owner must have been a very prosperous man since his residence was large and overlooked an ample square. The door opened directly onto the square (pp. 64-65, 180-81). Upon entering the building, the visitors faced a staircase. If they ascended to the upper floor, they would come directly to the most lavish quarters of the house. If they turned to the west and stayed on the ground floor, they would enter the workshop areas that consisted of smaller and less well-lit units. The servants and workmen of the house would go there directly, reaching also the kitchen area situated at the back of the house (see plan p. 70, ground floor, room 6). We may draw an analogy with English country houses of the 18th and 19th centuries, so as to get a rough idea of how the social aspect of life is reflected in architecture. Just like in an English mansion the servant’s quarters were often located downstairs, so at Akrotiri the ground floor must have had the triple function of workshop, storage and kitchen. It is possible that the servants slept there as well, although this cannot be conclusively proven. A variety of domestic tasks were performed downstairs: grinding of grain, food preparation and other smaller tasks: the quarters could have accommodated six to ten working men and women. The tools found there included stone grinding mills, basins and a crucible for the molding of silver objects, according to the remnants found with it. Many cooking utensils were found in the back of the house which means that the servants prepared the food downstairs and carried it upstairs via a service staircase located in the back of the house (see plan, p. 70, rooms 1,2). On the second floor, the visitor would first enter a spacious room 3 amply lit by a double window that is a central feature of the southern façade (p. 66). It must have contained a loom because several loom weights were found by the window; the rugs and fabrics of the household were most likely produced there. From room 3, the visitor would enter the fanciest quarters of the house, rooms 5 and 4, the entire walls of which were decorated with splendid murals (see plan, p. 80). The little space that was left was fitted with wooden cupboards and shelves where fine ceramics were displayed against a red background. Many of the vases were imported directly from Crete: what a nice way to show off the status of the owner and give evidence of his wealth! The vases include some beautiful tripod vessels painted with marinescapes and other imported fine ware (see p. 69). What was the function of the painted rooms 4 and 5? It is almost certain that the guests were served elegant meals there. We can deduce this from the finds, namely cups, jugs and tripod tables, which were ideal trays for delicacies. This does not exclude the possibility that the same quarters doubled also as bedrooms at night. The fact is that few houses in antiquity had special bedrooms, and if they did, they were intended as private quarters for the master and mistress of the Model of the West House, south façade by C. Palyvou. (C. Palyvou, Akrotiri, Fig. 56). family. Guests, as well as children would have slept on mats rolled out at night anywhere in the house. The West House Previous pages: West house. (Photo: Y. Yannelos). possessed a third storey, and it too may have served as sleeping quarters.

66 67 Small clay tripod vessel colorfully decorated with a seascape of swimming dolphins. Although it is usually called an “offering table” (to a deity) in standard literature, nothing excludes that it was also used by humans as a luxury vessel, a tray for delicacies offered in the banquets that took place in the room. Thera Museum. (Photo: Y. Yannelos). Opposite page: West House, south façade with door and adjacent window. The collapsed stairway is visible through the door. (Photo: Y. Yannelos).

68 69 In any case, it may hardly be doubted that dining took place in these luxury quarters. The adjacent room 6 (p. 80) was found replete with jugs and dozens of small conical cups; the latter may have contained liquor or some kind of soup. Eve- rything fell from the shelves when the earthquake struck. It is possible to infer that some of the dining took place in the evening under ‘candle-light’ because a stone lamp was found in one of the rooms. A most impressive drinking vessel had the form of a lion-cub (p. 81). Animal-shaped vessels, the technical term of which is rhyta, are known from Crete as well from as the Near East. We cannot doubt that they are special banquet vessels. Their special characteristic is that they have two openings: one for pouring liquid inside the vessel and another letting the liquid flow out of it. In the case of the lion-cub, the liquid flowed from its mouth. Was wine sucked by the banqueters from the cub’s mouth? In any case it certainly was a luxury item, and the owner of the West House utilized it to imitate Knossian customs. Because a very similar vessel made of stone, was found on the upper floors of the Knossos palace. One of the most remarkable features of the West House is the existence of a toilet on the second floor. Situated at the southwest corner of room 5, it was separated from the public frescoed rooms by a thin clay partition (p. 72). A drain ran vertically through the wall of the house connecting it to the septic tank and the sewage of the town. Such sophistication

Left: Lion rhyton from Knossos. Herakleion Museum Λ 44. Left: Heaps of conical cups and a jug, room 6, West House. The objects fell from wooden shelves when the earthquake struck. (Sp. Marina- Right: Lion rhyton from Sector A, Akrotiri. A very similar lion-cub vessel was found in tos, Thera VI, pl. 34). room 5, West House. Rhyta are luxury vessels and their presence at Thera testifies to Right: Plan of West House. The ground and second floor differ because the function of the two levels was different. (C. Palyvou, Akrotiri, Fig. 46). the imitation of Knossian customs. Thera Museum. (Photo: Y. Yannelos).

70 71 is unimaginable in antiquity and surprises even the modern visitor, who may be spoiled by the contemporary standards of living. Yet, toilets on upper floors were rare until the twentieth century and the presence of such a facility in a private house proves that the level of luxury enjoyed by the inhabitants of the island of Thera was very high! No doubt, the toilet served other purposes as well. It would have been useful for draining bath waters which we may infer from the presence of a bronze cauldron found near by and was buried within the debris when the West House collapsed. The drain was suited also for the disposal of the kitchen waste. In short, these quarters hosted the social activities of the owner and his guests who were received in a most noble way. As for the food, we have noted that it was prepared by the servants downstairs and then brought upstairs via the service staircase. No doubt, then, the owner and his family lived a very fine life and enjoyed all the comforts of a modern house. He must have possessed agricultural land outside the town and stocked his cellar with legumes, vegetables, and wine. He may have been a merchant, exporting his goods and those of others abroad; indeed it is very likely he was involved in maritime affairs, to which subject we shall turn next. The suggestion that the owner of the West House was a captain was made by Spyridon Marinatos when he noted that many of the murals referred to the sea. Two youths (perhaps the owner’s sons?) are represented in the southwest and northeast

Toilet adjacent to room 4, West House. This rectangular construction with a slit in the center (upper left corner) doubled as a kitchen sink. It is evidence of the remarkable sophistication of Minoan and Theran Boys who have caught fish and are displaying it, room 4, West House. Their shaved (blue) heads and nudity civilization. (Photo:Y. Yannelos.) shows that they are teenagers. They are uncircumcised. (Sp. Marinatos, Thera VI, col. pl. 5).

72 73 Reconstruction of room 5, West House with a view towards room 4. The door was decorated with a woman who enters room 5. Many of the frescoes are emblematic of the social status and identity of the owner and his wife, perhaps also his boys. (C. Palyvou, Akrotiri, col. pl. 33 b). corner (p. 73). They carry fish, possibly as an offering to the protecting deity of the fleet, the Great Goddess. A woman, probably the mistress of the house, was painted in the same room, or rather on the door-jamb that led from room 4 to 5 (p. 75). The position of the mural by the door-jamb shows that the lady exited room 4 and entered room 5, from a private to a public space. Was she keen to entertain her guests? She is a beautiful woman despite her strange coiffure with her hair either entirely being shaved or – and this is more likely- wrapped in a blue hair-scarf from which tiny hair escapes. A wavy grey adornment atop her head is difficult to interpret. Her lips and ear are painted red and she wears spectacular loop-earrings. Her hairy Left. Two vessels (in stone and bronze respectively) from saffron-yellow mantle is reminiscent of an Indian sari. In her hand, she holds a vessel with an elongated handle of a type Akrotiri. They are similar to those carried by the beautiful woman of the West House. (Photo: Y. Yannelos). that has been found at Akrotiri: two samples are shown here. On the painting, the vessel is filled with a red substance, which Right. Fresco of a woman from the door jamb of room 4, may be identified as glowing coals. The lady sprinkles an aromatic substance to make the house fragrant, or perhaps she is West House. Originally she was called a priestess, but she offering her guests sweet delicacies. In any case, there is no doubt that she has made herself very beautiful for the occasion. may be the well-adorned hostess of the West House. (Sp. Her face compares with her Knossian counterpart, surnamed by Sir Arthur Evans’s workmen “the Parisian lady.” Marinatos, Thera VI, col. pl. 5).

74 75 The Voyage of the Fleet at the Ends of the Earth

Room 5 was decorated with three friezes on its south, east and north walls. Their subject is the voyage of a fleet, reaching distant lands, perhaps Africa (see reconstruction of room p. 84). The protagonist on these murals is not one single individual but rather the entire flotilla, consisting of small and large ships and the people within them. The fleet ends its voyage at a town represented at the west end of the south wall; this town is most likely Akrotiri itself (see p. 85). Before we look at the overall narrative, let us note that the ships bear diverse images on their hulls. Some represent spirals; others are painted with flying birds. The most splendid ship is the admiral’s vessel, which stands out by its centrality, size and decoration of garlands of flowers and butterflies, all of which are emblems of the Great Goddess, as we shall explore further on. The question that will occupy us now is who is the admiral of the fleet? The hull of his vessel has painted lions and dolphins (p. 77). These emblems require commentary. Lions are undoubtedly signs of royal power in Minoan, Near Eastern and Egyptian art. As for dolphins, they decorated at least one room in the palace of Knossos and appear in wall paintings of the later palaces of Tiryns and Gla. Consider also the frequency of lions on Minoan and Mycenaean gold rings and seals. Could it be the case, then, that the admiral of the fleet claims power over sea (dolphin) and land (lion)? There is one more image that requires commentary, because although it is almost hidden, its position in the center of the vessel’s hull makes it important (p. 77). It is concealed by the overlapping paddlers and this is why it is not immediately noticeable. Yet, the design is clearly discernible when one looks at it carefully: it most clearly represents the sun. Why the sun disc? It might seem surprising at first, as we do not habitually associate the sun with Minoan power but perhaps we ought to rethink our standard conceptions of Minoan religion.1 Could it be the case that it played a more important role than has hitherto been realized? Note that the sun emblem on the ship is not unique and that it has many parallels on several objects from Crete: pottery, seals, clay coffins.2 We are interested also in Egypt of the Eighteenth Dynasty, where the cult of the sun god or gods, for there are many of them, was very prominent. In summary, the sun represents an emblem of the goddess of the fleet; for this reason it is emblematized also on Knossian seals (p. 77). This subject will be further discussed in the last chapter. Top: Admiral’s ship from flotilla fresco, south wall, room 5. Note in particular the We now return to the admiral and his status. Unfortunately, all we only see is his head, which protrudes above his port- royal symbols of lions, dolphins and the sun in the center of the vessel. (Sp. Marina- able cabin. Yet, the painter has added enough information to help the viewer guess his social and ethnic identity. The cabin tos, Thera VI, col. pl. 108. Digital enhancement M. Toufeklis). in which he is seated is made of stretched cow-hide that encloses a wooden frame resembling a throne. It is clearly a port- Bottom: Sun symbol on a Knossian seal. (CMS II 3, 140). able device and we may surmise from it that each captain had his own individualized cabin. In most cases, the cabins are

1. Marinatos, Minoan Kingship and the Solar Goddess, pp. 103-50. 2. Marinatos, Minoan Kingship and the Solar Goddess, pp. 125, 128, 14, 163.

76 77 topped by a boar’s tusk helmet, which means that the captains were trained warriors. Yet, the admiral’s cabin is different because the two poles of the front are topped with lilies, the emblem of the Goddess. This is well worth stressing since it means that the status of this man is different from that of all the other captains: he is the only direct bearer of the divinity’s symbols. The lilies recall the crown and necklace of the magnificent relief fresco from the South Propylon of the palace of Knossos aptly surnamed by Evans “The Prince of the Lilies”. The physiognomy of the admiral also differs from that of the other captains in the fleet. He has a pointed chin that suggests a short beard and he alone has long hair and a forelock adorning his forehead. This reminds again of the coiffure of the aforementioned Prince of the Lilies at Knossos. On a seal found by Evans in the same place a portrait of a Minoan leader is depicted: he has a beard and similar features as our admiral; the difference is that the latter has short hair. Still, the comparison is significant as it reveals that our painter at Akrotiri was very careful to design the admiral’s physiognomy Top left: Close-up of the head of the admiral of the in such a way as to make his features look different from those of others and to characterize him as Minoan. Why else is Flotilla, south wall, room 5. Note the golden-yellow lilies. This man is different from all the other captains: his cabin the only one bearing the goddess’s lily emblem? Why is his vessel decorated with dolphins, lions and the sun? In he alone has lilies as his emblem and does not wear a view of the above, the admiral cannot have been a wealthy merchant from Akrotiri: he was rather a Knossian prince. helmet. (Sp. Marinatos, Thera VI, col. pl. 108, detail.) Nevertheless, the owner of the West House identified with the authority of the admiral and chose the latter’s cabin as a Below: Prince or dignitary on Knossian portrait seal. decorative theme of his own house in room 4. Why? The only possible answer is that this was his way of declaring loyalty (CMS II 3, 13 a). to his Knossian leader. Parallels from Egypt come to mind: certain tombs of nobles at Amarna during the later Eighteenth Right: Prince of Lilies, Knossos. (Evans, PM II, frontis- Dynasty, such as the tomb of Ay, included the pharaoh among the paintings, thus enabling the deceased to advertise his piece). close association with his king. Another detail worth noting is that all the cabins on the frescoes of room 4 are adorned with real necklaces. Samples of such necklaces have been found in both Minoan and Mycenaean cemeteries and apparently were worn by nobles as insignia of authority. The owner of the West House chose to assimilate himself with this Minoan nobility, and the frescoes of his house were carefully designed to reflect his close association with Knossos and its divinity: the Minoan solar goddess. We must now finally ask the question where the owner of the West House features in this iconographical program since (as has been argued here) he is not the admiral of the entire fleet. The only possible explanation is that the Theran captain advertised his role in the expedition in a discreet way and indirect way. Did he perhaps furnish a ship or two? If so, his claim to glory was that he was part of a huge organization of power and administration centered at Knossos. This does not mean that he had no military qualifications because commanders of merchant ships often were warriors, even in later times. As a result, he decorated his house with murals which narrate and declare his own participation in a distant voyage. He also expresses loyalty to his leader in this way and advertises his connections. What is the overall message of the fleet fresco? The ships reached distant lands and returned in triumph in the safety of the home city. The voyage is narrated and developed in three friezes of room 5 all of which were placed above doors or

78 79 Top: Two gold necklaces from cemeteries of the Knossos district. (A. Karetsou, M. Vlazaki et alii, Crete-Egypt, nos. Χ-Α 573, Χ-Α 207). Bottom left. Necklace of Prince of Lilies, fresco from Knossos (detail). Bottom right: necklace decorating one of the cabins of room 4, West House. The necklaces reflect real necklaces worn by eminent leaders of Creto-Mycenaean aristocracy. Opposite page: The seats of the captains made of animal hide. Room 4, West House. (Sp. Marinatos, Thera VI, col. pl. 4).

80 81 Reproduction of fresco from the window sill of room 4. The red lilies represent the Minoan goddess. (Sp. Marinatos, Thera VI, col. pl. 5).

Opposite page: Reconstruction of the paintings of room 4 by C. Palyvou. We see here how the painted cabins are similar to the cabin of the admiral because they are all crowned with waz lilies. (C. Palyvou, Akrotiri, col. pl. 4.).

82 83 Flotilla Frieze of the south wall, room 5, West House. The fleet arrives at Akrotiri (bottom right, p. 85) after by- passing a small town with a river (upper left, p. 84). At the very center of the frieze (upper right, p. 85) is the admiral’s vessel. (Sp. Marinatos, Thera VI, col. pl. 9).

84 85 windows. All the walls had friezes except for the west one. Perhaps the west wall was never finished? The narrative begins with the north wall, which is unfortunately only partially preserved since part of it was bombarded by volcanic rocks. The fleet reaches a coastal town where the warriors of the ships have already landed and are parading towards a town. They wear a Minoan type of boar tusk helmets specimens of which have been found in the harbor of Knossos, Poros, and at the cemetery of Katsambas. This is important to stress because these warriors have been misidentified as Mycenaeans; this is clearly not the case! On the upper level of the frieze, we see the inhabitants of a rustic settlement, goatherds and women carrying water jugs on their heads (not shown here). This painting gives us a glimpse of life outside the city during the 16th century BCE. Still, there is no doubt that the focus of the painting was the warriors who loom large in the foreground. What are they doing there? What we must stress is that they are parading in front of the woman without bothering her whereas the goatherds do not show any concern or fear. Con- sequently, the fleet does not pose a threat to the settlement but, on the contrary, it appears to be a protective force patrolling the coast and ensuring safety from piratical raids. Below, we see the coastline and a ship with a broken bowsprit (not shown here). Did the ship smash against the hidden coral reefs of the shore? Next to it, we see naked divers holding hooks and having floating sacks next to their shoulders. The ancient Athenian historian Thucydides Detail of north frieze of room 5, West House. Warriors parade along the coast. They are likely Cretans since similar helmets were found in provides the explanation for the presence of divers in a military Crete at Poros during the same period. (Photo: Sp. Marinatos archives). context. When the Athenians conducted a naval expedition to Sicily Opposite page: Top: Fresco depicting a helmet excavated in a trench at Akrotiri. (Ν. Akrivaki in A. Βλαχόπουλος ed., Αργοναύτης, Festschrift Ch. Doumas, in 425 BCE, their generals were mindful of dangers lurking under 521-48, fig. 9. Design Α. Κοντονής). the water’s surface. They therefore employed local divers to check Bottom: Helmet on a painted amphora from a tomb at Katsambas, near Knossos. Inside the tomb was a stone vase with a cartouche of for hidden pales under the sea (Thucydides, 7. 25.7). It is probable, Tuthmosis III. (Στυλιανός Αλεξίου. Υστερομινωικοί Τάφοι Λιμένος Κνωσού [Κατσαμπά], 1967, pl. 19). then, that the naked young divers on the Theran fresco are specifi-

86 87 cally exploring the coast employed by the Minoan fleet commander (p. 88). Further to the west on the same frieze, we see two groups of people on a hill facing each other (p. 89). It is noteworthy that they are distinguished by different dress and hairstyles and, most im- portantly, that the leader of the left group has a decidedly Minoan hairstyle and dress. Are they two diverse groups negotiating a treaty? Is the subject territorial dominance or a trade agreement? We cannot know for certain but it seems to me that this scene fully supports Evans’ idea of the Pax Minoica, the Minoan dominance of the Aegean. If this is so, the navy is indeed under Knossian leadership. The domination of the seas is achieved with minimal use of violence; this is the message of the fresco. Perhaps there was a clash of interests that led to a naval engagement, but if so, we do not see it on the fresco. Instead, we see the negotia- tions that led to an agreement. This scene may be considered typical of the gentle ways of Minoan civilization, the visual rhetoric of persuasion rather than violence. We call it soft power today. If the above interpretation is correct, the East Frieze is the most interesting one as it shows distant lands where no man had been before, and

indicates the geographical limit of the Minoan Detail of north wall, room 5. Two groups of people, differentiated by dress and hairstyle, negotiate. (Photo: archives, Sp. Marinatos.) exploratory expedition (pp. 90-91). Ancient em- Opposite page: Naked figure in the sea. Detail of the bottom of the fresco of the parading warriors from the north frieze, room 5. He has pires, including the Egyptian and Persian ones, been interpreted as a drowning man but his nudity, standing hair and the tool floating next to him show that he is at the bottom of the were concerned with making maps of the world sea, whereas his movement shows deliberate swimming. He is thus probably a professional diver hired by the Minoan admiral to explore thus illustrating the limits of the king’s terri- the under-water coral reefs of the coast. (Photo: archives of Sp. Marinatos).

88 89 East Frieze, Room 5, West House, showing an exotic land traversed by a river. Next to it are wild and fantastic animals. This land is located at the edges of the world, perhaps south of Egypt. Sp. Marinatos, Thera VI, col. pl. 3.

tory. For this practice, for example the charting of territory under the Persian king Darius, we have the valuable testimony Arrival at Akrotiri of Herodotus; although the latter lived some thousand years after the end of Akrotiri, he is a very valuable witness of a certain mode of thought typical of kingdoms of the Near East. Herodotus is himself knowledgeable about “the edges of The frieze of the south wall of room 5 represents the final stage of the journey. The fleet bypasses a small rustic settlement the world” in the south, north, east and west and describes its climate, geography, inhabitants and animals. He speaks of without stopping there and arrives at its final destination, a beautifully built town on the right edge of the painting (p. 92, strange creatures, monsters, lots of gold rivers, marshes and barren desert. It is astounding how similar the visual rhetoric lower right). The town looks Knossian in character since some of the walls are crowned with the so-called sacral horns, the of the East Frieze of room 5 is to that narrated by Herodotus. It represents a country, situated somewhere east, as may be significance of which will be explained in the last chapter (p. 162-67). It is doubtful that this town was the metropolis Knossos inferred by the location of the mural on the east side of the room. The topography is defined by a winding river, along the since it lacks a palace; most likely, it is minoanized Akrotiri on Thera. In any case, the arrival of the grand fleet causes great banks of which grow palm trees and grassy plants. Water birds fly about, whereas a blue-grey spotted wild cat is chasing excitement to the population. Men on top of a small hill have seen the fleet arrive and they run down a path to announce an unsuspecting bird that preens its feathers. This visual quote is Minoan in character and reminds of a fresco from Hagia the news to the town; other men are climbing up the hill to catch a glimpse of the ships; small boats sail from the harbor to Triada, Crete, where a cat stalks a pheasant (pp. 94-95). Further to the left, we see a galloping griffin pursuing a deer on meet the convoy and to pilot the large ships into safety. The youths of the town celebrate the visit with a procession passing the opposite bank of the river. The presence of the griffin reveals to the viewer that no specific country is represented here through the city gate and moving towards the shore; they also lead an animal for sacrifice (p. 92). On the balcony of the most but rather a fantastic place, uninhabited territory, unreachable even by the Minoan fleet. It is a place at the edges of the prominent building, which is crowned with two pairs of so called sacral horns, a woman makes her appearance accompanied known world, close to the gods. This is why a griffin lives there. by a small boy, presumably her son. As she raises her hand, she seems to be greeting the admiral and all of the captains of Herodotus has been used here only as an analogy to explain ancient modes of perception: no continuity is claimed be- the fleet. Was her husband among the captains? She is, in any case, a very prominent lady in the town. tween the Minoan art of Akrotiri and the narrative of the Greek historian who lived five centuries later. The overall conclusion is that the ship-frieze displays the eminent position of Akrotiri in the context of the Minoan realm.

90 91 This should not come as a surprise since we have already discussed the overwhelming evidence of the wealth of this Cycladic town, but the frieze confirms its affluence through the self-representation of the town on one of its murals. And this brings us to the subject of the identity of the owner of the West House. Who was this man and what was his status? That he was a very well to do burgher cannot be doubted. His status is displayed indirectly by his pretty wife, his association with Knossian emblems (such as the necklaces) and the imported Minoan ceramics. And yet, the general impression of the iconographical program of the West House is that there is very little about the owner himself: there is no single portrait where we see him dominating over others, a subject that we often find in Egyptian funerary murals with their detailed biographical features. Spyridon Marinatos noticed the relationship of the owner of the West House with the fleet and assumed that the convoy was a Theran one and that the resident of the House was its captain. It has been argued here, however, that it is unlikely that the central ship with its royal symbols, such as dolphins, lions and a sun disc, belonged to a local merchant. It has also been argued that the social standing of the owner of the West House is expressed indirectly through his participation in Minoan maritime affairs. Some ships were Theran, but even they must have been under Knossian leadership. The only biographical information that we get from the West House murals is the family: the pretty wife (or daughter?) and the vigorous fisher youths. A mov- South frieze, room 5, West House. The fleet arrives at its final destination, the town of Akrotiri. To the right, we see that the walls are ing detail is this: the owner of the West House was in the process of refurbishing his house when the catastrophe struck. One crowned with sacral symbols (so called horns), a sign that the town is under the Cretan religious domain. (Sp. Marinatos, Thera VI, col. pl. 9.) painter was still at work, decorating a tripod table and mixing his red paint within a bowl. When the first earthquake was felt, Opposite page: Detail showing procession of youths leaving the town and proceeding towards the shore to receive the fleet in ceremony. he placed it on the windowsill and fled for his life.

92 93 A blue-grey spotted wild cat is ready to pounce upon a duck unsuspectingly preening its feathers. A cat stalks a bird on a fresco from Hagia Triada, Crete. The similarity of motifs reveals the Minoan origin of Theran paintings. East Frieze, room 5, detail. (Sp. Marinatos, Thera VI, col. pl. 8).

94 95 Xeste 3

96 97 Xeste 3

Xeste 3 is another spectacular building at Akrotiri, even more impressive than the West House since it has a façade of large and evenly-hewn (xeste in Greek) stone blocks. The technique originated in Crete. Is it possible that Cretan masons were invited to Akrotiri to rebuild parts of the town? We cannot answer this with certainty, but it is likely hypothesis since the stones were incised with Minoan masons’ marks. As well, the fresco decoration of the building is very akin to Cretan, as we shall see, constituting further evidence of the connections between Akrotiri and Minoan Crete. I had the great fortune to be one of the trench supervisors in 1973 and immediately recognized the potential of the fragmented frescoes for unraveling of the secrets of Minoan religion. It took a long time to see them fully restored but now, some forty years later, we may solve some of the mysteries of the Great Goddess. But let us return to the multi-storey building itself. Its architectural plan (see p. 101) differs from that of the West house because whereas the latter was divided horizontally, into reception rooms upstairs and servants’ quarters down-stairs, Xeste 3 was divided vertically into an eastern and western wing. The east wing had relatively large rooms designed for ceremonial use (rooms 1-7), whereas the western one had smaller units replete with storage pithoi. It was thus well designed for stor- Ceremonial wing of Xeste 3. Model by Clairy Palyvou. (C. Palyvou, Akrotiri, Fig. 66). age and workshop spaces (rooms 8-14). The division Previous pages: Xeste 3. (Photo: Y. Yannelos). was not strictly enforced, however, since even the east Opposite pages: Nanno Marinatos while excavating in Xeste 3, 1973. wing gave evidence of mundane activities.

98 99 Among the finds that testify to practical activities were grinding tools and raw materials, such as horns of deer (the latter were probably utilized for the production of bone ornaments). Pieces of obsidian indicate that knives were sharpened on the spot. As for the storage jars, they must have held cereals, oil, wine and olives. The ceremonial east wing was thus multifunctional, and we cannot exclude the possibility that it was used for the private entertainment of the owner’s guests. We turn next to some of the features of the ceremonial and reception rooms of Xeste 3. They were interconnected by multiple doors (polythyra). This design enabled the architect to create a series of adjacent spaces that made two rooms into one when all doors were open. This section was decorated with frescoes and included the only representation of the Great Goddess that has been so far found at Akrotiri. She had many manifestations, anthropomorphic as well as abstract, but she is one single goddess. A most important architectural feature of the ground floor was a shrine located at the northern end of the building within room 3 (p. 101). It is a typical Minoan shrine consisting of a small sunken chamber located below floor level and reachable by a stairway. Evans identified similar rooms at Knossos and mistook them for water pools intended for purification; he therefore baptized them Lustral Basins. Later, he changed his mind. After many more excavations were conducted on Crete, we know that the sunken chambers were designed for offerings to a deity, and that they compare well to a contemporary religious chapel. Many archaeologists now prefer to call them adyta to reflect this new perception. At Xeste 3, Spyridon Marinatos found remnants of an oiled piece of cloth on the balustrade: was it an offering to the goddess? We shall see more evidence of religious activity further on. The religious ceremonies that took place in the building are testified by other murals of which a puzzling one must be mentioned. Within the western compartment of room 3 a group of boys bring vessels and a beautiful piece of cloth to a seated adult man Plan of Xeste 3 with first floor (left) and second floor (right). (C. Palyvou Akrotiri, Fig. 46). who is wearing only a white linen waist-cloth and is in the process of pour- Opposite page: Adyton (sacred chapel), north end of room 3, Xeste 3. (Photo: Sp. Marinatos).

100 101 ing out the contents of a large bronze vessel (not shown here). Vessels such as the one he holds have been found at Akrotiri and Mycenae, which means that the details of the paintings are very realistic. Who can this man be? He is not a young boy because his stomach is bulging, a feature that we find also on Egyptian frescoes and which characterize middle age men. Could he be the owner of the house? Could it be the case that he is engaged in a preparatory religious ceremony? Unfortunately, the lower part of the mural is destroyed and we cannot tell where the liquid was poured. However, the recipient of the offering could be the Great Goddess who features on all the floors of Xeste 3 and is always situated on the north wall of each floor. Religious ceremonies are testified by also by pottery, some of which was imported from Crete. One had the emblem of the goddess: a sacred shield painted on it. Another group of vases have local origins and are called “nippled ewers. They represent a female body with breasts (p. 130). Despite its evident religious character, Xeste 3 was not a public temple because such a concept fits better the time period and social model of the Greek city state, when temples were collectively owned by citizens, than a palatial society. It is suggested here that Xeste 3 was owned privately but that the man who inhabited it was of very high social standing. He consequently utilized his authority to exert religious influence in ceremonies: he may well have been an administrator in charge of major festivals of the Goddess (we know that Egyptian nobles had such functions). The fact that the owner had an official function in ceremonies does not preclude the possibility that he used his fancy quarters also for other purposes, such as entertaining private guests. And, like his fellow burgher in the West House, he was keen to advertise his connection with Knossos by dedicating the mural program to the Great Goddess of Minoan Crete and Akrotiri. The key to understanding the Theran murals, then, is their Knossian parallels. It may be a good idea to conduct a tour of the ceremonial rooms of Xeste 3, in order to comprehend design and the flow of images. The visitor would first enter through a vestibule fitted with a bench (possibly for a guard) and would then proceed to a stairway ahead (see plan p. 101). This vestibule was decorated with scenes of young men grappling with animals: two youths wrestled a huge wild goat, whereas others attempted to tie the legs of a young bull. These paintings conveyed a message of vigorous masculinity, signifying that the young men of this community had the skill and courage to combat wild animals. Their endeavors were no doubt dedicated to the patron divinity. These impressive images right at the entrance served also the additional purpose of imitating the Knossian palace, the entrances and halls of which were decorated with bull-grappling and bull leaping scenes. If the visitor proceeded to the interior, he or she would see the fresco of the older man seated in ceremony and eventually reach the chapel of Xeste 3, that we have named adyton: here he or she would catch the first glimpse of the Great Goddess (see plan, p. 101 and p. 105). Alternatively, if the visitor ascended the stairway, he or she would have the illusion of a climb to the hills because the walls were decorated with a fresco of a mountainous landscape. This landscape would prepare the visitor for a second vision of the Great Goddess. Opposite page: Stone tools outside Xeste 3. (Photo: Y. Yannelos).

102 103 The Great Goddess and the Griffin

The second floor gave the illusion of a feminine world because only females were represented. The room above the adyton was especially beautiful. On its east wall young girls picked crocuses (p. 110), whereas on the west wall there was a marshy landscape with ducks flying among reeds (p. 109). The entire room-program was thus dedicated to females, and throughout one sensed a sense of idyll and harmony with nature. This surely contrasted to the masculine activities in the vestibule below, where the message was the opposite: struggle and subjugation of wild animals. Let us take a closer look at the girls of the east wall of room 3. They are dressed in festive costumes and are adorned with rich jewelry: earrings, necklaces, bracelets and anklets. Some of them have blue heads, a convention that denotes partially shaved heads. It is an Egyptian convention in origin and must reflect a real custom throughout the East Mediter- ranean, namely that youths shaved their heads. Indeed, some of the girls are still teenagers on the fresco since they have no breasts. Their costumes consist of thin diaphanous linen chemises adorned with tassels, over which they wear colorful flounced kilts. The earrings of one of the girls replicate jewelry in an exact fashion, since one such pair has been found at Mycenae (p. 111). Once more we see that the details of the murals are amazingly true to reality. All in all, the feminine beauties of the upper floor balance the masculine strength and skill of the youths on the ground floor. The girls collect crocus flowers in order to offer their product of labor to the Goddess who is depicted in the north wall (pp. 110-11). We must not overlook the fact that there is a materialistic and economic motivation behind the act of crocus gathering, and that the stamens of the crocus blossom are a valuable commodity for fabric coloring and for spicing food. Nothing excludes the possibility that there was a flourishing saffron industry at Akrotiri and that the substance was exported abroad to distant harbors; such a hypothesis is perfectly compatible with the commercial nature of the town. Nor can we exclude the possibility that the owner of Xeste 3 was himself involved in the export of saffron. But this does not detract from the visual rhetoric of the building, which is clearly religious in nature. And this in turn shows that that the owner chose to present crocus gathering as an offering to the Great Goddess highlighting at the same time the role of the young girls in the gathering process, giving them special status and honor in the community. The role of young girls on the Parthenon frieze comes to mind as a parallel, albeit a distant one. The Great Goddess of the north wall of room 3 was naturally the focal point of the entire iconographical program, an awesome spectacle to the incoming visitor, who first saw her through the pier and door openings of room 3 (p. 105). She was seated on a cushion on top of a tri-partite wooden platform, and she was flanked by two animals that have Knossian associations: a griffin and a monkey. Many visitors of Thera would have instantly recognized the Knossian echoes of this Room 3, second floor, Xeste 3.The Great Goddess, flanked by a griffin and monkey, receives an offering of saffron from a young girl. (Digital mural since monkeys as well as griffins were part of the emblematic visual language of Knossos (pp. 106-107; 113). Admit- restoration: N. Marinatos and M. Toufeklis after C. Doumas, Wall Paintings of Thera, pl. 122). tedly, the Knossos griffin mural is later than the Theran one, but earlier versions of this painting would have surely existed

104 105 A wingless griffin from the Throne room at Knossos is marked with the sacred emblems of the Great Goddess: a spiral, a rosette and papyrus. (Evans, Palace of Minos IV, frontispiece). Opposite page: Wing of the Griffin from Xeste 3. The spiral takes the shape of papyrus and shows how close in conception the Theran griffin is to its Minoan counterpart. (Ch. Doumas, Wall Paintings of Thera, pl. 126).

106 107 since the tradition of goddess, griffin and monkey goes back in time. An example of goddess with a monkey (which is contemporary to the Theran paintings) is attested on a gold ring from the cemetery of Kalyvia, in southern Crete. The goddess and monkey are approached by a female worshipper (pp. 112- 113). The ancient visitor would thus have immediately known that the Cretan goddess was the same as the one represented at Xeste 3. Another question arises now. Do all the girls see the goddess? The answer is negative; only the girl of the north wall actually sees her and this is the reason why she tilts her head and meets the eyes of the divinity (p. 105). Who is this special girl? Is she the daughter of the owner of Xeste 3? This question is worth posing but the answer must remain vague, as the image is too generic to admit of a definite answer. This girl is a visionary who gets a glimpse of the divine universe –this is

Detail of the portrait of Great Goddess. (Ch. Doumas, Wall Paintings of Thera, pl. 126). Opposite page: West wall, room 3, second floor, Xeste 3 (details). A red dragonfly (left) and a flying duck (right), here shown as details, belong to a larger painting with a marshy landscape. (Thera Μuseum. Photos: Y. Yannelos).

108 109 Top: Detail of crocus gathering girl. Bottom: Earrings from Shaft Graves, Mycenae. They look exactly like the earrings of the young crocus gath- erer. (G.Karo, Die Schachtgräber von Mykenai, pl. XXXII).

Opposite page: East wall, second floor, room 3, Xeste 3.Young girls collect crocus blossoms in the hills. (Ch.Doumas, Wall Paintings of Thera, pl. 116).

110 111 Gold ring from Kalyvia (drawing). A goddess is seated by the column of her sanctuary and is worshipped by a female and a monkey. (CMS II 3, 103). Opposite page: Detail of Goddess receiving red stamens (saffron) from the monkey. North wall, second floor, room 3, Xeste 3. her privilege alone– and yet, she can neither touch the divinity, nor get close to her. The goddess is clearly separated from the human level by the raised platform on which she seats and by the two animals that frame her, the blue monkey and the griffin, both of which are barriers and mediators between the human and divine spheres. The maidens on the east wall, on the other hand, go about their business and enjoy the feast oblivious of the divine presence. The representation of the north wall of room 3 therefore represents two distinct levels of reality. The human level includes details that are real: the crocus landscape is naturalistic; the girls gathering the blossoms reproduce an almost photographic image of a flower gathering festival; the wooden platform on which the divinity is seated is an accurate depiction of real wooden platforms. The incurved bases of this platform represent objects made of stone, real specimens of which have been found by Yiannis and Efi Sakellarakis at Archanes. The divine level is the goddess and the griffin that exist side by side. We have seen in the previous chapter that griffins hunt by rivers at the edges of the world (West House, East Frieze, p. 90), and now we see the same creature as a guardian of the goddess: this is his other major role in mythical imagination. We, the spectators of the fresco, share in the vision of the privileged girl and experience the divine cosmos through her eyes. Turning now to the details of the divine portrait, the goddess is the embodiment of feminine beauty since she is as young and beautiful as the girls who accompany her. Her features are delicate and her rich tresses are adorned with beads; she wears large hoop-earrings and has multiple necklaces with pendants (see p. 108). The beads in this necklace reflect the

112 113 creatures of the marshes as shown in the landscape of the west wall of the same room: ducks and red dragonflies (p. 109). The goddess’ cheek is adorned with a crocus tattoo. As we shall see in the next section, she is a goddess who gives rise to the crocus blossom as well as all life on earth. The vestibule was adorned with a procession of older women who carried bouquets of flowers proceeding from the service staircase (room 8) towards the entrance of room 3; there was possibly an additional image of the same goddess in Above and opposite pages: the vestibule, but we cannot say this for certain as the restoration is yet incomplete. The women in question have heavy Portraits of matrons, possibly breasts, which means that that they are married matrons; surely they represent the mothers of the young crocus-gatherers. the mothers of the girls who carry flowers to the Great Goddess. Room 4, Thus, two female age groups take part in the offering ceremony to the goddess: mothers and daughters. Together, they second floor, Xeste 3. (Ch. Doumas, Wall represent the entire female community of Akrotiri. Paintings from Thera, pls. 132, 134).

114 115 The Spirals of the Third Floor and the Solar Nature of the Goddess

Our hypothetical visitors would next ascend the staircase and reach the third floor. Moving to the north, they would reach vestibule 4 and room 3 above the adyton (see plan p.101). Once they entered this space, they met with a huge surprise because the walls of the entire space were decorated with abstract designs without any narrative content: huge red and blue spirals interlocked to produce new shapes reminiscent of flowers. The paintings have been recently restored in the laboratories and have not as yet been fully published; yet we get an idea of their form by looking at a similar fragmentary mural from sector Gamma (p. 117). Ceiling fresco A large spiral is here interspersed with red dots. It coils into a second smaller spiral, which differs from the first one from the palace because it is a mixture of abstract and representational features. It has the form of a rosette, containing a yellow core with of Amenhotep III, petals in its center and anthers or stamens on the periphery of the outer coil. This is not a realistically rendered flower but Malkata, Egypt. The head of the cow the idea of flower in full bloom spiraling into a developing form. And this relation between flower and spiral may be the goddess Hathor secret to a symbolic code of great significance for Minoan art to which we shall return in the last chapter. Because what is appears in the sky depicted here is not a naturalistic scene, but a coded message about growth and regeneration rendered through the dynamic among spirals, coiling of the spiral and its emerging anthers. Consequently, what we see in this abstraction is not imitation of reality but rosettes and stars, all of which are an expression of it in a symbolic form; it is visual spirituality, if such a term may be coined. What is even more surprising is symbols of heaven this: similar images of rosettes encapsulated within coiling spirals are found in Egyptian art, where they allude to the stars and eternity. in heaven. More will be said about those later. (Metropolitan Museum, NY. Consider now another symbolic image that decorated a mere jug at Akrotiri (p. 119). 11.215.451). It depicts a spiral out of which develops a bulbous shape. From the intersection Opposite page: of the bulb and spiral grows a crocus blossom. What could this mean? I Fragmentary spiral suggest that the spiral reflects in abstract form the dynamic process fresco frieze from Sector Gamma, of growth. This is why one spiral sprouts and produces stamens, Akrotiri. The while another generates crocuses (see below, p. 119). In short, association of spiral the spiral is a Minoan symbol for plant growth.. and rosette recalls We now turn to the impressive Egyptian parallels of the the Egyptian ceiling from Malkata. Note frescoes, the spirals and rosettes stemming from Egyptian the floer-anthers ceilings of the Eighteenth Dynasty. Egyptologists think that that sprout from they represent infinity, the immense layers and depth of the circumference. (Sp. Marinatos, the nocturnal sky with its endless constellations. The Thera III, pl. 59). rosettes that are interspersed with the spirals represent

116 117 It is no accident that solar cult was flourishing during the Eighteenth Dynasty in Egypt. I cite here the Hymn to the sun disc Aten that originated in the city of Amarna. Admittedly it dates a little later than our Xeste 3 frescoes, but it is still a useful piece of comparative material as the text puts clearly into words what we see in images. Addressing itself to the sun disc Aten, the hymn says: You made every land, created what is in it All peoples, herds, and flocks, All trees that grow from soil; You are the mother and father of all you made Aten living in his risings, And all your creatures leap before you… By the sight of your rays all flowers exist, What lives and sprouts from the soil grows when you shine. The birds in the nest fly up in joy….3 Painted reproductions of the ceilings of the Egyptian tombs of Nebamun and Ipuky, El Khoka, Egypt, Eighteenth Dynasty. The spirals and rosettes refer to the stars of the heavenly realm. (Egyptian Wall Paintings, The Metropolitan Collection of Facsimiles, 1979, Fig. 25.) the stars. On the ceiling of the palace of Amenhotep III at Malkata (14th century BCE), we see the head of the cow-goddess Hathor, appearing in between the spirals and rosettes (above, p. 116). Nobody has doubted the symbolic and religious The symbolic aspect of Egyptian paintings but nobody expected to find something so similar on Thera. Indeed the painting from Xeste 3 function of expresses not only the dynamism of plant growth but may also allude to the heavenly side of the divinity. As new evidence Minoan spirals is evident on a emerges in the laboratories of the Akrotiri excavation, it will become evident that we must concentrate on the nature of jug from Akrotiri the Minoan goddess as a spiritual entity and not as a nature goddess alone. Evans was the first to have noted spiral ceilings on which a large at Knossos and to have suggested that they have floral and heavenly associations.1 The affinities between the Aegean and spiral generates Egyptian cultures in the religious sphere are major (see also last chapter). a crocus. The link between Egyp- Summing up the results of our inquiries about the Minoan goddess, we conclude that she is the source of all life: animals, tian and Minoan plants, sea-creatures as well as insects. She is also a heavenly goddess whose most abstract manifestation is the spiral and spirals is vital for rosette. Since the growth of all living things is dependent on the sun, behind all this symbolism may be a solar cult, similar the understanding of Minoan to what we find in Egypt since the third millennium. After all, the central symbol in the ship of the Minoan fleet was the religion. (Sp. sun disc and the same solar motif was found by Evans on a mural at Knossos (p. 77).2 Marinatos, Thera II, col. pl. D 6).

1. Evans PM I, 202, Fig. 111; 241, col.pl. III; 263, Figs. 192-196; 599, Fig. 440. 2. Evans PM I, 479, Fig. 343. 3. “The Short Hymn to the Aten” in Myriam Lichtheim (ed), Ancient Egyptian literature, Berkeley 2006: Univ. of California Press, 91-92.

118 119 The Blood of the Goddess

It almost seems as if we have finished our tour, having witnessed two aspects of the Minoan goddess in her anthropomorphic and abstract, celestial form. Still, we have much to learn about her identity, as it is presented in the iconography of Xeste 3. We still have one more visit to make, and this will take us back to the ground floor, to the sunken shrine, the adyton at the northern end of the building (see plan, p. 111). We begin with the north wall of the adyton the fresco of which represents three female figures. The first thing to note is that the three girls are isolated from each other and do not interact (pp. 132-35). A second thing to observe is that the left figure is a mature girl and that she carries a necklace presumably intending it as a gift to the Great Goddess. A third point is that the third girl on the right (east), is a mere teenager because her head is partially shaved and has no prominent breasts. She is wrapped in a transparent garment studded with dots. Finally, we turn to the seated figure in the center. This figure is not a girl but the Great Goddess herself for the following reasons. a. she is seated; b. she is slightly larger than the two other girls. This fact can be easily ascertained when one compares the size of the heads; c. her position is below that of the seated goddess on the floor above. Having discussed the identity of the three figures, and having determined that one is a goddess, we conclude that both girls move towards her and bring her some gifts: the older one brings a necklace; the teenager brings a veil (the veil cannot be the girl’s as we know of no other female among the Theran frescoes who is wrapped in one). Thus, both girls are gift- bearers to the seated divinity in the center. Of the two young women, it is the teenager who has a unique experience as a visionary, much like her counterpart on the upper floor. She looks back towards the east wall and sees something that surprises her. What is it? It is obvious that the object of her attention is a sanctuary crowned with the so-called sacral horns to which sanctuary we now turn our -at tention (p. 127). This building is a typical Minoan sacred enclosure. It consists of a wall behind which we see the sacred tree of the divinity A Nippled vase has the form of a female its the branches hanging outside the wall. Although the door is closed, its decoration immediately reveals to the worshipper body with breasts and a round belly. It is the identity of the goddess because it bears her emblems: spirals and lilies (remember the lilies in the West House and the also decorated with a necklace. The body is deliberately stained with red paint: the spirals of the third floor of Xeste 3). blood of the goddess. (Sp. Marinatos, So what does the visionary see? She is startled to realize that blood is trickling down along the sides of the gate flowing Thera IV, pl. 69 b). in great quantities from multiple “wounds”: the tips of the so-called sacral horns, the branches of the tree and the vertical wooden frames of the gate. It is as though the tree and the façade of the shrine are bleeding. Although the fresco is not

120 121 Fresco of the adyton, Xeste 3. In the center is a wounded goddess flanked by two girls who bring her gifts. (Ch. Doumas, Wall Paintings of Thera, pl. 100).

122 123 When this thought occurred to me first, it seemed bold; and yet the association between crocus and blood was visually so clear, that I did not dismiss it. Now, unambiguous evidence has confirmed my theory. One of the Akrotiri fresco team, Irini Papageorgiou, has identified the stem of the crocus as actually growing from the wound in the goddess’ body. Only proper lighting enabled her to see the stem clearly. No doubt thus remains that the blood of the goddess is the source of the sacred crocus. In fact, we may surmise that the color of the divine blood reflects the red color of the stigmas of the crocus and lilies. The incident that led to the bleeding goddess is now lost to us. But it must be emphasized that it is unrelated to Greek myths and that we ought not to look for parallels there. The Minoan story must have told a tale of wounding and regeneration, suggesting that the blood of the goddess gave rise to plant life, crocuses and perhaps also red lilies. She is shown here in a human, all-too human, form in contrast to her guise as an enthroned divinity in the second floor or an abstracted divine force of spirals as represented on the third storey. This cluster of frescoes is of great importance for the mythological biography of the Great Goddess. We learn that she underwent a tribulation before she became the enthroned and triumphant deity. We learn that she had multiple manifestations, and yet that she is one and same goddess who sometimes suffered and other times triumphed. There is further proof that the blood of the goddess played a role in mythological and ritual reality at Akrotiri. Many liba- tion jugs, the so-called nippled ewers, have a female form because they have breasts and round bellies; they are adorned Wounded goddess. The detail shows the stem of the crocus growing directly from the wounded foot. This detail has been absolutely veri- with necklaces and earrings. Sometimes plants or swallows or sheaves of grain are painted on them, alluding to the regen- fied by special photography directed by I. Papageorgiou. erative aspects and richness of nature. Several nippled ewers also have dabs of red paint trickling down the body, just like the blood of the sanctuary (see p. 120). Surely this is a reference to the sacred myth of the divinity’s blood. The nature of the Great Goddess has thus been revealed. She embodies fertility, which is reflected in the nippled jugs. yet fully restored, the digital restoration shown here is fairly accurate and gives us the best account of a Minoan miracle She is also a nature deity and her versatility is expressed by various symbols: crocus, lily, rosette, spiral. Her devotees are and a myth related to it. young men and women, dolphins, monkeys and griffins. However, the core of her nature is her heavenly and solar aspect: The key to the mystery of the bleeding image is the seated figure in the center of the adjacent wall who has already been the sun alone has the power to stimulate growth and regenerate life in all its forms. Once more, it is worth repeating that identified as a goddess on account of her larger size, her centrality and her position below the seated divinity of the upper the sun is the central symbol of the largest ship in the flotilla fresco of the West House (p. 77). 4 floor (above, p. 105). Surely we have here a mythological narrative. The divinity has suffered from a painful accident and her foot is bleeding. Distressed by the pain, she beats her forehead with one hand, while she touches her wounded foot with the other. The cause of the wounding is not evident, and perhaps it is not important for the appreciation of the scene. On the other hand, the painter has included a clue to which attention must now be paid: next to the wounded foot is a crocus blossom. Is it the case that the flower grows from the blood of the goddess? Is the divine blood a regenerative force? Does not the image compare to the spiral generating a crocus (compare with p. 119)? In both the fresco and the vase the idea is identical: a crocus is born from a divine entity. 4. The full argument about sun worship has been presented in Nanno Marinatos, Minoan Kingship and the Solar Goddess, Urbana/Champaign 2010.

124 125 Seated goddess. Her position below the seated female divinity of the second floor (p. 105) shows that she is a goddess. She touches her Fresco of the east wall of the adyton showing the façade of a sanctuary. Blood is trickling down its façade. The door is decorated with lilies bleeding foot while beating her forehead in distress. (Photo: courtesy Archives of the Athens Archaeological Society, Akrotiri Excavations. and spirals, emblems of the goddess. (Photo courtesy Archives of the Athens Archaeological Society, Akrotiri Excavations. Digital recon- Digital enhancement by N. Marinatos and M. Toufeklis). struction N. Marinatos and M. Toufeklis).

126 127 Opposite page: Goddess Left: Egyptian royal necklace of of second floor, north wall, princess Khnumet (Twelfth Dy- room 3 Xeste 3. Noteworthy nasty, 19th cent. BCE), Dashur. is the crocus tattoo and cro- The necklaces of stars, flowers cus decoration of the dress and insects reflect life on earth. because the flower con- (C. Aldred Jewels of the Phar- nects the goddess with her aohs, pl. 15). bleeding counterpart below. Center: Necklace with pendants Her necklaces reflect the life in the shape of flies belonging in the marshes. The neck- to queen Ahotep, Egypt, Seven- laces has close equivalents teenth or Eighteenth Dynasty. in Egyptian tombs. (Digital (C. Aldred Jewels of the Phar- enhancement: N. Marinatos aohs, pl. 41). and M. Toufeklis). Right: Detail of the necklaces of the Great Goddess of Xeste 3.

128 129 Left: Ceremonial vase from Xeste 3 decorated with crocuses, lilies and swallows; all of the above symbol- ize the regenerative powers of nature and the Great Goddess. (Sp. Marinatos, Thera VI, pl. 47 c).

Opposite page: Lilies fresco from D2: detail of a swallow and a lily blossom. Note that some flowers are budding while others are already withered. (Ch. Doumas, Wall Paintings of Thera, pl. 128).

Below: The Great Goddess smells a lily flower deposited on her altar. Seal stone from Routsi, Pelopon- nese. (CMS I, 279).

130 131 Pithos with white lily decoration found in the magazines of a wealthy house, Sector A, Akrotiri. In the bottom of the jar was a small female figurine that functioned as a protective amulet of the flour stored inside the vessel. (Sp. Marinatos, Thera II, col. pl. E 7).

Vase from Akrotiri imported from Crete. It is decorated with double axes, the main symbol of the Great Goddess. The double axe is never associated with animal sacrifice; instead it is a symbol of vegetation. Here it is shown among crocuses. (Thera Museum. Photo: Y. Yannelos).

132 133 The Great Goddess nurtures animals. On two seals from Crete, she feeds a goat and lion cub respectively. (CMS II 3, 239 and 279).

Left: Blue monkey cuts a papyrus flower on a fresco from the House of the Frescoes, Knossos. (A. J. Evans, Palace of Minos II, 2, pl. X ). Right: Similar fresco from B6, Akrotiri. (Thera museum. Photo: Y. Yannelos).

134 135 Young goats in a Fragmentary fresco of a swallow from room B6, Room of Monkeys. (Sp. Marinatos, Thera III, col. pl. b 1). rocky crocus landscape. Fragmen- tary fresco from room B6, Room of Monkeys. (Thera museum. Photo: Y. Yannelos).

136 137 Reconstruction of room B6 (Room of Monkeys). All the extant fragments have been combined in a loose way to render Reconstruction of the Room of the Ladies and Papyrus room (reconstruction sketch by N. Marinatos and L. Papageorgiou, Art and Religion an impression of the room. The theme of the wall paintings was the celebration of nature: tribute to the Great Goddess. in Thera, 1984). The seated figure in the reconstruction is incompletely preserved. She may be the Great Goddess or the lady of the house (N. Marinatos, L. Papageorgiou 1984). preparing for a ceremony. The papyrus motif is borrowed from Egyptian religious ideas and is related to the goddess Hathor.

138 139 Top: Locally made jar found in the basement of the West House. The scene is divided into two parts. One side of the pithos depicts a marshy landscape and a cow or bull (left); the other (right) depicts a flying bird, dolphins and fish. Bottom: Detail. A bovine animal with twisted horns and a peculiar double proboscis touches the stamens of the lily. The scene is certainly not naturalistic but symbolic, whereas the unified landscape of sea and land illustrates the role of the Great God- dess as protectress of both realms. Opposite page: Egyptian Hathor in the form of a cow in the marshes (Egyptian papyrus, Eighteenth Dynasty).

140 141 Top: A marshy landscape is depicted on a jug of local manufacture from Akrotiri. The style is Minoan and reflects the ideas of sacred marshes common to Egypt, Crete and Thera. Left: Papyrus clumps from the House of the Ladies. The papyrus is a sacred plant borrowed from Egyptian ideas (see previous page). It symbolizes plant life in the water of the marshes.

142 143 The goddess from Xeste 3 is compared here with a scene on a gold ring from Poros, Crete (excavations N. Dimopoulou Rethemio- Left: Marshy scene from Xeste 3 showing ducks flying among reeds (see also p. 109). (Reconstruction A. Vlachopoulos, Horizon 2008, Fig. 41.26). taki). On the ring, the goddess is flanked by huge eagles and is greeted by a male figure, possibly another deity. (Photo: courtesy Right: A similar marshy scene from a painting of the palace of Amenhotep III (Eighteenth Dynasty) at Amarna. N. Dimopoulou Rethemiotaki)

144 145 The Painting of the Tree Sanctuary and Egyptian Religion

146 147 ome thoughts now about the relations between the Great Goddess and her counterparts in Egyptian religion. It will S be argued that Minoan and Egyptian religions were even more closely associated than has hitherto been realized and that the same idea of regeneration underlies both. Further, we shall examine the meaning of tree cult in the Aegean and Egypt. It has already been noted that a crocus springs up from the bleeding foot of the divinity, and that this pictorial incident most likely refers to a myth. There are additional representations in Aegean art, which show plants growing from the body of a goddess. On a gold pin from Mycenae (not shown here) a cluster of lotus blossoms spring up from the head of a goddess with a flounced skirt. On a clay statue from Gazi, Crete, excavated by Sp. Marinatos, three large poppy capsules grow from the head of a goddess or are attached to her hair band. She reminds of the goddess from Xeste 3, who has an olive branch on her head and an Iris in the back of her coiffure, whereas her belt ends in a papyrus-like blossom. On the basis of these associations, it may be surmised that the Xeste 3 goddess of Thera is the same as the Great Goddess of Crete. She is associated with four different plants: crocus, olive, iris, papyrus. To this we must add the red lilies that decorate the door of her sanctuary and of which more will be said below. Turning now to Egypt, apart from the papyrus, already discussed in a previous chapter, the lotus or water lily also symbolizes regeneration. It is associated with the male god Nefertem from whose head it emerges to signify the renewed birth of creation each morning, when the sun rises. We see him on p. 152 on an Eighteenth Dynasty painting from the tomb of king Horemheb, Thebes next to a huge knot of Isis, itself a regenerative symbol (see below). Nefertem’s name alludes to the budding of the flower (see pp. 152-153). It means “the beautiful one who closes” or “the one who does not close”. This naturally refers to the properties of the water lily opening in the morning and closing at night, even Wounded goddess from Xeste 3. Color pencil-drawing by Ray Porter (Courtesy R. Porter). sinking deep into the waters. This daily Opposite page: Clay goddess from Gazi c. 1300 BCE. (Herakleion Museum 9305. N. Di- cycle of the flower reminds us of the mopoulou Rethemiotaki, The Archaeological Museum of Herakleion. Athens, p. 133). frequent depiction of lily and crocus as

148 149 Isis raising her hand to her face because she mourns the death of Osiris. Wooden statuette, Twenty-sixth Dynasty. (Peliza- eus Museum zu Hildesheim. Nofret die Schoene, 1985, p. 143). Opposite page: Left: Wounded goddess from Xeste 3. She raises her hand to her forehead because she is in pain. (Drawing, Courtesy Ray Porter). Right:Painting from the tomb of king Horemheb, Thebes, Eighteenth Dynasty. Nefertem holds the ankh sign: a circle with a cross below it. The ankh is a sign of life and stands next to a huge “Knot of Isis”, an object similar in shape to the ankh. (R. H. Wilkinson, Gods and Goddesses of Ancient Egypt, p. 134, 135).

150 151 buds in Minoan art whereas the crocus springing from the wound of the goddess parallels the lotus springing from Nefer- tem’s head. In the Egyptian collection of spells known as the Book of the Dead, one of the spells refers to Nefertem and the water-lily in the following way. “Rise like Nefertem from the blue water lily, to the nostrils of Ra (the creator and sun god), and come forth upon the horizon each day.” Other times, Nefertem takes the form of a child-god emerging himself from a flower. A wooden sculpture from the tomb of king Tutankhamun, depicts the boy-king as Nefertem emerging from the lotus flower: this guarantees the pharaoh’s eternal rebirth.

Head of king Tutankhamun as the god Nefertem emerging from the lotus. (Egyp- tian Museum Cairo, no. 62125; Treasures of Tutankhamun. Exhibition Catalogue. Metro- politan Museum of Art, New York 1976, no. 1, p. 33). Opposite page: Alabaster chalice in the shape of a lotus belonging to king Tutankhamun. (Egyptian Museum Cairo, no. 62125; Treas- ures of Tutankhamun. Exhibition Catalogue. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York 1976, no 2, p. 34.)

152 153 From the same tomb comes an alabaster chalice in the shape of a white lotus. Its handles have the shape of blue lotus plants each generating a god of eternity. The inscription reads: “May you spend a million years, you who loves Thebes…” (p. 153). On a painting from the Twentieth Dynasty tomb of Khaemwaset, Valley of Queens, we see a lotus plant before Osiris generating four minor deities. The plant is the source of life and depends on the god for it. Ιn Egyptian and Minoan art divinity and flower are intimately connected. Another symbol of regeneration common to Crete and Egypt is a knotted piece of cloth that forms a loop and imitates the shape of the Egyptian symbol of life, the ankh, a circle with a cross just below it. The knotted garment is called Knot of Isis or Blood of Isis. In Crete, the knotted cloth is attached to the divine dress or may appear singly as an autonomous symbol. It is attested also in the Linear A script and is Painting from the tomb of Khaemwaset, Valley of Queens, Twentieth -Dy Left: Parisienne Fresco from Knossos. The figure is possibly a goddess with the sacred knot as part of her attire. (Evans, Palace of Minos IV, ankh identical to the Egyptian sign of life. It is surely nasty. A lotus plant rises in front of Osiris and generates four minor deities. col. Pl. XXXI). Right: Three sided pendant red jasper amulet from Crete with the engraving of a knot of Isis or ankh. (N. Dimopoulou, The not an accident that a loop with a knot adorns the (R. H. Wilkinson, Gods and Goddesses in Ancient Egypt, p. 158). Archaeological Museum of Herakleion, p. 342). forehead of the wounded goddess of Xeste 3, as we see it clearly by Ray Porter (above p. 150). The artist has highlighted the knot that holds the loop together, a detail that is were imbued with magical properties and were worn around the neck of deceased at burial, guaranteeing their regenera- not clearly visible on the original. This same loop with a knot is attested on the dress of a goddess, or queen-priestess, on a tion in eternity. fresco from Knossos known as the Parisienne. Evans recognized the Egyptian connection immediately; indeed, if we compare “You have your blood, O Isis; you have your power, O Isis, you have your magic, O Isis. The amulet is a the Minoan knotted loop with the Egyptian symbol “Knot of Isis”, the similarity is stunning (p. 155). protection for this Great One which will drive away whoever would commit a crime against him.” We have already seen the “Knot of Isis” next to the god Nefertem on an Eighteenth Dynasty painting in the tomb of (Spell 156, Book of Dead, Translated by R. O. Faulkner, p. 155). king Horemheb, Thebes. Given Nefertem’s nature as a god of regeneration, we may surmise that the knotted loop in both Let us now look at this evidence again. The Minoans made red amulets engraved with the ankh (or sacred loop) and cultures represents life and regeneration similarly to the ankh. this sign is almost identical to its Egyptian equivalent. This cannot be an accident but suggests that the two cultures had Further light on this matter is shed by the realization that the Egyptians called the sacral knot “blood of Isis” and made amulets of red material (to reflect the blood color); they were moistened with the juice of a certain fruit. These amulets

154 155 similar religious concepts regarding the cycles of life.1 They may have believed that divine blood is the source of all life and is manifested in the red stamens of many flowers and the blood-red lilies. No wonder red lilies decorate the gates of the sanctuary of the Goddess that we are about to discuss. If we follow this line or reasoning, we will ask similar questions about the significance of the sacred tree. It will be remembered that an olive tree is represented within a sanctuary on the east wall of the adyton of Xeste 3 and that its branches spill out from behind the walls, framed by a pair of so-called sacred horns. It is time now to look at the symbols of this sanctuary more closely; we will investigate the significance of the tree, the so-called horns, the spirals, the blood and the red lilies. To start with the tree, evidence of tree cult ex- ists throughout the Mediterranean. This fact was noticed already by Evans in his ground-breaking contained a sacred tree within their walls. They had gates in front of which the worshippers made offerings but what went article “Tree and Pillar Cult” published in 1901. on inside the enclosure was less clear to the public, although some special gold rings depict the activities also inside the Since that time, much more iconographical evi- sanctuary. We must assume that the closed gates made the ritual somewhat mysterious. dence has come to light and all of it fully supports Indeed, the gates of our sanctuary at Xeste 3 are closed. Second, we note the dripping blood, and I have already sug- his early theories. We can now understand that gested that it belongs to the divinity. tree-sanctuaries were open-air enclosures and A comparison between the Xeste 3 sanctuary and one represented on the painted Sarcophagus from Hagia Triada, Crete is quite revealing. In both paintings we have sacred olive trees; closed gates; decoration of spirals; so-called sacred horns. Hagia Triada Sarcophagus: Herakleion Museum. Priestess, or queen, conducts of- There is no blood in the case of the Hagia Triada sanctuary, but the presence of the divinity is signaled by a bird perched on ferings in front of a sacred olive tree sanctuary and an altar. a double axe outside the gate. In both cases there is no intimation about what happens inside the sanctuary. On the Hagia Opposite page: The Xeste 3 painting of the olive tree sanctuary. (Photo: courtesy Athens Archaeological Society, Akrotiri Excavations. Digital reconstruction Markos Triada Sarcophagus, the action definitely takes place outside where a queen (or high priestess), dressed in an animal-hide 1. I owe this idea to my friend Kostis Davaras. Toufeklis). skirt, makes offerings to an altar.

156 157 Left: Ring now in Berlin (drawing). A god emerges from the gate of his a tree sanctuary and approaches a female worshipper. (CMS XI, 28). Left: Gold ring from a tomb at Poros. (Courtesy Nota Dimopoulou, Georgos Rethemiotakis). Right: Gold ring from a tomb in Archanes show- Right: Seal from Naxos showing a female worshiper in front of a sacred palm and an altar. (CMS V1 A, 75). ing a mystical scene inside a tree sanctuary. (Herakleion Museum. N. Dimopoulou, The Archaeological Museum of Herakleion, p. 117).

Once more we return to Evans’s insights about the meaning of the sacred tree, ideas that were ignored by subsequent ring from Archanes, especially when it is compared to the gold ring from Poros. Both rings show what kinds of experiences archaeologists. He viewed it as the “depository of the divine life” and the “dwelling place” of the divinity. Following theories the worshippers had inside the enclosure and, what is most important, what visions they had of the gods.2 The common of nineteenth century anthropology, he assumed that the spirit of the deity entered the tree and that it took up temporary factor is that both represent male worshippers who take hold of the branches of a tree and move violently in ecstasy. Most residence in it. Evans was right. On a ring from Knossos (now in Berlin), we see a god standing in front of his tree-sanctuary probably the tree was perceived as a source of divine power because the god or goddess lived inside it. In both rings there with his back turned to the gate, as though he has just emerged from his abode. He is faced by a female worshipper shown is a vision of the goddess. On the Poros ring, the entire left side of the ring may be a view of the divine world. A goddess is on the left. On the sky there is a star, which is perhaps a sign of the god’s divine epiphany. Here, the encounter takes place seated in mid-air flanked by two eagles. Below her is a clump of crocuses. A smaller deity hovers in the air and a standing outside the gates. On a seal from Naxos, a woman stands in front of a tree and raises her fist to her forehead in a gesture male god greets the Great Goddess. As mentioned already, the entire scene is a vision as experienced by the worshipper of worship. The difference between the two representations is quite significant but they basically show the same thing. A who touches the tree. The point is this: mystical rituals took placeinside the sacred enclosure and the tree worshippers had god encounters a worshipper before the gates of a sanctuary; alternatively the worshipper prays to a god but does not see visions. At Xeste 3, the viewer of the fresco could not see what happened inside but saw the blood of the goddess dripping him or her. down the tree and the so-called sacred horns. The next question is what happens inside thesanctuary behind closed doors. To answer this question, we turn to two gold rings that have been found in Crete in excavated contexts. Most important for our understanding of the rituals is the gold 2. See the synthesis of tree cult scenes in Nota Dimopoulou -Yorgos Rethemiotakis, The Ring of Minos. Ministry of Culture. Athens 2004.

158 159 A goddess is discernible through the branches of an olive tree that is placed on a stand. She receives offerings from the deceased and his wife (shown much smaller). Tomb of Sennefer. Eighteenth Dynasty. (Arne Eggebrecht, Rolf Grundlach, Sennefer, Die Grabkam- mer des Bürgermeisters von Theben. Verlag Philipp von Zabern 1986.) Opposite page: A goddess resides inside a sycamore tree and receives an offering from the deceased. Tomb of Sennedjem Egypt, Eighteenth Dynasty. (Abdel Ghaf- far Shedid, Das Grab des Sennedjem, 1994).

160 161 It is Egyptian religion, however, that furnishes the clearest statement about the relationship between god and tree because we see explicitly there the divinity residing inside the tree. In the tombs of Sennedjem and Sennefer (both dated to the Eighteenth Dynasty), the deceased and his wife are depicted on wall paintings as presenting offerings to the tree-goddess and she resides inside the tree. We will finally address the elusive sacred horns, a symbol of great importance in Minoan religion. A large pair is placed on top of the lintel of the sanctuary of Xeste 3, whereas the Hagia Triada sanctuary has more than one (above pp. 156-157). It is traditionally assumed that these objects represent bull’s horns. Yet an alternative hypothesis seems better. The Egyptian symbol of the Twin Mountains of the Horizon is exactly the same. The Egyptians imagined that there existed two mountains, one east, another west, the two constituting a gate through which the sun emerged every morning and exited at night. Oftentimes, the mountain/gate was depicted with guardian lions. On an example from the papyrus of Anhai (Nineteenth Dynasty), the sun’s gate is guarded by a pair of lions with the name of ‘yesterday’ and ‘tomorrow’. A side-by-side comparison Egyptian funerary papyrus showing two lions guarding the two mountain peaks of the horizon. Papyrus of Anhai. British Museum. (R. H. between the Minoan sacred horns and the Egyptian symbol shows how close in conception the two of them are. Wilkinson, Gods and Goddesses, p. 181). Given the affinity between the two religious systems, is it not reasonable to consider that the so-called horns as mountain Opposite page: Model of sanctuary in the form of Twin Peak from Petsofas. (Courtesy Costis Davaras) tops? If the Minoan object represents twin mountain peaks, namely the gate of the sun, a lot may be explained in Minoan

162 163 art and religion. For example, we can understand why the so-called horns are customarily placed on top of walls or roofs of buildings: their purpose is to frame the sunrise and sunset. Even at Akrotiri, the objects in question were placed above gates, or walls (see p. 92).3 Consider now a clay model excavated by Kostis Davaras in the peak sanctuary of Petsofas, (p. 163). It represents a series of twin mountain peaks, one contained within the other. The excavator astutely perceived that the model sanctuary was placed on top of a wall or building, providing the proper frame for the rising sun. We also see altars in front of each pair. Davaras suggests that the multiplication of twin peaks evokes the Egyptian symbol. On a vase from Rethymnon, Crete (late period, Late Minoan III c, c. 1200), we see the same mountain sign (p. 164). It is now altered, incorporating on its base the form of spiral. Surely this is a visual puzzle that combines the idea of twin peaks with the regenerative potential of spirals. Between the peaks we see a double axe, the symbol of the goddess framed by two incurved objects resembling sand-clocks of elusive significance; we shall return to these shortly. For the time being, we note that the entire structure is flanked by two birds, whereas a smaller bird is perched on top of the double axe. This fits well with our interpretation that the twin mountain peaks frame the rising sun: the birds begin their activities at sunrise. The image on the Rethymon vase is full of visual puns, but the latter can be understood if we accept the hypothesis that the entire complex of symbols refers to regeneration of the sun every day. The double mountain is also the gate of the sun; the double axe is the symbol of the divinity; the three birds evoke the sunrise. We return now to the peculiar incurved objects that resemble sand-clocks. It is surely no accident that they are present also above the gate of tree-sanctuary of Xeste 3. These objects obviously belong to the sacred paraphernalia of the cult of the Great Goddess. This completes the commentary regarding the visual symbols of the wounded deity and her sanctuary in Xeste 3. They show that she is the Great Goddess of Minoan Crete whom I have identified as a goddess of regeneration and vegetation, but I have also argued that she is akin to Egyptian solar deities. We have seen in a previous chapter that she has many guises; that she is associated with griffins, monkeys, crocus, lily, papyrus and spirals. She is represented in a different capacity on each floor of the building but she is one and the same goddess. The affinity between Minoan and Egyptian religions cannot be ignored. This, of course, does not mean that Egyptian and Minoan religions were identical; nor does it imply that Thera did not possess its own local religious idioms. Rather, what is argued here is that if we adopt a broad perspective, encompassing the East Mediterranean, it will have immense payoffs for the understanding of Theran art and religion. The Late Bronze Age was after all an era of kings, empires and commerce: an interconnected world in which the port-town of Akrotiri played a major part.

3. For a fuller argument with Near Eastern and Egyptian parallels see N. Marinatos, Minoan Kingship and the Solar Goddess: A Near Eastern Koine, pp. 103- Vase from Rethymnon Crete, Late Minoan III c (Vlazaki-Andreadaki, Maria and Eleni Papadopoulou, 2003, 381-82, Fig. 45). 113.

164 165 Pharaoh Tuthmosis III (Eighteenth Dy- nasty) suckles the Tree Goddess Isis. The tree is here represented with a breast and supports Evans’ theory that trees in Minoan religion were considered reposi- tories of divine life. The tree here is an Comparison between the motifs of the olive similar to the tree of Xeste 3 paint- “sand-clock” motif on the Xeste 3 fresco ing. Tomb of Tuthmosis III. (Hornung, and Rhethymnon vase. Valley of Kings, pl. 27)

166 167 Epilogue: A Town of 50 years

168 169 he eruption of the volcano ended the happy life of the Akrotiri, during the late reign of Hatshepsut or the early one Tof Tuthmosis III in Egypt, at a time when Knossos was at its peak. The Minoan period of the island had lasted less than two generations. But there have been even shorter periods of brilliance in history. Think of Berlin of the Weimar Republic, a period that lasted less than twenty years and yet yielded so much art and science; the Golden Age of Periclean Athens also produced high art, literature, theater and philosophy and yet lasted less than twenty years. We may imagine that the people of Akrotiri felt self-satisfaction, even elation, about their achievement in art, culture and creativity during the last 50 years of the town’s life. Through a tour of two major houses, the West House and Xeste 3, we have gained a glimpse of their life. We have looked at a society, which was productive on the household level, had many contacts with the outside world and was rich in myths and ceremonies. We have imagined workmen carrying products from the fields, bringing them to the city and storing them in the magazines of various houses whereas women worked on the loom in the West House weaving fabrics. Masons designed houses, painters decorated them. The wealthier owners of the houses were entrepreneurs; they conducted trade, exported saffron, wine, and other local products. Finally some of them were military men: the fleet had to be protected. The male elite of the town organized festivals and gave their wives and children prominent roles in the ceremonies and processions. Sometimes the ceremonies were conducted outside the city in the mountains or in the enclosure that hosted the sacred olive tree of the goddess. Religion played a major role and gave a chance for the people to wear their best clothes and enjoy food and spectacle. All these activities have left their traces in the archaeological record, whereas others are left to our imagination. What would it have been like to be a cosmopolitan man at that time and to have travelled as far as Egypt, Syria, Cyprus? How many languages were spoken? We know that Minoan Linear A was employed at Akrotiri because an inscribed pot with the inscription A-RE-SA-NA was found there. Did the inhabitants speak Minoan? Surely yes, but a local language was definitely also spoken. Some men may have spoken Egyptian. Akrotiri was thus a cosmopolitan place with several contacts abroad. However, we should not overlook the fact that it was essentially a minoanized town, and that in some ways it was an extension of the Knossian domain. Its art is essentially Minoan and has the same characteristics and symbolic codes as Knossian art. It is hard to imagine the unspeakable horror of the inhabitants when all this came to an end c. 1500 BCE. The town was first badly destroyed by an earthquake. Fortunately, though, the first earthquake did not result in many victims since no skeletons have been found in the excavations. Next, the inhabitants tried to repair what they could and made every effort to retrieve valuables of which few only were found by the archaeologists. But all was in vain because a few weeks (or was it months?) later the volcano erupted and buried what was left under thick layers of ash, pumice and lava. This was the end.

170 171 Some scholars, and especially the popular media, have sought to link the end of Akrotiri with the myth of Atlantis. In managed since it is doubtful that enough boats were available to board every passenger. Were they buried under the lava vain have I argued against such an association. Unfortunately, the populist view has not helped the public appreciate the and, if so, where are they? Perhaps we shall find them in the future huddled together on the shore. And those who boarded true nature of this remarkable civilization, a culture that reflects an affluent and aesthetically sophisticated bourgeoisie. ships: did they survive? Or were they smashed against a neighboring shore when the tsunami came? How can Akrotiri be Atlantis when the physical descriptions provided by Plato in theCritias (108 c-109 and 113a-end) do not When writing this account of the city, I was much inspired by a silent film made in 1927 by the German director Walter match the archaeological remains at all? Plato describes several circuit walls around the city, some coated in bronze, others Ruttmann, “Berlin, the Symphony of a Big City (Symphonie einer Grossstadt)”. In this masterful documentary, the director in red orichalcum. He talks of palaces and a temple to Poseidon. Where is all this at Akrotiri? Every ancient reader would captured on camera one single day in Berlin of 1927, as experienced by its inhabitants. The rhythms of the film vary. It starts have known that Plato made up this myth to warn his fellow citizens of insolence. The story of Akrotiri teaches precisely with the hurried pace of the early morning and ends in the relaxed atmosphere of the deep hours of the night. Working the opposite lesson than what Plato conveys: man’s fate is an affair of time and chance and not of moral culpability. The men, housewives, beggars, factory workers and bankers parade in front of our eyes. We see also children bathing in the fragility of civilization is the only lesson to be learned from the destruction of Akrotiri. river, semi-naked dancers in the cabarets and even the cats and dogs of the city. An important European intellectual proves to be surprisingly relevant to these reflections: none other than Charles Dar- We are the spectators of a time past. Through the relics of Akrotiri, we are able to get a glimpse of a once thriving town. win. When he traveled aboard the ship Beagle to South America, he witnessed a major earthquake in Conception, Chile, It requires active imagination to recapture the life of the inhabitants, but this is what we must do. And much like a director and the magnitude of the destruction made a huge impression on him. He writes so in his diary, reflecting at the same time of a film we must look at the people and not just the objects or the ruins. on the vicissitudes of human fortune. Conception was struck by an earthquake in the morning of February 20, 1835; next day there was nothing left of the city, as one traveler testified. Huge waves caused further disaster. When an earthquake occurs, writes Darwin, the whole body of the sea retires and, after that, the waves return with overwhelming force. Surely this happened at Akrotiri as well. When Darwin heard of the ruined city, he could not believe his ears. The houses in many parts, he wrote, had fallen outwards filling the streets with “hillocks of brickwork and rubbish.” The English consul, who was present and survived unhurt, told Darwin that he had lived through an incredible experience. One side of his house came thundering down and, before he knew it, the other side fell in. Blinded by the dust he ran for his life. Darwin concludes his description of the destruction of Conception with some reflections on time and chance: “I have not attempted to give any detailed description of the appearance of Concepcion, for I feel that it is quite impossible to convey the mingled feelings, which I experienced. Several of the officers visited it before me, but their strongest language failed to give a just idea of the scene of desolation. It is a bitter and humiliating thing to see works, which have cost man so much time and labour, overthrown in one minute; yet compassion for the inhabitants was almost instantly banished, by the surprise in seeing a state of things produced in a moment of time, which one was accustomed to attribute to a succession of ages.”1 The people of Akrotiri had a worse experience than the people of Chile when they saw smoke rise from the volcano because they knew that not all could leave the island. Surely, some tried to escape from Thera, but we do not know if they

1. Charles Darwin, Voyage of the Beagle, Ch. 14.

172 173 The Archaeological Site

174 175 176 177 Previous pages: Facades of Sector Delta. See plan pp. 8-9. Above: Store room, Sector A. Opposite page: North façade of Xeste 2. (Photos: Y. Yannelos)

178 179 Triangular Square with West House to the left (west). Next pages: West House from the South. (Photos: Y. Yannelos)

180 181 182 183 Stairway Next pages: Stone vessels and grinding stones for the production of cereals. (Photos: Y. Yannelos)

184 185 186 187 Mill House. Next pages: West House viewed from the west. (Photos: Y. Yannelos)

188 189 190 191 192 193 Above: View of Telchines Road. Opposite page: Gate House of Telchines Road. Previous pages: Anchor. Next pages: Airview of the Archaeological site and the bay of the ancient town. (Photos: Y. Yannelos)

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