Colloquial Eastern Cham

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Chapter X: Eastern Cham 1

Marc Brunelle Phú Văn Hẳn

Eastern Cham is an Austronesian language spoken by about 100,000 people in the provinces of Ninh Thuận and Bình Thuận, in south-central Vietnam (Brunelle 2008). Eastern Cham communities are scattered throughout these two provinces and are interspersed with Vietnamese communities. As a result, all Eastern Cham speakers are now at least fluent in Vietnamese and younger speakers usually speak it natively. Until the 19th century, Cham (along with other Chamic languages and possible some Mon-Khmer languages) was the language of the “confederation” of Champa, a mandala-type kingdom located on the central coast of Vietnam that was gradually absorbed by the Vietnamese state from the 10th to the 19th century. As a former state language, Cham has a long written tradition, despite the fact that its script is now barely used (Brunelle 2008). Although there have been a number of descriptions of Eastern Cham, most of them have focused on the written language or on the formal language that is usually volunteered by speakers in data elicitation sessions (Aymonier 1889; Aymonier and Cabaton 1906; Moussay 1971; Bùi 1995; 1996a; b; Thurgood 2005; Moussay 2006). However, the differences between the colloquial and formal languages and the contexts of functional use of each variety strongly suggest that Eastern Cham is now in a diglossic situation (Brunelle 2008; 2009). The two varieties show marked differences, especially in their phonologies and in the degree to which they have been affected by Vietnamese. The goal of this article is to complement previous work by presenting a basic description of the colloquial language, which, as a living and quickly evolving language, is the locus of language convergence. The data provided in this paper are therefore entirely given in their colloquial form. We are well aware that this is controversial and that many Cham intellectuals oppose any scholarly description of what they consider a corrupt form of speech. However, as the colloquial variety is de facto the real language of the community, we believe it deserves to be described. The data presented in this paper have been collected from a large number of consultants living in Ninh Thuận province and Hồ Chí Minh City over the past few years. They have been complemented and double-checked against the intuitions of the second author, who is a native speaker of Eastern Cham born in the village of Vụ Bổn, in Ninh Thuận. The reader should keep in mind that grammaticality judgments are difficult to elicit in a language that shows substantial sociolectal and dialectal diversity, does not have clear standards and is barely taught in schools. Overall, Cham speakers have much less rigid grammaticality judgments than speakers of large written languages like English, French or Vietnamese. Widespread bilingualism in Vietnamese further increases the tolerance of speakers to forms that would probably have been judged ungrammatical a few generations ago. 2 Marc Brunelle Phú Văn Hẳn 1. Phonology Our phonology section slightly departs from the basic organization found in other chapters of this book. Since the basic word template plays a crucial role in the phonotactic restrictions found in Eastern Cham, it will be addressed first (§ 1.1) and will be followed by descriptions of segmental (§ 1.2) and suprasegmental phoneme inventories (§ 1.3).

1.1. Basic word template and syllable structure The formal variety of Eastern Cham has two main types of word templates: monosyllables and sesquisyllables (Blood 1967; Thurgood 1996; 1999). Sesquisyllables are words made up of “a syllable and a half” (Matisoff 1973), i.e. disyllabic words with a major syllable and a reduced minor syllable. The final or main syllable of a sesquisyllable is stressed and exhibits the entire array of possible phonological contrasts, while its presyllable only contains a subset of the vowels, onsets and codas found in the main syllable. This is shown schematically in (1a).

(1) Word shapes in the formal (a) and colloquial (b) varieties a. σ σ (C) (V) (C) C (G/L) V (C) b. σ (C) C (G) V (C)

By contrast, the colloquial variety (1b) has lost most of its sesquisyllables, due to a diachronic process of monosyllabization (Trung-tâm Văn-hoá Chàm 197?; Alieva 1991; 1994; Brunelle 2005b; 2009). Exceptions include religious and learned vocabulary items, which could be considered as inherently formal. A few sesquisyllables are also preserved to avoid homophony. The best example of that is the contrast between tt apăn ‘eight’ and thampăn ‘nine’, which would both be realized as [păn] if they were monosyllabized. Monosyllabization has taken place either through the loss of the entire presyllable, or through the elision of its vowel and the formation of an onset cluster composed of the onset of the presyllable and the onset of the main syllable. The complete loss of the presyllable or the formation of an onset cluster, and the exact realization of clusters (if clusters are formed at all), greatly vary across villages, age groups and genders. Without a full sociolinguistic survey, it is difficult to lay out precise rules, but two general principles seem to constrain the outcome of monosyllabization: 1) Clusters usually follow the sonority hierarchy, although some clusters consisting of a nasal and a stop can violate it, as in mta ‘eye’. 2) If the onset of the main syllable was originally a liquid [l] or [r], a cluster is usually formed (as in plɛɛ j or mlɛɛ j ‘village’ < palɛɛ j). An important point regarding the syllable structure given in (1) is that there are no words without onset. Several dictionaries and grammars omit to mark onset glottal stops or choose not to do it for convenience (Moussay 1971; Bùi 1995; 1996a), but the presence of the onset glottal stop is carefully marked elsewhere (Blood 1967).

1.2. Segmental phonemes: consonants and vowels Two factors constrain the phonotactic distribution of segments in Eastern Cham: the syllable in which they stand and their position in the syllable. As the Chapter X: Eastern Cham 3 colloquial variety is now almost entirely monosyllabic, the segments found in presyllables could be omitted. However, some words related to religion or other cultural activities are inherently formal and are therefore sesquisyllabic even in the colloquial language. We thus give the segmental inventory of presyllables, even if they are relatively uncommon.

1.2.1. Consonants Main syllable onsets The full inventory of consonants, given in (2), surfaces in the onset of the main syllable. There are five places of articulation: labial, dental, palatal, velar and laryngeal. In addition to three series of stops (plain voiceless, voiceless aspirated and voiced implosive), there are voiceless fricatives, nasals, liquids and glides.

(2) lab. dent. pal. vel. lar. plain stops p t c k Ɂ asp. stops ph th ch kh implosives ɓ ɗ ʄ fricatives s h nasals m n ɲ ŋ liquids l, r glides j w preglottalized glides Ɂj Ɂw

This inventory is fairly consensual. The only divergence between authors is that Moussay treats the preglottalized glides /Ɂw-/ and /Ɂj-/ as simplex phonemes (Moussay 1971) whereas other scholars analyze them as sequences of glottal stops plus glides (Blood 1967; Bùi 1996a; Phú 2003). The distribution of medial glides suggests that the second solution is preferable: all onsets can be followed by the medial glides /-j-, -w-/ except the contentious preglottalized glides themselves. Another interesting fact about glides is that onset /w-/ cannot form a cluster with medial /-j-/, but that the cluster /jw-/ is possible, as in jwa, ‘because’. The liquids /r/ and /l/ can also be found in medial position. They never form clusters with sonorants in the formal variety, but often combine with /m-/ in the colloquial variety. Some onsets have several possible realizations. The aspirated /ph, th, kh/ can be realized as [f, s, x] respectively. The sonorant /w/ frequently alternates with [v] and [ʋ], while /r/ can be pronounced as [r], [z], [j] or [ʒ]. The voiced fricative [z] is also a common surface form of /j/. Combinations of onsets and medial glides or liquids have an even wider array of possible realizations. For example, /tr-/ can be realized as [tr-], [tʃ-] or [c-] and /tl-/ is often changed to [kl-]. These variants are largely determined by sociolinguistic factors, but since many of them are also idiosyncratic, they will not be discussed in detail here. What is interesting is that a number of them, especially the realization of [ʋ] as [v] and of aspirated stops as fricatives seem to bring the Cham inventory closer to Vietnamese. The fact [th] is the only Eastern Cham aspirate that does not spirantize seems to support this claim, as it is also the only aspirated stop in modern Vietnamese. Main syllable codas As in most Mainland Southeast Asian languages, the coda consonant inventory of Eastern Cham is a subset of onset consonants. It is given in (3). 4 Marc Brunelle Phú Văn Hẳn

(3) lab. dent. pal./vel. lar. plain stops p [p~wɁ] t c [jɁ] Ɂ fricatives s [jh] h nasals m n ŋ glides j/w

Several authors mention the fact that the coda stops of Eastern Cham are debuccalized (Aymonier 1889; Blood 1967; Moussay 1971; Hoàng 1987; Bùi 1996a). This has led other researchers to posit a process of place neutralization in codas (Phú, Edmondson and Gregerson 1992; Thurgood 1999). The actual situation is far from being that simple. Codas are often debuccalized, but contrasts are still maintained. While coda /-p/ is realized as either [-p] or [-wɁ] and coda /-c/ is systematically reduced to [-jɁ], coda /-t/ is still preserved everywhere, except in the word kt eɁ ‘what’, historically hakt ɛɛ t. It has also been claimed that coda /-h/ is dropped (Phú, Edmondson and Gregerson 1992), something that has been disproven with acoustic evidence (Brunelle 2005b; 2006). A type of coda neutralization that is not controversial is the merger of the dental sonorants /-l, -r/ (Bùi 1996a). They are usually realized as [-n] in Ninh Thuận and as [-j] in Bình Thuận (the location of the exact isogloss is unclear). In formal speech, [-r] and [-l] are still found, although the relatively high proportion of hypercorrect forms in which [-l] is used for an etymological /-n/ suggests that this is not a regular alternation. Presyllable onsets Presyllable onsets are a subset of main syllable onsets, as shown in (4). Two of the classes of onsets found in main syllables are not found in presyllables: implosive stops and aspirated stops. There is one exception to this generalization: the aspirated stop /th/ was recently reintroduced in the inventory because a diachronic change turned most instances of onset /s/ into /th/, thus creating an asymmetry in the distribution (Proto-Chamic *sălipăn > colloquial Eastern Cham thampăn). A final observation is that velar nasals are never found in presyllable onsets.

(4) lab. dent. pal. vel. lar. plain stops p t c k Ɂ asp. stops th fricatives s h nasals m n ɲ liquids l,r glides j w Presyllable codas Presyllables rarely have codas. These codas can be either /h/, as in tt ăhlaɁ ‘I - formal’ or nasals homorganic with the following main syllable onset, as in tănrăn ‘plain’. They are given in (5).

(5) laryngeal h nasals homorganic nasal Chapter X: Eastern Cham 5

1.2.2. Vowels The best description of the modern vowel inventory of Eastern Cham is found in Bùi (1996). We will therefore use Bùi’s grammar as a basis for comparison with other descriptions. Main syllables In main syllables, there are nine vowel qualities. Seven of these nine vowels have a length contrast. This contrast is not found in the front and back mid vowels /e/ and /o/ which only occur as long vowels. Long vowels are much longer than short vowels in wordlist reading (2:1 ratio), but this ratio seems smaller in running speech. The complete inventory is given in (6).

(6) ĭ/i ɨɨ/ɨ ŭ/u e ɘɨ /ɘ o ɛɨ /ɛ ă/a ɔɨ /ɔ

Contrastive length is overlooked by Blood, who writes that: “there are neither vowel clusters nor length contrast in the predominant syllable pattern” (Blood 1967), but it is accurately reported in other sources (Moussay 1971; Bùi 1996a). It is subject to two phonotactic constraints: Open syllable vowels are always long and vowels closed by /-h/ or /-c/ [-jɁ] are always short. There are two diphthongs, /ie/ and /uo/. They are treated as separate phonemes in all environments by some authors (Moussay 1971; Bùi 1996a). However, since they are frequently realized as the monophthongs [i] and [u] in closed syllables, they could be treated as free variants of the long vowels /i/ and /u/ in that environment. On the other hand, /ie/ and /uo/ occasionally contrast with the long vowels /i/ and /u/ in open syllables (Blood 1967), a contrast that is restricted to a handful of minimal pairs. There is some allophonic variation in vowel realization. For example, /o/ is frequently raised to [u] before nasals. Since that type of allophony tends to vary from village to village and between gender and age groups, we will not attempt to describe it. Part of this variation could perhaps be attributable to contact with Vietnamese: some vowel changes are common to both Eastern Cham and south-central Vietnamese dialects (for example, /e/ often centralizes to /ɘ/ in closed syllables in both languages). Presyllables To our knowledge, there are only two explicit descriptions of the vowel sub- inventory of presyllables (Bùi 1996a; Thurgood 2003). The vowels found in presyllables are a subset of the main syllable vowel inventory, as shown in (7).

(7) ĭ ɨɨ ŭ ɘɨ ă

There is no length contrast in presyllables and vowels tend to be very short in this environment; they usually sound even shorter than short vowels in main syllables. Additionally, these vowels tend to be further centralized to a short schwa, even in relatively formal speech. 6 Marc Brunelle Phú Văn Hẳn 1.3. Suprasegmental phonology: register and tone Phonological register originates from the loss of the voicing in onset stops after the break-up of Proto-Chamic (Blood 1962; Bùi 1996a; Thurgood 1996; 1999). The basic pattern is given in (8). Voiceless and voiced aspirates underwent the same process as plain voiceless and voiced stops. Implosives, on the other end, maintained their voicing. Following previous work, we mark register as a subscript dot under the onset consonant (Moussay 1971). The choice of an open dot rather than the full one used by Moussay has been made to avoid confusion with the retroflex subscript.

(8) Proto-Chamic Cham Gloss păk > păɁ ‘at’ băk > pp ăɁ ‘full’

Phonetically, register is realized on the rhyme through a combination of pitch, intensity, vowel quality, voice quality and duration, but pitch and voice quality are its most robust correlates (Phú, Edmondson and Gregerson 1992; Brunelle 2005b; 2006). In short, the high register, that stems from Proto-Chamic voiceless stops, voiceless aspirated stops and sonorants, is characterized by a relatively high pitch and a modal voice. The low register, which is the reflex of voiced stops and voiced aspirated stops, has a lower pitch, a breathy voice, and tends to lengthen the vowels on which it is superimposed. The register contrast is neutralized in implosives and preglottalized glides. Phonetically, syllables headed by these consonants usually have a high pitch and a modal phonation.

1.3.1. Register spreading and monosyllabicization Historically, register spread rightwards through sonorants, but was blocked by stops. Examples of register spreading are given in (9).

(9) Written Cham Gloss Formal variety Colloquial variety jalan ‘road’ cp alan [cp alp an] kp lan~lp an daɁa ‘to invite’ tpaɁa [tpaɁp a] Ɂp a

Because of the monosyllabicization process described above, presyllables were dropped in casual speech, which lead to the extension of the register contrast to sonorants in minimal pairs such as ni ‘here’ and np i (< pp ani) ‘follower of nativized Islam’. As a result, the register contrast is now found in monosyllabic words headed by all consonants, except implosives.

1.3.2. Tonal developments? It has long been observed that the two registers of Eastern Cham are subject to allophonic pitch variations conditioned by codas (Blood 1967; Moussay 1971; Bùi 1996a). Recently, some authors have made a stronger claim, proposing that coda consonants are either lost or reanalyzed as suprasegmental elements, shifting the phonemic burden to the pitch curve itself and thus leading to the formation of a complex tone system (Hoàng 1987; Phú, Edmondson and Gregerson 1992; Thurgood 1993). Careful recordings and phonetic analysis reveal that although codas are often debuccalized (§1.2.1), they are not dropped and they maintain their patterns of contrast (Brunelle 2005b; 2006). Further, the pattern of allophonic pitch variation is variable across speakers, making it impossible to distinguish more than a two-way contrast in pitch (Brunelle 2005b; 2006). A final piece of evidence that suggests that Chapter X: Eastern Cham 7

Eastern Cham does not have a complex tone system is the important role of intonation in information structure (assuming that languages with complex tone systems limit the role of intonation for functional reasons). Intonation often distinguishes sentences types and accompanies sentence-final particles (Blood, DL 1977; Blood, DW 1977). It is still tempting to analyze the two-way register contrast of Eastern Cham as two-tone system (Blood 1967). There is limited evidence for or against such an analysis, but word game data suggest that register is a segmental property of onsets rather than a suprasegmental property of the rhyme (Brunelle 2005a). If this is correct, we have to adopt the position that Eastern Cham is still a relatively conservative Southeast Asian register language, despite intensive contact with tonal Vietnamese. 2. Morphology A few aspects of Eastern Cham morphology are discussed in this section. We will start with the loss of morphological affixes in Cham and the central role of compounding in word formation (§ 2.1). We will then assess the role of a few types of morphological processes that are common in Mainland Southeast Asia: psycho- collocations (§ 2.2), elaborative expressions (§ 2.3) and productive reduplication (§ 2.4).

2.1. Word structure While Cham originally had a small set of prefixes and infixes (Aymonier 1889; Bùi 1996a; Moussay 2006), modern colloquial Eastern Cham has lost them. Their functions have now been taken over by periphrastic structures. For example, classical Cham paɓăŋ ‘to feed’ (causative pa- + ɓăŋ ‘eat’) is now rendered as ka ɓăŋ, literally ‘give to eat’. Compounding is now the most frequent word formation strategy is Eastern Cham. Strategies for compounding are reviewed and classified in detail in Bùi (1996a, § 4.4.1). For the sake of brevity, only a few examples will be given here. Compounds can include identical or different parts of speech. Note that Eastern Cham distinguishes adjectives (or perhaps more accurately, stative verbs) and active verbs. A stative verb can be preceded by pp jăɁ ‘very’, while an action verb cannot, as shown in (10).

(10) a. lt ăɁ pt jăɁ sit. I very small ‘I am very short.’

b. *lt ăɁ pt jăɁ ɓăŋ I very eat ‘I eat a lot.’

In (11), examples of all possible types of compounds are given. In the first three pairs of examples (11a-c), a coordinative compound (without a semantic head) and a subordinative compound are given. All other examples (11d-i) are headed. Almost all these compounds belong to the same word category as their first element.

(11) a. N+N plɛɨ j kp an village + country ‘hometown’ 8 Marc Brunelle Phú Văn Hẳn tpeh mɔ vehicle + cow ‘oxcart or, by ext., any other vehicle’

b. A+A tpah krah bright + beautiful ‘luminous’ ɁjaɁ pp lɔɨ w sunny + hot ‘sultry’

c. V+V ɗom klaw talk + laugh ‘to joke’ tɔŋ poh hit + beat ‘to maltreat’

d. N+V Ɂja mɲum water + drink ‘drinking water’ tpaj tăm rice plant + transplant ‘transplanted rice’

e. V+N wăn kpkp laj forget + forest ‘confused’ kp wah cp in search + money ‘to earn a living’

f. N + A tpaj cp uɁ rice + black ‘high-quality rice’ cp a klɔh guy + blind ‘incorrigible person’

g. V + A ɗom kɘh speak + vulgar ‘to utter obscenities’ Ɂjɘɨ Ɂ lap look + cheap ‘to despise’

h. A + N sam kɛɨ j beautiful + male ‘handsome’ sĭt sɛɁ small + body ‘small-bodied’

i. A + V ɓon Ɂjɘɨ Ɂ easy + watch ‘good-looking’ kan pp ac difficult + study ‘hard to learn’

These compounds are not all lexicalized to the same degree. While plɛɨ j kp an ‘hometown’ (11a) is highly lexicalized (kp an ‘country’ is now relatively rare in the spoken language), the decompositionality of kan pp ac ‘hard to learn’ (11i) is much greater and new compounds can be productively created by combining kan ‘difficult’ with other verbs.

2.2. Psycho-collocations Psycho-collocations are a type of expression in which a psycho-noun, a noun referring to a body part, is combined to a ‘psycho-mate’, typically an adjective, to express personal qualities or mental states (Matisoff 1986). Psycho-collocations are common in all language families of Southeast Asia (Matisoff 1986; Jaisser 1990; Oey 1990). Colloquial Eastern Cham also has them, although they seem far less common than in Jingpho, Thai, Malay or Hmong. Our non-exhaustive list of psycho-nouns includes half a dozen body parts, illustrated by the examples in (12). There is about the same number of psycho-mates, Chapter X: Eastern Cham 9 prɔɛ ŋ ‘large’ being the most common one. Note that contrary to Thai, it is not possible to reverse the order of the psycho-noun and its mate (Matisoff 1986).

(12a) kp hɘh ŋĭn beautiful + hand ‘skillful’ kp lɛh klaj tired + penis ‘exhausted (men)’ prɔɨ ŋ taj large + liver ‘reckless, foolhardy’ prɔɨ ŋ rup large + body ‘self-important’ prɔɨ ŋ kɔɁ large + head ‘arrogant’ prɔɨ ŋ tjan large + belly ‘generous’

Reduplicated psycho-nouns with coupled mates are not common in Cham. The only example our consultants could come up with is in (12b). Finally, we found one example of a psycho-noun with antonymic mates (12c).

(12b) tpah bɔɁ tpah mta bright + face + bright + eye ‘proud’

(12c) sam taj beautiful + liver ‘good hearted’ chaɁ taj ugly + liver ‘evil, bad (of a person)’

To sum up, psycho-collocations are attested in Cham, but do not seem to be much more common than in Western languages. It is unclear if the examples that we found are remnants of a previously much larger set or if the number of Cham psycho- collocations has always been relatively small.

2.3. Elaborative expressions An elaborative expression is a form of reduplication based on rhyming or alliteration (Enfield 2005). Elaborative processes are not productive in the sense that they do not obey regular rules of segmental transformations. Like other Southeast Asian languages, Eastern Cham has an extremely large number of elaborative expressions. In the examples given in (13), the base is bolded.

(13) cɔh rɔh (cwah rwah in Bui 1996a) ‘choose’ from rɔh ‘choose’ sup lup ‘pitch dark’ from sup ‘dark’ mi măn ‘very fast’ from măn ‘fast’ lăŋ loi ‘clear’ from lăŋ ‘to explain.

Interestingly, the base of Cham elaborative expressions can be either the right or the left element, which further exemplifies their non-regular shape. As in other Mainland Southeast Asian languages, elaborative expressions can sometimes be quadrisyllabic, but this seems limited to the two examples in (14).

(14) pp an kp laj pp an klɔ ‘pell-mell, meaningless’ kp laj ‘forest’ lin pin lan pan ‘pell-mell, meaningless’ Not decomposable 10 Marc Brunelle Phú Văn Hẳn 2.4. Productive reduplication Contrary to other Mainland Southeast Asian languages that have a number of reduplication templates following relatively transparent phonological and semantic rules (REF to Vietnamese, Khmer and Thai chapters), the only form of regular reduplication found in Eastern Cham is full reduplication. Contrary to Bùi 1996a, who claims that reduplication can have either an intensifying meaning or an attenuative meaning, our speakers’ judgments (including the second author) only support the later, which mirrors Vietnamese. A few examples of attenuative reduplication are given in (15).

(15) sam sam ‘cute’ from sam ‘beautiful’ pp hoŋ pp hoŋ ‘redish’ from pp hoŋ ‘red’ khăŋ khăŋ ‘hardish’ from khăŋ ‘hard’ 3. Grammar and syntax In this section, we will introduce a few basic facts about the noun phrase (§ 3.1) and the verb phrase (§ 3.2), and will then move on to the basic sentence structure (§ 3.3).

3.1. Nominal domain

3.1.1. Basic structure of the NP The basic structure of the NP has already been described for conservative varieties of the language (Bui 1996, Thurgood 2003). The colloquial variety has the same basic template:

(16) (Qt) (Clf) (N) (Mod) (Dem)

For example:

(17) klɔɛ w nɨɛ Ɂ paj sit ni three CLFrabbit smallDEM ‘These three small rabbits.’

Qt can be a numeral (17) or quantifier (18), a sequence of two quantifiers (19) or a combination of both (20)

(18) ttt om nɨɛ Ɂ paj sit ni some CLFrabbit small DEM ‘These few small rabbits.’

(19) pt ih tt om nɨɛ Ɂ paj sit ni all some CLFrabbit small DEM ‘All of these few small rabbits.’

(20) pt ih klɔɛ w nɨɛ Ɂ paj sit ni all three CLF rabbit small DEM ‘All three of these small rabbits.’ Chapter X: Eastern Cham 11

A classifier can be either a sortal classifier (21) or a measure term (22) (Grinevald 1999, 2000).

(21) klɔɛ w pt ɔh ɲin năn three CLF bowls DEM ‘Those three bowls.’

(22) klɔɛ w ɲin thɛɛ j năn three bowls rice DEM ‘Those three bowls of rice.’

The noun that heads the NP can be omitted and replaced by its classifier if it consists of old information, as in (23).

(23) klɔɛ w nɨɛ Ɂ paj sit ɓăŋ ka-rot, min ha nɨɛ Ɂ ct ɔh kt ɛɛ j. three CLF rabbit smalleat carrot, but one CLF break tooth ‘Three small rabbits eat carrots, but one breaks a tooth.’

Finally, Mod can be a stative verb, a possessive or a subordinate clause. The latter are not normally introduced by a complementizer, but optionally can, perhaps because of Vietnamese influence. This optionality is illustrated in sentence (24).

(24) kt ru (lac) lt ăɁ kt ɔɁ sɛɛ j pt roj thɔɛ w (lac) nɨɛ Ɂ sɛh păŋ o. Teacher COMP I meet day yesterday know COMP CLF pupil listen NEG ‘The teacher(s) I met yesterday know(s) that the pupils do not listen.’

3.1.2. Classifier device As pointed out by Bùi (1996a), there are relatively few sortal classifiers in Cham. They include pp ɔh, which is used for fruit and vegetables, most objects and a few abstract nouns, kp ah, which is used for objects that come in pairs, ɓɛɨ Ɂ, which is used for long objects, pp lah, which is used for flat objects, raŋ/nɨɁ which are used for people and tt rɛɛ j/nɨɛ Ɂ, which are used for animals. Overall, there seems to be fewer sortal classifiers in modern colloquial Cham than in the written variety described by Moussay (2006). Besides classifiers proper, a number of nouns that refer to the category to which an object belongs can also be used as sortal classifiers (Thurgood 2003): phun ‘tree’, hla ‘leave’, kan ‘fish’… Containers and units of quantity can be used as mensural classifiers. Syntactically, sortal and mensural classifiers behave identically, as shown in (21-22). Classifiers are used to individualize mass nouns, which constitute the large majority of the Cham lexicon. When referring to one or several specific units of a mass (like pt uj, the mass noun denoting pigs in general), one must single them out, just as English speakers must talk about containers of water instead of ‘waters’. The contrast between a mass noun and singled out instances of that mass noun is illustrated in (25-26).

(25) mɔ mɨ thaŋ. cow enter house ‘A cow walks into the courtyard. / Cows walk into the courtyard.’ 12 Marc Brunelle Phú Văn Hẳn (26) nɨɛ Ɂ mɔ tt ɔɁ băŋ hrɘɛ Ɂ tt rɛɛ j. CLF cow PROG eat grass 1pp ‘The cow is eating our plants. / The cows are eating our plants.’

However, some nouns are intrinsically count nouns and do not require classifiers. This includes most nouns denoting time spans, like hrɛɛ j ‘day’, kinship terms, like mɛɁ ‘mother’ or wa ‘older uncle/aunt’, and many abstracts nouns like ilimo ‘culture’. An example is given in (27).

(27) hlt ă? pt ac pt aj kt ɔn tt wa thun. I study Saigon two year ‘I studied in Saigon for two years.’

As in Vietnamese, classifiers can be omitted when listing set of objects (tt wa căm, klăw kun, paɁ jon ‘2 Chams, 3 Cambodians, 4 Vietnamese’).

3.2. Verbal domain

3.2.1. No inflection Eastern Cham verbs are never inflected. Aspect is marked through a set of markers that can either precede the verb or follow the VP (Bùi 1996a; Thurgood 2003; Moussay 2006). The list of aspect markers given in (28) is not exhaustive, but illustrates the most common aspectual distinctions.

(28) Aspect markers a. Progressive: tpɔɁ V (gramm. from tpɔɁ ‘to sit’) b. Near prospective: cp ɛɁ V (gramm. from cp ɛɁ ‘to be near’) c. Completive: pp lɔh/cp ɘ]VP d. Completive emphatic: hu V (gramm. from hu ‘to have, to get’) e. Incompletive: ka V … (Ɂo)]VP f. Negative: Ɂo]VP g. Iterative: ʋɘɨ Ɂ]VP h. Attemptive: Ɂjɘɨ Ɂ]VP (gramm. from Ɂjɘɨ Ɂ ‘to watch’)

Examples (letters as above): Base sentence: kɔɛ w băŋ ʄăm I eat vegetables a. kɔɨ w tpɔɁ băŋ ʄăm : I am eating vegetables. b. kɔɨ w ccp p ɛɁ băŋ ʄăm: I on the verge of eating vegetables. c. kɔɨ w băŋ ʄăm pp lɔh/cp ɘh : I have eaten vegetables already. d. kɔɨ w hu băŋ ʄăm: I did eat vegetables. e. kɔɨ w ka băŋ ʄăm (Ɂo): I haven’t eaten vegetables yet. f. kɔɨ w băŋ ʄăm Ɂo: I haven’t eaten vegetables (YN question if intonation rises) g. kɔɨ w băŋ ʄăm ʋɘɨ Ɂ: I eat the vegetables again. h. kɔɨ w băŋ ʄăm Ɂjɘɨ Ɂ: I try out the vegetable.

Verbal modifiers seem exclusively aspectual (Thurgood 2003), with one exception. The preverbal future marker thi V (also si) seems to be a tense marker in the sense that it refers to the action as taking place in the future, regardless of its Chapter X: Eastern Cham 13 internal unfolding or aspectual structure. This is similar to the Vietnamese future marker sẽ.

3.2.2. Verbal categories Southeast Asian languages tend to follow similar paths of grammaticalization. Most of the time, lexical verbs are grammaticalized as aspect markers or prepositions. Colloquial Eastern Cham also follows this trend, but much less systematically than other languages of the region. The best described case of this phenomenon is the grammaticalization of the verb ‘acquire’ into an aspecto-modal marker expressing possibility, permission or result (Enfield 2001; 2003). An almost identical case, the grammaticalization of hu ‘to have, to get’, has already been described for formal Eastern Cham and for Tsat, a related language (Thurgood and Li 2003). Thurgood and Li propose that hu has followed three paths of grammaticalization in Chamic languages. Their scenario is mostly based on Tsat and only partially illustrated with Cham data, but it does seem to apply to colloquial Eastern Cham, where two of the three paths are attested, while the third is borderline. The original meaning of hu ‘to have’ is preserved in Eastern Cham, as in (29) although the second meaning of ‘to receive or to acquire’ is not found.

(29) ɲu hu ttt wa ttt rɛɛ j ppt aw. 3ps have two CLF buffalo ‘He owns two buffaloes.’

The first path of grammaticalization found by Thurgood and Li is the transformation of hu into an existential copula that is used to introduce new information (Thurgood 2003; Thurgood and Li 2003). It is attested in Eastern Cham, as shown in (30).

(30) hu tt wa nɨɛ Ɂ sɛh naw pt ac. COP two CLF pupils go study ‘There are two pupils who go to school.’

The second path of grammaticalization of hu closely follows the path described by Enfield. According to Thurgood and Li, the steps along this path are the following:

Deontic ability > Physical enabling by an external agent > Social enabling by an external agent > Permission

To the exception of the first step, deontic ability, these steps are all synchronically attested in colloquial Eastern Cham, as demonstrated in (31-33).

(31) Agent-external, physical enabling: Klt an niɁ lo, tt eh pa hu Ɂo. road narrow very vehicle go.through HU NEG ‘The road is too narrow, the car cannot go through.’ 14 Marc Brunelle Phú Văn Hẳn (32) Agent-external, social enabling: thɔɛ t ct ɨŋ naw pt ac hu. poor also go study HU ‘The poor can also study.’

(33) Permission kɔɛ w naw mɁin thaŋ jut hu lɛɛ j? 1ps go play house friend HU Q ‘Can I go play at your house?’

The third path of grammaticalization of hu, found in Tsat by Thurgood and Li, ends in a resultative meaning. Resultatives with hu are not perfectly grammatical in colloquial Eastern Cham, but elicit mixed judgments, as shown in (34) and (35).

(34) ? Ɂoŋ tha kt lɛh hu ŋăɁ kt eɁ Ɂo. grandfather old tired HU do nothing NEG ‘The old man is so tired that he doesn’t do anything.’

(35) ? naj năn pt ac khăn Ɂăn soj hu ɗom sam. aunt DEM study language English long HU speakbeautiful ‘She studied English a long time so she speaks it well.’

Although these examples do not attest the existence of a resultative structure, their borderline status does highlight the naturalness of the path followed by Tsat. Two other Cham verbs have been grammaticalized into aspectual markers. The first one, Ɂjɘɛ Ɂ ‘watch’, has become a VP-final aspect marker meaning ‘to try’. Note that this aspect marker can be used regardless of the success or failure of the attempt. The full verb is given in (36), while its grammaticalized form is given in (37).

(36) lt ăɁ Ɂjɘɛ Ɂ tivi. 1ps watch television ‘I watch television.’

(37) lt ăɁ wăɁ răɁ Ɂjɘɛ Ɂ. 1ps write letter watch ‘I try to write a letter.’

The last grammaticalized verb, tt ɔɁ, seems to have followed a slightly more complicated path. Its original meaning is ‘to sit’ (38), but it has also taken the meaning of ‘to stay’ or even ‘to be at’ (39). It has also evolved into a preverbal progressive aspectual marker (40). The grammaticalization of ‘sit’ as a progressive marker is common cross-linguistically (Heine and Kuteva 2005: 209, 213) and especially well-represented in Southeast Asia. In Eastern Cham, however, as pointed out in Thurgood (2005), tt ɔɁ has also taken on an adverbial function (41). Thurgood proposes to translate it as ‘meanwhile’, but it in colloquial Eastern Cham, it seems to be a contrastive topicalizer that could be roughly translated as ‘as for’. Chapter X: Eastern Cham 15

(38) Ɂoŋ năn kt lɛh lo jɔɛ w năn jɘ naw tt ɔɁ păɁ thaŋ. grandfather DEM tired much so DEM so go sit at house ‘That old men is very tired so he goes sit in the house.’

(39) kɔɛ w ttt ɔɁ ttt i panraŋ. 1ps stay at Phan.Rang. ‘I live in Phan Rang.’/‘I am in Phan Rang.’

(40) kɔɛ w tt ɔɁ wăɁ răɁ. 1ps PROG write letter ‘I am writing a letter.’

(41) tt ɔɁ kɔɛ w naw pt ɛɛ j kt ɔn. as.for 1ps go Saigon ‘As for myself, I go to Saigon.’

The second type of function word that is often derived from verbs in Southeast Asia is prepositions. In this respect, Eastern Cham is different from its immediate neighbours in that almost all of its prepositions are distinct from verbs. The only preposition that derives from a verb is pjɛh ‘in order to’, which is a grammaticalized version of the verb pjɛh ‘to put’.

(42) hɨ pjɛh telefɔn ŋɔɛ Ɂ pt an. 2ps put phone on table ‘You put the phone on the table.’

(43) lt ăɁ pt ac săp Ɂaŋklɛ pjɛh naw pt ac Ɂja ŋiw. 1ps study language English in.order.to go study country out ‘I study English to go study abroad.’

3.2.3. Serial verb constructions To our knowledge, Thurgood (2005) is the only explicit discussion of serial verb constructions in Eastern Cham. Although his paper is based on a more conservative variety of the language, Thurgood’s generalizations hold in colloquial Eastern Cham as well. A full discussion of serial verb construction is obviously beyond the scope of this paper, but it is clear that some Cham verb sequences obey the criteria proposed elsewhere (Durie 1997; Vittrant 2006): Cham serial verb constructions 1) capture a single event, 2) share their subject, 3) are not syntactic arguments of one another and 4) have the intonation of a single phrase. While most examples spontaneously produced in everyday life involve directional verbs (as in 44), others are perfectly symmetric and express complex actions (as in 45).

(44) kɔɛ w mɨɛ Ɂ kiɁ naw tt ɔɁ păɁ năn. 1sg take chair go sit at DEM ‘I take the chair and go sit over there.’

(45) ct a klu mɨɛ Ɂ kan hnɨɁ ɓăŋ. boy name take fish cook eat ‘Klu catches the fish, cooks it and eat it’ 16 Marc Brunelle Phú Văn Hẳn 3.3. Clausal organization The basic clause structure of Eastern Cham is SV(O), where V can be either an action or a stative verb, as in (46) and (47) respectively.

(46) lt ăɁ pt uj I happy ‘I am happy’

(47) lt ăɁ hwăɁ I eat ‘I eat’

Like Classical Cham (Moussay 2006), colloquial Eastern Cham does not have an attributive copula and simply juxtaposes the subject and the predicate in attributive constructions, as in (48). However, colloquial Eastern Cham increasingly tolerates the Vietnamese copula là, adapted as lp a, as in (49).

(48) ɲu nɨɁ sɛh he CLF pupil ‘He is a pupil.’

(49) ɲu lt a nɨɁ sɛh he COP CLF pupil ‘He is a pupil.’

Eastern Cham marks indirect objects with prepositions.

3.3.1. Ellipsis of arguments Like many languages of the area, colloquial Eastern Cham readily allows ellipsis of arguments. The subject and the object can both be omitted if they are recoverable from the context. In the short paragraph in (50), optional elements are in parentheses.

(50) pt roj ct a klu naw mu. Yesterday boy name go ricefield ‘Yesterday, Klu went to the field.’

(ɲu) wah kan prɔɛ ŋ. 3ps fish.v fish.n big ‘He caught a big fish.’

(ɲu) băŋ (ɲu) 3ps eat 3ps ‘He ate it.’

The subject of the second sentence, which is easily recoverable from the context, can be dropped. Finally, in the third sentence, both subject and object can be omitted. Note that the use of two third person singular pronouns in the same sentence would be awkward. If neither the subject nor the object are dropped, the object is likely to be realized as the noun kan. Chapter X: Eastern Cham 17

3.3.2. Information structure Topicalization is a common way to focus important information. As noted by Thurgood (2005: 8), topics are often, but not always, marked with the topic marker năn (or Ɂăn in fast speech), which is derived from the proximate demonstrative. The functional split in the use of năn can be illustrated by sentences like (51), where its demonstrative and topicalizer functions co-occur:

(51) pt an năn năn tt ɔh loj. guy DEM TOP PROG swin ‘That guy is swimming.’

We show in examples (52-55) that various parts of a sentence can be topicalized. The topicalized clause always ends with a high tone, even if the topicalizer năn is omitted.

(52) klu (năn) wah kan prɔɛ ŋ tt ɔɁ loj tt lăm Ɂja krɔŋ. name TOP fish.vfish.n large PROG swim in water river ‘Klu, (he) caught a big fish that was swimming in the river.’

(53) kan prɔɛ ŋ tt ɔɁ loj (năn) klu wah tt lăm Ɂja krɔŋ. fish.n large PROG swim TOP name fish.v in water river ‘A large fish that was swimming, Klu caught (it) in the river.’

(54) kan prɔɛ ŋ tt ɔɁ loj tt lăm Ɂja krɔŋ (năn) klu wah. fish.n large PROG swim in water river TOP name caught ‘A large fish that was swimming in the river, Klu caught (it).’

(55) ?tt ɔɁ loj tt lăm Ɂja krɔŋ (năn) klu wah kan prɔɛ ŋ. PROG swim in water river TOP name fish.v fish.n large ‘Swimming in the river, Klu caught a big fish’ (ambiguous: not clear who is swimming)

3.3.3. Other Two additional questions need to be addressed. First, yes/no questions can be marked with a simple rising intonation, or more commonly with the sentence final particle lɛɛ j or o, again with a rising intonation. The particle o, originally a negative particle, seems to be a calque from Vietnamese không, which can also be either a negative particle (when preverbal) or an interrogative particle (when sentence-final). This is similar to open questions, which are marked with sentence final question markers, without wh-raising, and have the same rising intonation (Blood, DW 1977). Intonation can be contrastive: when realized with a level intonation, the final particle o turns a declarative sentence into a negative sentence.

(56) kt ru ni naw lɛɛ j? (Rising intonation) teacher DEM go Q ‘Does this teacher go?’

(57) kt ru ni naw o? (Rising intonation) teacher DEM go Q ‘Does this teacher go?’ 18 Marc Brunelle Phú Văn Hẳn

(58) kt ru ni naw o. teacher DEM go NEG ‘This teacher doesn’t go.’

Secondly, entire sentences can be nominalized by adjoining them to the noun pt ruɁ ‘work’. They can then be used like basic NPs. This is very similar to the corresponding Vietnamese strategy in which the nominalizer is việc ‘work, business’ and to Burmese, in which there is a nominalizer ye3 meaning ‘affair, matter, business’ (Vittrant, this volume).

(59) pt ruɁ klu wah kan Ɂoh ʄɔɛ wɁ jwa ɲu tt ɔɁ tt i thaŋ. NMLZ name fish.v fish.n NEG exact because he PROG in house ‘That Klu caught a fish cannot be true because he was at home.’ 4. Semantics and pragmatics In this section, we will discuss a few semantic domains that are typically very rich in Southeast Asian languages (§ 4.1) and will discuss some pragmatic properties of the language (§ 4.2).

4.1. Common semantic domains

4.1.1. Food terminology The distinction in Thai and Burmese noun between rice and what is eaten with rice is not reflected in Cham nouns, but is expressed verbally. The verb hwăɁ refers to the action of eating rice (with or without other types of food), while ɓăŋ refers to the fact of eating without rice. As in other Southeast languages, rice is designated by a number of lexical items, depending of its state in the process of cultivation or preparation for consumption. Rice seedlings are referred to as nt ih, rice plants and unhusked rice as tt aj, husked rice as pt rah/pt jah and cooked rice as thɛɛ j. Sticky rice, on the other hand, is called ɗewɁ.

4.1.2. Fine lexical distinctions in verbs As in other Southeast Asian languages, some actions are rendered by a wide range of verbs with fine-grained semantic nuances. We will focus on the same set of lexical fields as the other papers included in this book. Cutting A variety of verbs express the idea of cutting in Cham. Most languages, as illustrated by the English glosses in (60), have wide range of terms to express the idea of cutting, but this seems to be especially true in Southeast Asia. Verbs for cutting are not associated to specific instruments, even if some co-occurrences are more frequent than others.

(60) Cut : kăɁ Split : ppp lah Mince : thiɁ Slice : căɁ Chop : chɔh Saw : keɁ Cut off : tăɁ Chop down : kɔh Chapter X: Eastern Cham 19

Carrying The concept of carrying is more interesting in that Cham, like other Mainland Southeast Asian languages, has a surprising number of lexical distinctions to express it.

(61) Bring: pp a Carry under one’s arm: kp im Carry on one’s shoulder: kp uj Carry on a vehicle: cp ɨŋ Carry on the body, wear: pp ăɁ Carry in one basket tied to a perch held on shoulder: kp lăm Carry in two baskets tied to a perch held on shoulder: nɔŋ Drying Cham only has three verbs for the concept of drying. The general action of drying something is expressed by either ɓu or praŋ, while the action of drying something on a fire is expressed by the verb kt han. Directional verbs In order to add directionality to a Cham verb, an adverb of direction is added after the verb (ŋɔɁ ‘up’, trun ‘down’…). The verb itself remains identical. Some verbs are also intrinsically directional like ɗiɁ ‘to go up’.

4.2. Pragmatics and discourse

4.2.1. Final particles Eastern Cham has a wealth of final particles that have been extensively described by Doris Blood (Blood, DW 1977). She classifies them into eight discrete categories, which could be reorganized depending on one’s theoretical framework. We provide below one example of each of these final particle categories, appended to the same basic clause.

(62) Base sentence: ct a ka naw pt ac. boy name go study ‘Ka goes to school.’

Negatives: cp a ka naw pp ac Ɂo. (flat int.) ‘Ka does not go to school.’ Limitives: cp a ka naw pp ac mĭn. ‘Ka goes to school first/only.’ Interrogatives: cp a ka naw pp ac lɛɨ j? ‘Does ka go to school?’ Imperatives: cp a ka naw pp ac mɛɨ Ɂ! ‘Go to school, Ka!’ Prohibitives: cp a ka naw pp ac cp oj! ‘Do not go to school, Ka!’ Emphasizers: cp a ka naw pp ac ɗa! ‘Ka went to school, I’m afraid!’ Responses: cp a ka naw pp ac ke. (rare) ‘Ka does not go to school at all’ Vocatives: cp a ka lɘj! ‘Hey, Ka!’

Blood is dividing these eight categories into smaller groups. Negatives and limitives are clause-final, while all other categories are sentence-final. As such, negatives and limitives can be combined with particles of the other categories. Example (63) illustrates this type of combination. 20 Marc Brunelle Phú Văn Hẳn

(63) cp a ka naw pp ac wɘɨ Ɂ haj! boy name go study again IMP ‘Ka, please go back to school!’

However, there does not seem to be a further division of final particles into syntactic categories associated to specific slots. Blood does list a few bimorphemic particles, but they seem lexicalized and indecomposable. Further, there is also significant village-to-village variation in the use of final particles. A full typology of final particles will require more systematic study. Note that the intonation associated with final particles can be contrastive. For example, the negative sentence given in (58) becomes interrogative if associated to a rising intonation (cf. § 3.3.3). In most cases, however, the intonation associated to final particles seems largely fixed; variation in intonation can at most express subtle nuances of doubt, surprise, annoyance…

4.2.2 Politeness Politeness is often marked through address forms. In Eastern Cham, as in many Southeast Asian languages, kinship terms are the default terms of address. A common way of expressing politeness is treat one’s interlocutor as if they were much older than their actual age. For example, old women might address middle aged men as Ɂaj ‘older brother’. Besides kinship terms, some pronouns are specifically used for politeness purposes. For example, the first person singular pronoun has an unmarked variant (kɔɛ w) and a variant that is used with social superiors in formal contexts (lt ăɁ). In some families, lt ăɁ is even the default first person pronoun when addressing older relatives, replacing kinship terms. The first person plural pronoun tt rɛɛ j can also be used as a first person singular pronoun when talking to a social equal or inferior in a respectful way. Finally, the second person singular pronoun hɨ is used to address social equals or inferiors, while social superiors are addressed with kinship terms. All other pronouns are neutral with respect to politeness. All pronouns are gender-neutral. Another way of expressing politeness is to start sentences with the verb likɔɛ w ‘request, ask’ followed by the term of address normally used with the interlocutor. This device, which seems to mirror Vietnamese xin (same meaning), is quite formal and could be translated as ‘allow me to ask you…’ or ‘allow me to address you…’. 5. Conclusion We have seen in this paper that Eastern Cham shares a number of grammatical features with other languages of Mainland Southeast Asia, more specially with Vietnamese, a language with which it has been in contact for centuries and in which the entire language community is now bilingual. Cham is perhaps the most compelling case of language convergence in the area because, as convincingly demonstrated by Thurgood (1996, 1999) more than a decade ago, it has replaced so many of its Austronesian features with Vietnamese and other Mon-Khmer features. It is difficult to disagree with Thurgood’s claim that internal change in Chamic languages has been channeled and oriented by the familiar properties of neighboring languages, but we must underline that we still have to explain why some features of Cham have been so dramatically modified, while others seem to have resisted convergence. While areal surveys give us a detailed snapshot of the work that has to be done and diachronic linguistics informs us on steps in which convergence gradually unfolds, the underpinnings of language convergence will only be fully Chapter X: Eastern Cham 21 understood with in-depth studies of bilingualism, language use and language change at the micro-sociolinguistic level.

Acknowledgements Special thanks to Thanh Thị Hồng Cẩm and to several less regular Eastern Cham consultants for providing us with their intuitions and grammaticality judgments.

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