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The Origins of the Rivalry Between Philopoemen and Flamininus*

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THE ORIGINS OF THE RIVALRY BETWEEN PHILOPOEMEN AND FLAMININUS* According to Plutarch’s life of Philopoemen of Megalopolis, the ambi- tious T. Quinctius Flamininus showed resentment at the love and honour Philopoemen received from the Greeks in consequence of his military successes against Nabis in 1921. As a Roman consul2, he considered himself more worthy of Achaean admiration than an Arcadian, and he believed that in benefactions he surpassed him not just a little, having freed those parts of Greece that had been dominated by Philip and the Macedonians by just a single proclamation3. Philopoemen’s campaign, however, had not been a success all the way. It began badly with a naval defeat, which turned into a true humiliation for him, convinced as he was that his capabilities as an infantry commander would suffice to ensure success at sea4. Philopoemen did strike back immediately, profiting from the enemy’s failure to follow up their naval victory. But Nabis knew exactly where to expect the subsequent invasion of Lacedaemonia and gave the Achaean a hard time, although in this case Philopoemen could secure final victory thanks to his military experience5. The same theme is repeated in Plutarch’s biography of Flamininus, where the latter’s filonikía and hjlotupía towards Philopoemen are mentioned as a possible explanation of why Flamininus brought the war with Nabis to a premature end, leaving the defeated tyrant in control of Sparta. Plutarch says he did so either because he feared that if the war took too long he would have to leave the glory of victory to another Roman * An earlier version of this paper was presented as part of a seminar entitled “Luoghi e forme d’incontro fra etnie nel mondo antica” at the Università degli studi di Bologna. I am grateful to the members of the Dipartimento di Storia Antica for suggestions and encouragement. Prof. G. Schepens has added greatly to the quality of the written version of this paper. Any remaining errors are of course mine alone. 1 All dates are BC. 2 Actually, he was at this stage one of four legates sent to Greece by the Senate: see below p. 000 with n. 41. 3 Plut., Phil. 15.1-2. Citations of Plutarch follow the edition of K. ZIEGLER, Plutarchi Vitae parallelae II.2 (Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana), Leipzig 1968. 4 Plut., Phil. 14.4. 5 Plut., Phil. 14.8-9. 260 J. RAEYMAEKERS general6, or because of his feelings towards Philopoemen, who after his actions in the war against Nabis was admired by the Achaeans as much as Flamininus, and was honoured in their theatres. Flamininus held this to be out of proportion for an Arcadian fighting small border wars, though Plutarch adds the formal explanation Flamininus gave to defend his action7. This rivalry between Philopoemen and Flamininus is elaborated in detail8 by Plutarch throughout his parallel lives of the two men. It may even explain why he chose to treat them, making for the first and only time two contemporaries the subject of parallel lives9. Clearly the rivalry between the two men originated during the war of 192 against Nabis of Sparta. It must have been a very well-known theme, since it is also found in Livy’s more circumstantial account of the war. He too ends with the statement that, on returning home, the Achaeans considered Philopoemen to be just as famous as the Roman commander, and as far as the war against the Spartans was concerned even more so10. Not only does Livy elaborate the military events of the campaign, but contrary to Plutarch he also provides us with information on the events leading up to the war as well as on the diplomatic contacts between Achaea and Rome, which shed a more nuanced light on the origins of the rivalry. When Nabis commenced hostilities by attacking Gytheum, the Achaeans, charged by the Romans with the responsibility of safeguard- ing the freedom of the coastal perioecic towns11, sent an embassy to the Roman Senate to inquire how it wanted them to handle the situation. When the envoys returned, the Achaeans called an assembly at Sicyon and at the same time sent another embassy to Flamininus. At the meet- ing in Sicyon all present were in favour of immediate war, until Flamin- inus’ written advice to await the Roman fleet before undertaking any action cast new doubt among the participants. Some wanted to abide by 6 While a recurrent motive, it may not have been a very real danger here, although it fits in the tradition of Flamininus’ ‘selfish ambition’, cf. F.M. WOOD, The Tradition of Flamininus’ “Selfish Ambition” in Polybius and Later Historians, in TAPhA 70 (1939), p. 93-103. 7 Plut., Flam. 13.1-4. 8 See J.J. WALSH, Syzygy, Theme and History. A Study in Plutarch’s ‘Philopoemen’ and ‘Flamininus’, in Philologus 136 (1992), p. 208-233. 9 J. GEIGER, Plutarch’s ‘Parallel Lives’: the Choice of Heroes, in Hermes 109 (1981), p. 90 with n. 19, believes that Plutarch started his composition with the Flamininus, mak- ing the Philopoemen a byproduct; apparently the hostility was greater on Flamininus’ part, see R. ERRINGTON, Philopoemen, Oxford 1969, p. 99-100. 10 Livy XXXV.30.13; cf. also XXXV 47.4 11 Livy XXXV 13.2; cf. XXXVIII 31.2. THE RIVALRY BETWEEN PHILOPOEMEN AND FLAMININUS 261 their initial decision, while others found it difficult to reject advice they themselves had sollicited. All awaited the opinion of Philopoemen, who was at that time ‘praetor’ (i.e. strategos of the League) and superior to all in authority and caution. He referred to the Aetolian League, where the praetor was not allowed to give an opinion in questions of war. He asked them to take a quick decision and assured them that, whatever the out- come, he would execute their orders. This urged them more to decide unanimously in favour of war than if he had openly shown himself to be desiring war. War was ordered, leaving it to Philopoemen to decide when and how. In this connection Livy adds that Philopoemen agreed with Flamininus’ advice to await the Roman fleet, but feared that if he did not act immediately, Gytheum would be lost12. Thus our main sources on the war between the Achaeans and Nabis of Sparta, Plutarch and Livy, agree on the resulting rivalry between Philopoemen and Flamininus, each giving incomplete but complemen- tary accounts of the outbreak and course of the war itself. Also, some minor differences can be shown to exist between the two versions. Oddly enough, Pausanias, our third major source on the role of Philo- poemen in the war against Nabis, does not speak of the rivalry with Flami- ninus. Pausanias does not even mention the Roman in the context of this war. His story13 is restricted to the naval fiasco, the attack on Nabis’ camp a few days later, and Philopoemen’s ability to turn a difficult situation into vic- tory by adapting the deployment of his troops to the nature of the terrain. The aim of the present paper is to determine whether the obvious dif- ferences in these three accounts can be satisfactorily interpreted solely on the basis of their respective authors’ different approaches and meth- ods, or whether they should be explained by the use of different sources. Before considering the sources and their possible influence, however, let us first look at how events can be reconstructed from Plutarch, Livy and Pausanias14. * ** 12 Livy XXXV 25. 13 Paus. VIII 50.6-10. 14 A. AYMARD, Les premiers rapports de Rome et de la confédération achaïenne, Bor- deaux 1938, p. 294-315; E. BADIAN, Studies in Greek and Roman History, Oxford 1964, p. 112-139; G.A. LEHMANN, Untersuchungen zur historischen Glaubwürdigkeit des Poly- bios (Fontes et commentationes, 5), Münster 1967, p. 235-236; R. ERRINGTON, Philopoe- men, p. 90-115; J. DEININGER, Der politische Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland 262 J. RAEYMAEKERS T. Quinctius Flamininus, consul in 198, had seen his consulship pro- rogated twice, culminating in his famous declaration of the freedom of the Greeks at the Isthmian games in 19615. Subsequently, he used his powers16 to react against Nabis of Sparta’s occupation of Argos17. Nabis was defeated, and peace concluded in 195, stipulating the loss of his fleet and the coastal perioecic towns, such as Gytheum, to the supervi- sion of Achaea, Rome’s new ally in the region18. Flamininus then returned to Rome, hoping to get his solution for the situation ratified by the Senate. Meanwhile all Roman troops were withdrawn from Greece19. Philopoemen had left Achaea in 200 — two years before Flamininus first came to Greece — upon the election of Cycliadas as strategos for 200/199, returning to Crete as a mercenary for the second time20. At some point before his election as federal strategos for the year 193/192 he returned to Megalopolis. Livy merely says that he headed the Achaean League when it assembled at Sicyon to discuss action against Nabis (is tum praetor erat)21. Plutarch is more specific, stating that he came back to the Peloponnese to find Nabis campaigning against Gytheum (eœre ... tòn dè Nábin üpò t¬n ˆAxai¬n kaì t¬n ¨Rwmaíwn polemoúmenon)22. This is confirmed by Pausanias (êpáneisí te êk Krßtjv kaì ¨Rwmaíouv pólemon katelámbanen êpanjirjménouv pròv Nábin)23, who says he returned because the Arcadians were furi- ous with him for going abroad, adding that Philopoemen also wanted his share of the fighting. 217-86 v.Chr., Berlin–New York 1971, p. 108-118; A. BASTINI, Der achaïsche Bund als hellenische Mittelmacht.
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  • University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan LINDA JANE PIPER 1967

    University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan LINDA JANE PIPER 1967

    This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 66-15,122 PIPER, Linda Jane, 1935- A HISTORY OF SPARTA: 323-146 B.C. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1966 History, ancient University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan LINDA JANE PIPER 1967 All Rights Reserved A HISTORY OF SPARTA: 323-1^6 B.C. DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Linda Jane Piper, A.B., M.A. The Ohio State University 1966 Approved by Adviser Department of History PREFACE The history of Sparta from the death of Alexander in 323 B.C; to the destruction of Corinth in 1^6 B.C. is the history of social revolution and Sparta's second rise to military promi­ nence in the Peloponnesus; the history of kings and tyrants; the history of Sparta's struggle to remain autonomous in a period of amalgamation. It is also a period in Sparta's history too often neglected by historians both past and present. There is no monograph directly concerned with Hellenistic Sparta. For the most part, this period is briefly and only inci­ dentally covered in works dealing either with the whole history of ancient Sparta, or simply as a part of Hellenic or Hellenistic 1 2 history in toto. Both Pierre Roussel and Eug&ne Cavaignac, in their respective surveys of Spartan history, have written clear and concise chapters on the Hellenistic period. Because of the scope of their subject, however, they were forced to limit them­ selves to only the most important events and people of this time, and great gaps are left in between.