R. Andrew McDonald. Manx Kingship in Its Irish Sea Setting, 1187-1229: King Rognvaldr and the Crovan Dynasty. Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2007. 254 pp. Plates $65.00, cloth, ISBN 978-1-84682-047-2. Reviewed by Ian Beuermann Published on H-Albion (October, 2008) Commissioned by Margaret McGlynn (University of Western Ontario) R. Andrew McDonald’s book belongs to the inheritance, kingship, government, administra‐ relatively recent and growing feld of “New tion, and even architecture” (p. 18). British History.” Decidedly non-anglocentric, these The structure of the book reflects these aims. publications not only focus on what used to be la‐ Chapter 1, discussing the run-up to Rǫgnvaldr's beled the periphery, but they also frequently set reign, rightly stresses the importance of maritime out to overcome the limitations of modern nation‐ power and the need to secure areas with timber al historiographical writing. Although the King‐ for shipbuilding, especially for the warlord- dom of Man and the Isles as ruled by the turned-founding-father of the new dynasty, Guðrøðarsons from 1079 to 1265 is a prime candi‐ Guðrøðr I Crob-bán (1079-95--but why does Mc‐ date for New British History, surprisingly, it has Donald only here anglicize, using “Crovan”?). Mc‐ been rather overlooked even within this feld. Mc‐ Donald is also correct in his evaluation of the en‐ Donald is, therefore, to be congratulated for his suing period of consolidation under Guðrøðr I’s analysis of Manx politics within their wider geo‐ son Óláfr I (1103x14-53) as “the real foundation of graphical context during the eleventh to thir‐ Manx kingship in many regards” (p. 66). The au‐ teenth centuries. Taking the reign of King Rǫgn‐ thor then ends this introductory analysis regard‐ valdr Guðrøðarson as a starting point, McDonald ing the relative role of military and diplomatic intends to give us “a case study that illuminates means in Manx politics with Rǫgnvaldr’s father, important themes in medieval British history, in‐ Guðrøðr II (1153-87). cluding the dynamic interplay of English, Scottish and Norwegian power in the western seaways in Chapters 2, 3, and 4 focus on the great themes the century after 1160, as well as the receptivity that can be distilled from Rǫgnvaldr’s reign. Chap‐ of the marginal regions of the British Isles to con‐ ter 2 discusses internal politics--“Family, Succes‐ temporary trends in kinship structures, marriage, sion and Kin-strife”--while chapters 3 and 4 ana‐ H-Net Reviews lyze Rǫgnvaldr’s foreign relations, with a sensible haps in the face of ongoing opposition,” and that it division around 1200. Lastly, chapter 5 examines “may be regarded as a product as well as a narra‐ the type of kingship Rǫgnvaldr and his dynasty tive of kin-strife within the Crovan dynasty” are exercised. It is in these four chapters that the very convincing (p. 100). strengths and weaknesses of the book become ap‐ Yet it is also with regard to sources that weak‐ parent. nesses appear. On the one hand, McDonald is To praise the book’s strengths frst, McDonald rather generous in what he admits as evidence for presents us with a detailed yet clearly written dis‐ twelfth- and thirteenth-century Man. For exam‐ cussion of convoluted and interconnected histori‐ ple, in his discussion of kingship, McDonald cor‐ cal developments that crisscross the British Isles. rectly notes that no contemporary sources exist to The eventually fratricidal war between Rǫgnvaldr show us how the Manx kings were inaugurated. and his brother Óláfr II in the early thirteenth McDonald, as a result, draws on the ffteenth-cen‐ century is the starting point for an analysis of all tury Manx statutes and the rather questionable internal Guðrøðarsons’ quarrels during the whole seventeenth-century History of the McDonalds as 286 years of their kingdom. In his examination of a basis for a long discussion of inauguration prac‐ Rǫgnvaldr’s foreign relations, McDonald offers a tices, arguing that “it is possible--indeed proba‐ welcome and rare discussion of Manx-Welsh af‐ ble--that these [Manx] documents in fact reflect fairs, a traditional one of Manx-Irish and Manx- much older practice,” and that the Hebridean Gallovidian afairs, and a partly new one of Manx- “ceremonies may have been derived, at least in Orcadian/Scottish affairs. All this is convincingly part, from Manx procedure” (pp. 174, 181). placed into the context of Rǫgnvaldr’s maneuvers On the other hand, when McDonald points between England, Norway, Scotland, and the pa‐ out that the regal status of the Manx kings was pal curia. Also, the evaluation of Manx kingship universally accepted, he overlooks vital evidence with its focus on the implications of the “rex dei in the Scandinavian material. He is correct with gratia” formula, of the change from “King of Man” his claim that the Icelandic sources consistently to “King of Man and the Isles,” of the attempted refer to the Manx rulers as kings, but he seems changes to succession-practice in 1187, and of the unaware that the contemporary Norwegian Histo‐ relations between kings and the church is thor‐ ria Norwegie does to the Manx rulers precisely ough and well argued. what McDonald only discerns for the descendants McDonald bases this very accessible historical of Sumarliði: relegate them to the status of reguli. narrative on a wide range of sources, including [2] Whether the Manx kings enjoyed “unquestion‐ previously unquoted texts, and he offers interest‐ ably sovereign status” in the eyes of their Norwe‐ ing new thoughts on the main source, the Cronica gian overlords--as opposed to those of their Eng‐ Regum Mannie et Insularum. Rǫgnvaldr and lish, Irish, and Scottish neighbors, and Icelandic Óláfr’s quarrels ended with Rǫgnvaldr’s killing in sympathizers--is therefore far more doubtful than 1229, but after Óláfr’s reign (1229-37), warfare McDonald thinks (p. 164). flared up again in the next generation. The main In fact, McDonald seems generally less than part of the Cronica was fnished in 1257, during well informed about Scandinavian sources and the reign of Oláfr II’s son and eventual successor literature (the Fornmanna Sögur edition of Magnús (1252-65), and it is assumed that he com‐ Bǫglinga sǫgur that he uses, for example, is not a missioned the work.[1] McDonald’s conclusions, reliable diplomatic edition). In a book entitled therefore, that the Cronica “played a role in legit‐ Manx Kingship in its Irish Sea Setting, this might imizing the kingship of Magnús and his line, per‐ 2 H-Net Reviews be excusable, but as quoted, in the beginning Mc‐ solved in favor of the latter. But the implications Donald announces his intention to include Norwe‐ of Rǫgnvaldr of Man’s takeover of Caithness are gian aspects in his analysis. Unfortunately, his lost to McDonald, due to a somewhat careless con‐ judgment there is frequently erroneous. To give sideration of the evidence. McDonald accepts another example: citing accepted scholarship, Mc‐ Orkneyinga Saga’s clearly wrong claim that Rǫgn‐ Donald rightly explains that medieval Irish soci‐ valdr’s mother was a daughter of an earl of ety knew multiple marriages and had rather Orkney, although he earlier is aware that, if any‐ vague notions of illegitimacy. However, he is thing, Rǫgnvaldr’s grandmother might have been wrong when he concludes that the equally re‐ Orcadian, and even earlier presents the most like‐ laxed attitudes of the Manx kings “provide signifi‐ ly scenario of Rǫgnvaldr having a Gallovidian cant evidence for the adoption of Gaelic practice rather than an Orcadian grandmother. The issue within the Crovan dynasty”; and that “the assimi‐ is important because to curb the power of the lation of Manx rulers into patterns of Gaelic mat‐ Orkney earls, Scottish kings had frequently given rimony adds strength to the observation that in Caithness to their own candidates with a dynastic dealing with the Crovan kings we are dealing not claim to Orkney. McDonald is familiar with this with purely ‘Norse’ or ‘Scandinavian’ rulers but background, but his inconsistencies rob him of rather with Gaelic- or Hiberno-Norse kings who the chance to discuss the significance of Rǫgnval‐ are representative of a mixed cultural and ethnic dr of Man’s rule: the frst Scottish-backed ruler of milieu in Dublin and the Isles” (p. 77). While there Caithness without any dynastic connection to the is no doubt that the Manx kings ruled in a cultur‐ Orkney earls. McDonald, therefore, merely ends ally mixed milieu, matrimonial practices and con‐ with a rather weak statement of the obvious: “yet cepts of legitimacy cannot be taken as indicators, there is nothing in the saga to suggest that Rǫgn‐ because in this feld a distinction between Irish valdr was actually installed as jarl” (p. 111). and Scandinavian practices is all but impossible. Lastly, sometimes McDonald’s penchant to de‐ A look at twelfth-century Norwegian royal succes‐ fine clear camps leads him astray. He has, for ex‐ sion yields exactly the same “'galaxy of sons, born ample, in previous publications (including his two of women of varying origin and status,'” succeed‐ monographs, The Kingdom of the Isles: Scotland’s ing to and quarrelling over the kingship there as Western Seaboard, c.1100-c.1336 [1997] and Out‐ in Ireland or Man (p. 74).[3] In short, McDonald laws of Medieval Scotland: Challenges to the Can‐ appropriately discusses the Irish Sea setting. The more Kings, 1058-1266 [2003]) presented Sumar‐ problem is that he then draws wider conclusions, liði of Argyll and his descendants as steadfast op‐ which are based on uninformed assumptions re‐ ponents of the Scottish crown, and he now fts garding Scandinavia.