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THE MOZAMBICAN ** Vol. 2. No. I UNIAO NACIONAL DOS ESTUDANT.S MOCAIviBICANOS**US Section PAGE 1 -=- Index INTdRNATIONAL SECTION 3.--- From Students' Intrrnational CornfF ence in NEi Zealand " Resoution Of Commission On RIC Studies " 5 --- UNO in Australia 7 ---UNEMO and FRELI140 representations at the PASC in Nairobi. 9 --- Ghana's message to the PASM in Nairobi, Kenya. A rPTPTQ TrTA.r --- Gungunyana of Gaza ...... Mark Spain --- Article Of The MonL-j-...... -7,.lNdmeni --- Mozambique And The Portuguese Supremacy. J.C.Massinga --- American Negro Views Africa ...... Mlle ELO. --- African Poem --- JOLrZA(River Niger) ...... Mlle ELO. --- IT is A Fact --- At Random UNEIO-US Section Internal Affairs --- The Treasurer's note ...... Duarte Ncomo --- Assignment to the Section mambers .... A. Boustcha Kachiputu --- Announcement by the General secretary .. C. Dumangane --- The Second General Assembly of UNEMO-US Section(REPORT) --- A Conference for the Developments At The Front(sep. leaf). 19 21 23 24 25 26 28 29 31 32 37

INTERNATIKNAL SECTION -- UNEMO UNEiiO was represented in both the conferences of international nature that were held this past summer; first, in New Zealand, then, in Australia, and the last, in Nairobi, Kenya. Tiae National President of UNEDO, Joao Nhambiu represented UNEdO in all these conferences. At tkie close of the conference, Joao had tie occasion to visit Dar-es-salaam, where a great many of the Meztmbican student body is found. Nyambiu passes to the section the personal regards from our compatriots in Dar- es-saSlaam. The result of Nharabiu's presence as a representative of UNEIAO overseas can never be overemphasized. UNEMO gained recognition as the sole representative of the minds and aspiration of the Mozambique student body. UNEMO emerged as a recognized student body inernationally, and this is a groat achievement for our organization in the light of what we went through in V e list two years. UNEMO'S recognition :'uts n n end to the old intellectial dispute between UNEMO and UGEAN over legitimate representation of the Mozambique student body. LONG LIVE UNEMO ! -2-

RESOLUTION OF COMISSION ON RIC STUDIES (RIC- Research & Information Comission) PORTUGUESE CONTROLLED TRRITO1S IN AFRICA Tle nth International Conference notes: (1) That notwithstanding the 1951 changes in the Constitution of Portugal which incorporated Angola, Cape Verde Islands, Mozambique, Portuguese, San Tome and Principe into so-called "overseas provinces" of Portugal, Portugal's relations to these territories is, in fact, one of colonial exploitation and the territories are defacto colonies of Portugal. 95% to 98% of the inhabitants of these colonies (with the exception of Cape Verde Islands), are not given the status of citizen (whatever its worth in fascist Portugal) and are denied .the most elementary political and human rights. (2) That the majority of the population is subject to a series of administrative juridical controls which combine to produce an efficient police state apparatis for colonial exploitati6n and its oppression. (3) That in all the colonies the state of public health is disastrous, child mortality is extremely high and medical services for the Africans are minimal. (4) That the economic exploitation of the colonies is almost entirely based on the ruthless exploitation of African labour. While Portuguese legislation in principle forbids forced or compulsory labour, these labour laws are widely abused. Some 100,000. Africans in Mozambique and some 450,000 Africans in Angola are held by Goverment and private employers as forced labourers during any of given years. South Africa, too, takes its share of cheap labour from Mozambique and Angola each year. (5) That the so-called 1961 reforms, ending the legal distinction between the political rights of the Africans (indigina status) and others do not in any real way change the previous restrictions on rights of the populations of the territories. (6) That education for Africans in the colonies, at both primary and secondary levels is totally inadequate. (7) That in Angola there has been since 1961 a bloody and ruthless colonial war which has led to the death of tens of thousands of Africans and the forced exile of over 500,00 Angolans. (8) That a ruthless colonial war is also going on in Portuguese Guinea and that the Guinean Nationalist movements now control some 20% of the total territories. (9) That the NATO powers are still providing arms and weapons which are uscd by Portugal to suppress the people of Portuguese Controlled Africa despite the resolution of the United Nations urging all nations to stop supplying such arss -1-

(a) The Conference, therefore, strongly condemns the brutal Portuguese Colonial policy which deprives the people of these territories of the most elementary human rights and it pledges full support to the peoples of these territories struggling for their national independence and self-determination. (b) Considering the grave educational situation of the peoples of these territories, the International Student Conference urges COSEC and all National Unions to do everything possible to provide scholarships and facilities for university and high school education for the youth of these territories. (c) The Conference urges full support for the economic boycott of Portugal, recommended by the United Nations General Assembbly. (d) The Conference calls upon the NATO powers in particular the U.S .A, Germany, U.K., and France, to stop supplying military assistance to Portugal. (e) The Conference urges the Portuguese Government to put an end to the ruthless colonial war it is waging in these territories and to negotiate with the nationalist movements representing the peoples of these territories so that they may obtain their independence. (f) The International Student Conference further demands the release of all political prisoners. (g) The Conference mandates COSFC t* bring this resolution to the attention of the United Nations, the Portuguese Goverment and other interested nations. RESOLUTION CARRIED.

I-0ThO I A . A general explanation has been given to justify why some Student Organizations or Students as such should or ought to take political actions on all matters that concern the society. It was said that the Student (Organizations) Unions in the developing areas, being a privileged minority in the societies, is in a position to see and understand the various factors that determine the political decisions and actions by the existing governments or the political parties. Therefore, since outside these student groups there are only few, if any at all, other independent organizations capable of giving a fruitful criticism and constructive cooperation, the students are called upon to engage fully in revamping of society and its reorientation. Well, on this point most of us agree. For our particular case, Mr. Chairman, I would like to inform my fellow delegates that our Student Organization came into existence in peculiar circumstances which have molded almost the whole policy of our Organization. Although Academic freedom,theartral events and other normal concerns of the Students do occupy the background of our programs, we are foremost and ultimately dedicated to the destruction of the colonial system which has been dominating our country for a long period, and the formation of a free and democratic society. Hence, our program involves a total commitment by the Students in the struggle against colonialism, neo-colonialism and all its manifestations. Mr. Chairman, in a country where the actions of those who are opposed to the prevailing system must remain anonymous, in a situation where solidarity among all organizations that fight against the system must of necessity establish a framework of cooperation in order that they concerted action may be of any consequence, the Student Orgaization cannot remain aloof or apolitical. When we came into existence three years go, there were more than two political parties working towards liberation of Mozambique. Since all of these parties had no difference in the principle matters, it was possible for our Student Organization to cooperate with all, although unefficiently and with considerable difficulties. We sought to unite them by narrowing the difference that existed between them in the matters of expediency both by devising new programs of actions and also by pointing out to the dificiencies of such a division fo nationalist force. Once FRITLrnO (Mozambique Liberation Front) was formed by the meger of the three major political parties, our cooperation with the Front has been almost over all matters. I have, Mr. Chairman, mentioned some of the reasons why we feel o=a National Union have to cooperate with political party; but there are several other important reasons for our cooperation because the political party, having in mind the building of a future nation and lacking however in necessary staff for the consideration of all the questions that concern a Nation (social reorganization* economic planning, political framing and so on), it need the Students, and the Students feel it is their duty to contribute in these matters. For we conceive our struggle not only as a physical war against the Portuguese divisions in Mozambique, but rather a long struggle involving particularly the distruction of social, economic and political systems that brought about the subjugation of our people and which are not conducive to any appreciable progress.

If the Students were to leave the matters of the revolution exclusively to the politican who may sometimes be motivated by other consideration of political power and its influence, thus disregarding the immediate needs of the masses, Students would be a.'complices in the crime against society. We feel that it is a duty of the students to cooperate with the political party, especially if the party is trul y representative of the masses and all progressive forces of the nation, for they can function within the party, as has already been said, as the sensitive an then of a socity and thus prevent the corruption and forgetfulness of the politicians. Joao lhamlu The end to which the seminar attained on this issue was a compromise: That those students from already established governments should not participate fully in politics, but those from the countries still under colonial or other form of domination should aid the struggle to freedom through political participation. UNMO Representation At The International Student Seminar in the University of South Wales, Australia. The 1964 International Student Conference in South Wales was the biggest international student meeting ever held in Australia, according to the Sunday Telegraph July 5, 1964. The purpose of the seminar in this little continent was to determine the relevance or the irrelevance of the student participation in the political life of their respective countries from the standpoint of the advancement of those contries. After the conference in New Zealand the student delegations arrived in Australia for this seminar, which was spear-headed by Mr. C. Wolfsohn, a Melbourne University political science lecturer. Mr. Wolfsohn warned students to keep out of party politics. He told the delegates that students should not take part in Party activities outside their university clubs, for fear that that this leaves them exposed to the manipulation of politicians, who are well versed in politics, though less in education proper. Mr. Wolfsohn consented, however, that a miniature political participation by students is proper, only "in matters of conscience, such as human rights."* He maintained that students are, in essence, idealistic, essentially practical. Therefore, political cooperation between the two groups, the foreigner group either loses its ideals or is manipulated by the politicians to serve their own purpose. The student delegates at the eeminar were asked to submit their represenative views on the matter. The UNEMO representation, in the person of Joao Nhambiu, the President Nacional of UNEMO submitted the proc '. i u4rticle in response to the demands of the issue "STUDFNT IN POLITICAL ACTION-- Should or Should Not Participate?"

-7- PAN-AFRICAN STUDENT CONFERiNCE IN NAIROBI, KENYA A week after his return from AuStralia and Asia;-,-oao ailb tfi president Nacional of UNEMO, left Philadelphia, Penna., for the purpose of representing UNEMO at the international student conference in Nairobi, Kenya. The full report of this conference has not yet been released, but here comes the gist of its nature. The conference was realized in Nairobi from August 3-7. 11ajor Points: The delegates attended the PASC (Pan-African Student Conference) which the charter to establish the PASM (Pan-African Student Movement). The PASM is composed of three bodies. 1. The conference: to be held biannually 2. The Steering Committee (composed of 13 members of Student organizations). 3. Permanent Secretariat The headquarters of the PSAM, after long deliberations, was voted to be Algeria until the next PAN-African Student Conferenence. In this conference, UNEMO emerged as one of the 13 members of the steering comnittee From The Speech Delivered by Dr. Eduardo Mondlane, At The Students Conference In Nairobi, Kenya VIOLENCE AGAINST PORTUGUESE tTHE ONLY WAY' "We have now come to a point where the only thing left to do is to shoot the Portuguese out of our country," the President of the Mozambique Liberation Front, Dr. Eduardo Mondland, told the Pan-African Students' Conference at the University College, Nairobi, yesterday. He said that when the Liberation Movement was started in 1962 it was decided that the people of ozambique. should be prepared and organized to face the challenge of the Portuguese. It was also decided to train men to defend their country. The African leaders had promised that they would help and support theseefforts. "There are three countries, however, which are doing more in our struggle than others, and these are the Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, Algeria and the United Arab Republic. These countries are completly determined to help uss" Dr. Mondlane said* But that help could not liberate Mozambique unless the people were prepared to liberate their country themselves by the help of those other countries.

-B "We will finally launch a fight against the Portuguese in Mozambique as our brothers are doing in Angola," he said. Dr. Mondlane said that there were three methods of liberation which had developed in Africa. There was the peaceful progression towards independence which has been experienced in most of the British colonies; the method of referendum which has been demonstrated in the French colonies; and armed struggle, "This was the method used in Kenya in the early 5O's and was also to a large extent used in Algeria, where it was very successful. "In my point of view, independence in Zimbabwe will not take place until these people take the example of Algeria." he said. Talking about the difference between the French and the Portuguese, Dr. Mondlane said that the French had for long time thought that they could make Frenchmen out of the African people, whereas the Portuguese did not think of anything. They believed only that they had the right to control other people's natural resources and manpower. They used the natural resources and manpower for the benefit of the Portuguese in Europe and the settlers in their colonies. He said that the South African mining system had one-third of Mozambique labour force, sold by Portugal to South Africa. "Portugal is not interested in African people. Its aim is to extract whatever it can from the African colonies to help the Portuguese in Europe and the settlers in their colonies. "I would like to encourage you as students of Africa to work in a new direction. I would like you to support the programmes that exist now which are intended to free the countries which are still under colonial-rule,," he concluded.

DR. KWAME NKRIJKAH'S LFTER RFAD AT THE PAN-AFRICAN STUDFKTS MOVE21ENT IT NAIROBI, KENYA Office of the Ghana High Commissioner, P.O. Box 8534, Nairobi, Kenya. 4th August, 1964. Dear Comrades, I have pleasure in delivering to the Conference, the under-quoted message of felcitation just received from Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, President of the Republic of Ghana: "I have learnt with gratification the news of the Conference of PanAfrican Students Movement holding. in Nairobi and I wish to take this opportunity to extend to delegates hearty greetings and good wishes. As you are aware, with the emergence of Africa from colonial domina-. tion into freedom and independence, the texture of our society is rapidly changing. In this context of change, we all-both young and Old--owe. it to the future of our continent to make some efforts to understand the forces that are moulding our new environment from that imposed by the colonialists and thereby play a postive part in creating a new image for Africa-, I hope that members of the Pan-African Students Movement at this Conference will use their instructed minds to appreciate and identify themselves with some of the menacing problems:facing our continent to-day as a result of our determined efforts to rid Africa of colonialism, neo-colonialism and racialism. There can be no doubt that given the right attitude, impetus and direction, and in the full realization of its responsibilities to Africa as a whole, the Pan-African Students Movement, some of the members of which the future generation will turn to for guidance and leadership, will play a noble role not only in helping to wipe out the dirt and decay of the remnants of colonialism from our midst, but also in projecting Africa into a pride of place in the world. More important still, it is expected thay your Conference will also direct itself towards making constructive contribution to our present endeavors to bring about our cherished objective of a Continental Government- a Government which will be a bastion against imperialism, neo-colonialism and apartheid, and which will serve the best interests of African peoples by ensuring for them political security, social and economic progress and prosperity. I trust that your deliberations will be conducted in the spirit of harmony and brotherhood. Wishing the Conference every success. Kwame Nkrumah" Yours fraternally, (Sgd) D. Busumtwi-Sam High Commissioner

-I0- ARTICLE SECTION Dear Contributor: I wish to take this opportunity of tdianiing y6u very sincerely for the contribution you made by your article. It is because of you t at this isse .was made possible. I wish to encourage you to submit more articles for future issues, for it is this spirit which will wake our publication worthwhile. Articles of all types Rre-welcome. The members of the section are urged strongly to make contribution of articled to this bulletin. The frequency in which the article publication will appear is directly proportional to the speed &t which the articles arereceived from the contributors. For this reason, I ur,-e those who have their fticles ready to send them at the address below. Cordially, Guilherme A. Mabunda, editor. 729 West lth Street, Appt. B2. Indianapolis, Indiana, 46202. USA.

-If- Gungunhana of' Gaza, 1839?-1906: Ngoni Chief in Mozambique. The modern history of Izambique remains ensbimuded in myth, the lyrical flights of many portuguese works, and the general ignorance of both the people of Mozambique and the rest of the world. There is no adequate and balanced modern history of that African country, and the student who reads only English will dia'Over that the only detailed study available ends at 1700, and concentrates on Portuguese Ictivity; African personalities and forces remain mute and unreal. When the historian studies tho era of beginning development and change in Mozambique, 1880-1900, he inevitably comes upon an extraordinary African personality, King Gungunhana of Gaze, who, in his own time, was considered by some observers the equal of Lobengula in Rhodesia or Cetchwayo of Zululand. Except for Monomotapa and several early Kings of Congo In Angola, there are no other African leaders in the past who are as celebrated as Gungunhana for the Portuguese. As the victim of the celebrated "Campaign of 1895" conducted by a Portuguese expeditionary force, Gungunhana was defeated, captured and exiled from Mozambique. The Portuguese up to that time had greatly feared the loss of Mozambique, especially the Delagoa Bay Area, to Britain, or to the powerful British South Africa Company led by Cecil Rhodes. For years, many interests gained influence in southern Mozambique and threatened to overthrow the shaky4 Portuguese authority. The picture of Gungunhana that emerges through the hail of Portuguese invective and patriotic history is confusing; he is shown alternately as very powerful then weak-as a great menace to Portuguese authority in the interior and on the cost or as merely a "local restriction" to Portuguese power in Gazaland. As a person he is perpetually drunk and cruel with his subjects-or very friendl-y and kind with visiting Europeans. Yet the Portuguese are not the only ones guilty of giving us s deceptive portrait. The American Consul in Mozambique in 1895, W. Stanley Hollis, believed that the Portuguese could never possibly defeat the Ngoni chief and he greatly overestimated his strength. British observers ejagg@q!ated Gungunhanals mastery of the Gaza region and underestimated Portuguese strength in 1895-; even in the course of 1895 campaign, observers remained in awe of the Ngoni power until the very end when it collapsed. The myth and fear of Gungunhana among the African peoples he subjugated lived on in souttenr Mozambique; long after the Chief was taken away on a Portuguese vessel to exile in the Azores, the Chopi musicians sagn of Gungunhana. 1. See the study of Eric Axelson, The Portuguese in Southeast Africa 1600-1700 (Johannesburg,1960). For a brilliant account* of the modern history of Portuguese Africa as a whole see James Duffy, Portuguese Africa (Cambridge, 1959).

One song went Vamos ver se vamos para o Transvaal Para Fugirmos ao Gungunhana. Mas eles nao deixam 2 Mandam-nos voltar para tras. Gungunhana had dreamed of migratin! south to British territory; some of his young men had travelled to Natal and Transvaa~to work in the mines and businesses in order to earn gold as their cattle were dying of rinderpest and their economy was being revolutionzed. Gungunhanats mangas were felled by huropean bullets as well as a host of disruptive influences which were changing Mozambique; that Ngoni King was caught in a whirlwind of forces and unwillingly became a man on a tightrope. When he left Mozambique for exile in January 1896, there remained enduring influences which were to cause a serious rebellion in 1897 and which would keep musicians singing and old men talking for decades to come. SI Early Years of Gungunhana, 1839?-1884 Gungunhana, or Mudungazi, was born about the year 1839 or 1840 in southern Mozambique. He saw his first light in a kraal of his father Umzila (or Muzilla) in Bilene in the fertile Limpopo valley. His father was Chief or King of the Gaza Ngoni who had invaded the territory after 1820; Umzila's father was Soshangane, Chief of the Ngoni clan driven out of Natal by Shaka Zulu in 1 19 and attacked by Shaka's armies in 1826. Soshangane, or Manikosi, as some called him, swept the coast of Mozambiquesacking Lourenco Marques and Inhambane in 1833-1834, and settled in the lower Limpopo valley near Bilene; when he died in 1858, his bones were placed in a sepulchre in the village of Chamimite, near the present- day village of Mangunhana. The Ngoni settled in the Limpopo valley but frequently moved the royal kraal of their King from place to place. It is thierefore difficult to locate the place of Gungunhana's birth; sometime between 1861: and 1869 Umzila moved the great kraal, and presumably his son Gungunhana, from the Limpopo valley to the upper Buzi River; later the Ngoni King was visited on the upper Save River. The first mention of Gungunhana came as a result of the 1882-83 expedition of Antonio Maria Cardoso to the interior to visit Umzila; thus the first appearance of our subject comes when he was over 40 years of age and close to ascending the throne of Gaza. Although we lack details of his early life, we can understfnd his later life and subsequent fall only by studying the reign of his father Umzila. For Umzila entered a unique relationship with the Portuguese on the coast after 1858, and Gungunhana was later burdened with his father's indebtedness to the Portuguese authorities as well as with a legacy of decreased Ngoni military power. The weaknesses of Gungunhana were but reflection of his father's problms. 2. Amadeu Cunha, Mousinho (Lisbon, 1944),p.438. Let us see if we can go to Transvaal To fly to Gungunhana. But they do not allow us They order us to turn back. in4 i3" In 1858 Manikosi died. Two of his sons fought it out for the throne between 1858 and 1861 and the one who won was beholden party to Portuguese influence and aid. Umzila escaped the fate of most of his brothers who were apparently murdered by another brother Mawewe, or Mahueva. Umzila appealed to a Portuguese trader in the lower Limpopo region, Diocleciano das Neves, who had visited him for years and who often came to trade for ivory and to hunt elephants. Das Neves arranged with the Portuguese authorities to get arms and some military aid in order to defeat his brother Mawewe and get the throne. In the meantime, Mawewe managed to ally himself with the Swazi King Mswati who gave him military aid. But Umzila gained the upper hand through tie aid of the hunter Das Neves, who obliged Umzila to "sign" a treaty which was dated 1861, Lourenco Marques. Umzila probably did not sign ttis celebrated treaty and misunderstood the obligations assigned to him by it. In any event, Umzila defeated Mawewe near Moamba in a battle in the same year of 1861, and Mawewe escaped to Swaziland or Transvaal. The influence of Diecleciano das Neves over Umzila has probably been exaggerated; one Portuguese writer cites that Umzila gave the trader funeral honors on his death in February 1883 by sending two regiments, or mangas, to Inhampura, on the Limpopo to honor "the man who most influenced his destiny".3 Yet it is true that the memory and legend of Las Neves, called in Ngoni, Mahambaxeca, survived the man's death and influenced Gungunhana in his ,last year of rule, 1895. Das Neves remained a semi-mystical figure who was re-created whenever a European appeared who in some way resembled his person or influence. In December 1895, Lieutenant Sanches de Miranda was taken for Mahambaxeca by Tonga and Ngoni along the Limpopo near Languene; it was said Gungunhana heard of this and he sent presents to Languene to appease the memory or the rumorded presence of Das Neves who had died in 1883. Umzila busied himself with consolidating his rule after 1861. He moved his kraal often but directed his eyes to the north toward the Zambesi and the coast where he saw his interests were in danger. Umzila saw the Portuguese expanding their power along the Z ambesi River after 1869 as they fought many campaigns against the "Bonga" army; though this campaign dragged on until 1888, when the last Bonga stronghold fell, by 1885 the Portuguese had entered the highlands of Manica where there were gold deposits. Umzila valued his dominions of Manica and held his vassal Chief Umtassa to a tenuous yet real allegiance while he was alive. Umzila's forces continued to take tributes from the Portuguese settlements at Sofala and Sena, and sometimes Tete. Dr. David Livingstone had referred to the fierce "Landeens" or Ngoni warriors who controlled the south ern bank of the Zambesi at will and who considered thet Portuguese to be, in his words " a conquered tribe" in the 1850's.4- The Ngoni collected tribute often in the form of cloth, gold dust or ivory. From the conquered Tonga tribes, Umzila took uncounted numbers of cattle and women for his mangas. Throughout the period of Umzila's life, the Portuguese were very weak in military force and remained in theirfew coastal towns. 3. Manuel Alberto, Francisco Toscano, 0 Oriente Africano Portugues (Lourenco Marques, 1942), p. 170. 4. Livingstone, Missionary.Travels and Researches (1858 edition), pp. 703-708

Yet even in the 1870's the power of Umzila was said to be on the wane; observers stated that the King's forces had dwindled after the death of Manikosi and that he now had at his disposal in the region south of the Buzi River only abbut 2000 warriors. Though the Tonga were obliged to do much of the faming for the Ngoni, food supplies were often scarce and the Ngoni were forced to move their camps and kraals to more fertile regions. River valleys afforded them the guarantee of steady crops or at least the certainty of finding settled farming populations with cattle who could be "vassalized" or sub jugated. The influence of Umzilats raids and settlements could be found among the Tonga and Chopi. The Zulu headring, also worn by all male Swazi, was adopted by some Tonga north of the Incomati by the 1810ts; this "crown" or headring was worn by all "Zuluized" males of age not just royal personages. When Gungunhana arrived in the Azores in exile in 1896 the photographs taken of his party show the headring on top of his head anddthat of his uncle, Molungo. The Ngoni avoided settlement on the coast. There is evidence that Ngoni superstition forbade seeing the sea or ocean. But it is clear that Umzila and Gungunhana's conquering raids stopped short of the chain of lakes so close to the sea at Inharrime, Mozambique. Though they threatened Inhambane, Sofala, and Lourenco Marques many times, they never settled on the coast, and apparently preferred the interior. By 1870 Umzila found thap some of his young men learned that "the English pay for labour". Thus began the African migration of labor from Mozambique to the Rhodesias, and South Africa which remains so important today. As far north as the Save River in this early period of Umzila's reign, Ngoni and others trekked south to Natal, or to Transvaal to work in mines or on farms. The Ngoni of Mozambique had an economic relationship with the territory under British dominion south of them; this original connection developed into a political one, however, as Umzila grew discontented with life near or in Portuguese territory. Gungunhana his son inherited this desire to migrate to Natal or to increase the British connection. Umzilats shift of interest to the south was conditioned partly by what happened in the north; the Goanese warlord Manuel Gouveia was expanding Portuguese territory along the Zambesi; by 1875 he had freed Sena from the yearly Ngoni tribute of cloth. In 1873 Gouveia with his army had managed to obtain a "treaty" of obedience from King Umtassa of Manica and gradually his influence undermined the fear of the Ngoni. The Portuguese lionized Gouveia, made him a residente with an army rank and subsidized his expansion into central Mozambique with the Portuguese flag before him. In 1881 the Portuguese Paiva de Andrada visited Umzila's kraal and learned that Umtassa was a very reluctant vassal who desired arms from the Portuguese to repel his Ngoni overlords and to secure his own independence. Futhermore, Umzila's hold over the tribes near Inhambane had long been slipping; the "vassal" chiefs of Inhambane, due to the eff6tts of the Portuguese Joao Loforte had been gathering loyal allies to fight the Ngoni since the early 1870's; Umzila saw his hold over the Tonga and Chopi (whom he had 5. Frederick Elton, "A Journey from Delagoa Bay", Journal of the Royal Gegraphical SocietZ (Vol. 42, 1872), pp. 1-49.

-15- only partially conquered) was being eaten away by Portuguese expansion from Inhambane. This situation worsened, despite frequent raids by the Ngoni, until Umzila made a special trip in 1882 to Lourenco Marques; there he sent an embassy while camping on the outskirts of the town, and asked the Governor th "forgive" him for making war in Inhambane country. There was an exchange of presents and the Ngoni received rum for rice and oxen. The goals of Umzila are not clear in this episode; he never tired telling European visitors of his disdain for the Portuguese authorities, and the Ngoni later denied the validity of the 1861 treaty with the portuguese. But it is certain that the Ngoni power over weaker tribes was decreasing and that, in some way, Umzila perceived that the Portuguese were expanding their control. Umzila died in August 1884 in his kraal near Mossurise, on the banks of the upper Save River, not far from Mont Selinda, Southern Rhodesia. Already his sons had been fighting among themselves for the throne. When Antonio Cardoso visited the failing Umzila in early 1883 he learned that there were several sons in contention: Mafumane, Como-Como, and Gungunhana. Gungunhans 's forces were being attacked by Mafumane and he apparently complained to Portuguese authorities; Cardoso felt that :C0mo-Como was the "favorite son" of Umzila when he visited, yet it was Gungunhana who triumphed in 1884. Sometime during that year, Mafumane was removed from the scene, either by murder or by exile from the country, (To be continued next time: Part II: "The Reign of Gungunhana" ). By: Mark Spain -'5-

Article of the month. Portuguese futile efforts in their determination to create other Brazils in their colonies. In 1897, the dark moments of the people of Mozambque began. The empire that was built by King Ngungunyana came to an end. As African Glory was crushed, the era of agony had beganthen. The strongest existing kingdom at that time that existed beforethe coming of the portuguese was called The "VATUA-EMPIRE"; it was the strongest in the whole country and was inhabited by brave, warlike Africans under the Divine Power of King Ngungunyana and his shrewd African Generals., When the Portuguese fascists first sighted the land in 1498 on their way to India, they then embarked on a second expedition to come and settle in Mozambique in 1502. From the time the Portuguese started their influx into the new country, the Africans began to view their authority being undermined by the Portuguese* The Africans began to see dictatorship by foreigners; the imposition of a foreign culture, inimical to African trends. The Portuguese vowed that as they had difficulty in getting the country due to the fact that they had to fight the African Troops, they will not budge an inch to give the country to "Black Monkeys" which should be on top of trees. The preceding description is enough to open a good insight intothe situation that has been perpetrated by the Portuguese. They began to impose their obnoxious laws whereby an African was viewed only as a working hand and nothing else in the form of civilization that he can contribute; he always had to wait for the "White Boss" to do everything for him. This attitude of dependency has been planted for five centuries within the African's mind; that whatever he does is insignificant save the White Man's deeds. In Brazil we note that an atmosphere of coo-operation was created so that Black and White could live in harmony, but the Black Man's position has been terribly debased; he cannot take part in any Political activities except to

Portuguese futile efforts in their determination to create other Brazils in their colonies (continued) keep on applauding what the Portuguese are doing as a passive spectator. This dirty policy, according to my point of view, is the same one that the Portuguese colonislists are trying to perpetrate in their colonies-make the African occupy the most inferior position in the land of his birth. But, there is something that the Portuguese Maniacs donot note; that in Africa the Black Man is a melting part, he outnumbers the Portuguese maybe 10-1, 6-2, etc; at this rate, it is impossible to make the African submit to their hoax because the African has began to realize the changing realities in Africa-that it is time that the African tackles matters into his own hands. He has began to see African Personality and Independence portrayed by such countries as Ghana, Guinea, Mali, and the rest of Africa that has been brought out of colonial domination; so, the Portuguese hypocrisy of creating other Brazils and atmospheres of co-operation seem totally impractical at the moment when the new African has awakened and has begun to analise the situation and begun to criticise all the enactments and impositions of the Colonial Power. The people of Angola rallied themselves behind the patriotic leadership of Holden Roberto, whom the Portuguese call a foreigner, and not Angolan by birth, forgetting that the exit of most people under Portuguese rule is due to the barbaric dictatorship by these very same Portuguese who claim to have come to Africa on a Civilizing Mission, and therefore, they have the right to occupy the colonies indefinitely. The same belligerent attitude has been brewing in Portuguese Guinea, where the African Nationalists have decided to embark on a concentrated Guerrilla Warfare until the Portuguese Maniacs are sent to the bottom of the seas. In Mozambqiue, the Africans have also become very nauseated and are planning to launch a very heavy if not the heaviest Guerrilla Warfare of the century. The one favorable thing to the success of the struggle is the fact that the Portuguese man is outnumbered at least 10-1 by the Africans. The Africans in Mozambque, as well as the other Po±tuguese dominated countries note with regret that the Black Mlan was made to slumber -/7- 17-

Portuguese futile efforts in their determination to create other Brazils in their colonies (Continued) ALL ALONG THE YEARS, which led to his complete disarmament and submission to foreign rule. The portuguese have never had a turbulent situation in Brazil because there the Blacks are fewer than the Whites, but Africa is a striking contrast; so, the Brazil hegemony is the biggest faking attitude that was ever thoutht of being feasible in a country such as Africa by any colonial powere. So, we can state in the most positive terms that the Portuguese idea of creating other Brazils or Oversease Provinces is by far a big fiasco, the tkuth of which will be proved by opposition from Africans by means of a concentrated Guerrilla Warfare. Eli NdJieni

MOZAMiIQUE k1,,D T1E PORTUGUESE SUPREMACY Mozambique is washed by the Indian Ocean on the Southeast Coast of the so- called black continent --Africa. We Mozambicans were born therd, there -e grew up, and our grandfathers lie there. Mozambique is an integral part of Africa and not a complement of Europe, as the colonialist Portuguese pretend* We .re Mozambicans up to the core of our souls, and evidently we are Africans one hundred percent, not Portugueses nor afe we Europeans. We kozambicans are Africans becaose we were born in Africa and our grandfatilers t6o. Ifsomeone doubts this, let him ask the African earth and she will reply, "yes, it is true", Mozambique in Africa, is the country where we should have the right to rule and command. But unfortunately there we wre persecuted and chased out by the imperialist and colonialist powers. If we are deprived of the rights of ruling and commanding in o~r country, where shall we go? And where shall we find the rights we so desire which ire denied us in the oountry of our birth. ThePortuguese in their attempt to find the way and the means to get the hot spices of Indi.., landed in the southeast coast of Africa in the Century XV. It was during this time that i ozambique was discovered by the Portuguese as a territory under their domination and control. When Vasco da Bama reached the now called Inhambane, the the African peole, because of their friendliness to strangers, invited him and his-scoundrel comrades to share in their hospitality. The Portuguese, like other white men, came to Afriva as strangers, and we received them as friends. But soon ttey forgot our friendship and they started to divide us and command us our bosses. They snatched our power to rile and command.Tiey plucked our fertile lands and pushed us into unhealthy places and onto unproductive land. They excluded us from all political activities and di not admit us in their society. They condemned us to a shameful status of inferiority, and sold some of us as slaves to other nations and people. They dismally exploited us , doing what they pleased with us. How long must we put up with this? To the Portuguese point of view the situation is quite satisfactory. The black people must be governed by the white man because of the black's supiosed incapability to govern himself. And the Portuguese endeavor to maintain their their suppremacy among the people under their domination. But it seems that their efforts come to nothing. The desire of freedom contaminates the whole African spirit. The history of Africa is changing. Neither gold nor silver; neither the power of machine gus nor the falling of bombs will be able to alter this starting tide. For the good and the happiness of all mankind there should be cooperation among all men involved in the position which Africa has taken on liberation and development for the African people, in both economic and political spheres.

But unfortunately, in Darts of Africa which are very rich in resources, the white man is trying to quench theflaming Ce- ire o( tae liberation attempts already begun and to si.-ke o f every African viovement t r would liberate the oppressed people. Tneytry to make themselves imanovable roclis, or, to say it dif erently, they endeavor to fix t;ieir claws in deeply, so tuat taey can stay loner and continueir exploitatihn of tLie blac, peo-Ole. The Portu ;uese and other whites whose behavior is against t..ie public tide and the freling and tLe aspira-tion of the overwheLiiing majority of Africans, should fecl tiat they are standing in quick sand. T hey should abandon their erroneous thinking and bury ii forgetfulness t.ieir superiority complex, which lacks foundati- on, and admit tiat te., are not more men than the blacks. All human beings have the same :rade of human essence. The Portu-uese and otier wilites who fh-'.e exalted tltemselves and deified t ieiselves aimong -ae A.'ric.n people should know that it is time for tem to coaie down and to take t ieir seates ' o- other men. T Ie-r pill ultimately have to r-cognize the ri t of the black neo-ole to ascend], to rise in indepe ,,ence. To deny t em tdie ri; t to do this means a spilling of ,)lood frovi both" sides, whites an-, blac'

AMEIICCAIN NEGROX VIEWS AFRICA One of the prime interests of the general American public,particularly of the white races has been the attitude thnt with the emergence of.Africa all American blacks should be well aware of Africa's problems. How astonished they are when asking an American Negroe what is his opinoins and what is the history of Africa and he is unable to answer. This shocking observation comes from the fact that the American Negroe has been kept in total ignorance of his past(whatever past he nay have)--and to this writer this has been one form of exploitation-exploitation of the mind. Does the exploiter realize that if you continue to keep a person in ignorance or even attempt that somewhere he shall find out the truth. Here lies the basis of the severe racill tensions occuring through out the world todny--and then the exploiter shakes his head and says"I just don't understand!". He, I am afraid, understand ouite well and he is fooling no one but himself. With the aid of a few writers and travellers going and coming to Africa they have awakened a small percentage of Afro-Americans. One of the biggest influences has been the African student to this country. But the sadness arises from the fact that he receives more attention from other than his own brother in many instances. But he should learn to understand that the American is playiig an excellent role of hypocrosy. He exploits the African resources, the AfroAmerican mind--but at the same time offers the African a scholarship and the greatest privilege of all to be welcome into his home. Many instances have arisen where the word-African brings to one's mind something remote, bushy hair, thick lips, jumping up and down and mumbling something incoherent--the shocking fact is that much of this still persists in many areas throughout the United States. One ouestion arose to one girl, who later in life attempted to find her true heritage and she remebers as a small child this experience: In an elerpentary school where principally ohites went the whites parents told them this girl was a cannibal, evil--because all black people originated from far off Africa and so-they were unc itilized. It is no wonder that the Afro-American is to sone sense ashamed of this word "Afro-American". The issue is not completely solved when on the television, cinema and books you are exposed to jokes of the African cooking a human in the pot, running around half dressed with a spear chasing lions and otherwild animals. What a shock it is to many to see an Africnn wearing clothes, the African women wearing heair styles no different thpn the average Afro- American. And particula-rly that he is able to speak English, and able to use feeding utensils the same as they. Once they are exposed then they realize the same--he himself lives. And a few manage to walk proudly and admitting they definitely have a heritage.

I would like to make a summation of what I have appraised on the previous page to all Afro-Americans viewing Africa,particularly through mental thought. The realization the African's very Negroidness, his blackness itself, that rises up *ut of the pages, or looks down from the screen and smites any human Pnd inflicts the wound from which pain never passes. And-this is the impact because, as a mountain of evidence will testify, the Afro-American had it borne in upon him and-he took it it in and made it his own conviction that blackness was ugly, that blckness was evil, and t is blackness was African In almost every Afro-American environment the word "black" became the key word of rejection, an insult, a fighting word. Prefixed to any name or obscenity, it multiplie cd the assault manyfold. I suggest that every time black was used or perceived this way; the word African came after it, whether it was actually spoken or not, whether it was there or remained an echo in the mind. For the Africans were the blacks, the source of all the blackness, the depths from which all have come nnd from which all want to rise. Africa was the darkness they wanted to leave behind in order to rise to the light of the white man's world, his religions, philosophies, his ways of life. Hence the social prestige and inherent virtue of the lighter skin acauired from actual kinship with the white man; hence too all the artificial efforts to achieve the sane effect by those whose white antecedents did not show plainly enough on their skins and faces, or in the hair on their heads. Hence thepride in mixed forebears, the white, the Indian, the Spanish, in anything but the African. Hence the ambivalences and confusions at the margins of the dominant white society, the self-hatred, the "yearning after whiteness" which, as some black writers have tried to show us, shaped so much and sickened so much in black life. Hence the whole elaborate structure of caste based on colour-and here the measure of the distance from blackness (or from "bad" or "ugly" features or hair) was precisely the measure of the distances from Africa. Even the obscure and turgid controversies over the words "Negro" and "coloured" come from this, for they are linked in a host of acknowledged and unacknowledged ways to these attitudes about blackness and beyond the blackness to Africa. With the emergence of Africa to day and for its future is having one effect the re-establishment of some virtue, even beauty, in blackness; the leaders and educated Africans that the world hears about in popularity are knocking over more than the cruder old stereotypes. This is the root, I bel.eve, for the Afre-American rejection of Africa,was, at bottom, his rejection of himself. Can we say, then, that this was the principal stuff of which the "aversion to Africa-was made?And can we say that in acnuiring a new image of Africa now, the Afro-American is really engaged in acouring nothing less than a newimage of himself? Mlle. ELO

AFRICAN POEM Agostino Neto (Angola) There on the horizon the fire And the dark silhouettes of the imbondeiro trees With their rms raised In the air the green smell of burnt Dalm trees African poem On the road The line of bailundo porters Groaning under their loads of crueria In the room The sweet sweet-eyed mulatress Retouching her face with rouge and rice powder The woman under her rany clothes moving her hips The sleepless man thinking Of buing knives and forks to ent with at a table On the sky the reflections Of the fire And the silhouettes of the blacks at the drums With their arms r.-ised In the n ir the warm tune of mrarirbas African poem On the road the porters In the room the mulatress On the bed the sleepless man The burning coals consuring Consuming with fire The warm country of the horizons -23-

JOLIBA (Niger Riier) High in the Fouta Djnllon ount,,tins, in !est Africa, Joliba begins. Coninm from the highl.nds on the border of Sierre Leone ,nd Guinea, across the Sahara to the legendary city of Timbuctu through Nigeria and disappearing in secret in Eastern Nigeria. This great river covers P distance of 2550 miles ,nd effecting the lives of approximately 20 million people. For a period of more than 2000 years Joliba was one of the riddle of the Aorld. Many ancient historians(Herodotus and Ptolemy) knew of this river, but uncertain of its start -and end. Many thinking tht it was a tributary of the Nile. But this river contributes very little to the Nile "watershed". The only tribut-ary from the Joliba is the Benue River and this offers very little. Two of the most fascinating ethiic groups of people live along the course of Joliba. (1)Dogons live directly along the sandstore cliffs. They came to this area, located near Mopti, Upper Volta, during their struggle for existince at least 15 centuries ago. Their existence revolves aro ,nd the cliffs and the river. There methode of burial is by lowering the-dead into deep caverns by rope and leaving to hang. (2) The Tuairegs, a nomadic people have the features of the Caucasian with their skin rangin- in colour from dark brown to white. The men wear veils of blue vhich have the tendency to colour the skin blue. The women remain unveiled. It is found that this groupe hold their worien in the very highest regard. There ,re many other ethnic groups which I am sure that many people are familar with who live within this river rnage e.g. Ibos, Yurobas. Joliba has seen the shipment of slvaes to the coast for trade with Western culture. It has seen the independence of nine countries. It raises its great depth once a year to flood and ravage everything around it ana plays the game, near Timbuctu of complete disappearance only to emerge again from its subteranepn beds in the middle of the desert and continue its flow to Port Harcourt,Nigerip and forms the Nembe River and then out to meet the Atlantic Ocea-n. Tlle BLO

IT'S A FACT The manufacturing of iron was presented in 596 B.C. in Meroe. Meore was cl led the Birmingham of the Nile Valley. The methods of refining iron ore is employed to day all throuighout the world. It is a known fact that Africa has the potential of producing 42% of the world's hydroelectric power. Hanni~al established black forces along with his herd of elephants to try and cross the Alps. One often wonders what happened to the black forces 4fter the war---did they return to Africa or stay on the European continent? How easy it is for the foriegn newsoaners and "so-cilled" writers to come to the continent and leave after a few days, hours and have people acclaim them authorities on Africa and expose such nonsense of what they interpret by sight for the general public to read and therefore publishers contribute 80% to keep ignorance and hatred alive by accepting these writings--all because of economic pressures. The sail boats seen today in American lakes had its origin from the dhow which sailed during ancient tirs between Africa and Asia Today, particularly, these dhows are seen along the Eastern Coast of Africa. The amazing facts that the Nile River has the largest water-shed in the world. It covers from the Atlantic across 45% of Africa It contributes to the welfare of over one-half of the population of Africa. The destruction that the Portuguese placed on the Monomatapa kingdom, one of the oldest in the history of Southeast Africa. It's great influence on the trading which ceased in the 15th century inland to the Rhodesias and Congo. The problem d' Apartheid is not totally black and white--it is a white -white problem with economics in total paly. The blacks have been thrown in the middle. With two children fighting over who is to be dominant the one thrown in the middle will win by far. Let's help the world to understand better the problem at hand. Who really had the basic economic wealth--and approached the apartheid problem with the Africkaaner taking the final reins. This same problem is engulfing all of Africa--let us become more aware of the basic problem and each one try to his utmost to solve it. -2.5'-

AT RANDOM FROM THE BOOK STALL "Africa the Politics of Independence", I. Wallerstein Essay on transformed Africa from a continent of dependent states to independent states. "Lord of Flies", Wm. Golding Evil is inherent in the human mind itself, whatever innonence may cloak it(Kenyon Regiew,1957) "The Fall", A. Camus - A look into man's moral responsibility to his fellow man. BROWSING THROUGH THE DAILY NEWS AND M;iGAZINES"New York Times" Read particularly the editorial page with articles by Mr. Sulzberg. His interpretation of Africa and its majour events. "Saturday Review". To give other views from magazines of non-objectiveness of current events. CINEMA AND STAGE: "Becket" this is a superb film and should be seen by all with British actor R. Burton "Sp nono" a South African play coming to Broadway. Sections of song were recently presented on the Ed. Sullivan Show. THOUGHTS FOR THE DAY: "Knowledge is like a garden: if it is not cultivated, it cannot be harvested." "A white dog does not bite another white dog." "A borrowed fiddle does not finish a tune." "One cannot count on riches". "Even an ant may harm an elephant."

-27- UNE0**US Section -- INTERNAL AFFAIRS Den.r brothers: The Publicity commitee apologizes for the delay in the dispatch of this section. The original idea of duplicating tiis section and send it far in adv-nce of the rest of the bulletin was made very impossible by the fact that the funds to accomplish this had not been adequately worked out in advance. As this problem is now taken care of, the futute dispatches will be simplified and similar delay will be avoided. I thank you for your patience in waiting for the report...... Pub. Sec.& editor.

23 1421 Arch Street Philadelphia 2, Pa. September 19, 1964. Dear brothers: I am glad to write you this note ',nd remind you of your duties as staunch members of UNE0. I presume the:t it is now high time that we should pay our contributions. The contributions are supposed to be submitted to me this month (or very shortly thereafter). Since we are scattered in different plces, I would suggest that where there are more than one person, you choose one among yourselves to collect and send the required amount of TWO DOLLARS monthly to me. The one you choose is the one I shall correspond with direwtly. You will, in turn, get any information from him. I would -reatly appreciate your cooperation. Sincerely yours, Duarte Ncomo, the treasurer.

'-9- Divisao de Trabalho para a seccao dos E. U. do Norte 1. Quadro politico: Com o objectivo de interpretar e explicar a situacao social, politica e economica (em relacao a politica) tendo como projeccao o desenvolvimento do movimento nacionalista do povo de Mocambique, consciencillizacao e mobilizacao do mesmo povo dentro do sistema politico de mocambique independente. Contingente: Alberto Jnetimane (chairman) Patrick M.ayazi J. Nhankale A. Boustcha Mguido Namashula 2. Quadro economico: com o objectivo de investigar factos da economia de Mocambique, analizar e estudar as prioridades para um rapido desenvolvimento economico e sistema a usar uma vez Mocambique independente. Contingente: Boustcha Kachiputu (chairman) Moyana Benjamin Ngwenha Manuel dos Santos 3. Quadro juridico: com o objectivo de investigar, analizar e avaliar as normas de condutas que governam o povo de Miocambique. Tentar quanto possivel distinguir normas tipicamente mocambicanas e normas de origem portuguesa que podem ser uteis e construtivas em Mocambique. Contigente: J. Chicuarra (chairmn) J. Nhambiu D. Ncomo A. Mqodlane 1. Dom !. Quadro de Educacao: com o objectivo de analizar o sistema presente de educacao. Ver o que e que se pode aproveitar do sistema actual. Estudãr o valor de educacao informal em relacao ao sistema eduoaoional de Mocambique depois da independencia. Contingente: Chiremfba (Chairman) Nhancale Samuel Ngwenha Dumangane Gilberto ,aia Simbine Tshapoh -Z9-

-30 5. Quadro de pesquisas: corn o objectivo de estudar o valor de outras organizacoes estudantis e jovens na construcao duma Nacao. Procurar informar os nossos membros da existencia de outras organizacoes de juventude, o seu trabalho, as suas experiencias etc... contingente: Miguel Murupa (chairman) Andre Saene Ndimeni Boaventura Z. Mulhanga 6. Quadro de Fundos: corn o objectivo de angariar fundos para a seccao auxilio material aos refugiados mocambicanos. Contingente: Simango (chairman) A. Lambo Isaac M4puteni G. Mabunda Ngwenha It is finally my duty to point out that the CO to which brother Lambo is S chairman should also be included as part of the work for the year. I would also like to ask all MDcambican 'students to cooperate in this way of working so that we can do something concret for our motherland. I then appeal that everyone should accept the work he has been assigned and do whatever we can to make it useful and something real. Boustcha Kachiputu (Presidente) Executive members* -30-

U-NIAO NACIONAL DOS ESTUDANTES DE MOCAMBIQUE SECCAO DOS ESTADOS UNIDOS UNTO Constantino Dunangane 509 South Crouse Syracuse 10 New York June 16, 1964 Dear Comrade: By the present executive members of UNEMO Assembly, which took place Pennsylvania: I am bringing to your knowledge the names of the (Section of U.S.) elected at the last General on the 5th, 6th, and 7th inst.. in Philadelphia, President------Antonio Boustcha Vice-President ------.Manuel dos Santos General Secretary ------Constantino Dumangane Secretary of Publicity--Gil Mabunda Treasurer ------Eduardo Ncomo Auditor------Herbert Mgido On behalf of the executive committee I take the liberty to appeal to your nationalistic conscience so that you can help us to fulfil better the work of UNAO. I would like to take this opportunity to remind you of the necessity of beginning, next month, the payment of your dues ($2.00 a month). Thank you for your cooperation. Yours in the struggle for independence Constantino Dumangane -31- -31-

Second Annual General Assembly of UNi0 (Section of U.S.A.) Reloort The second annual General Assembly of U'J!'I"O (USA section) was opened on the 5th of June, 1964 by brother Alberto Jentimane, the former president of the US section. After a short speech, the permanent chairman and the two secretaries for the Conference were appointed and elected, whose names read as follows: brother Dumnangane, chairman; brother Alfredo iondlane, secretary; brother Joseph Simango, secretary. Following the election of the above mentioned reoole a su gestion was made that both ,.nglish and i'ortuguese be used during the course of the conference. The agenda read as follows: June 5th 9: 00 AI1 9:15 9:30 10:00 11:00 12:00 PM '-3 2.- Opening of the General Assembly Nomination of permanent chairman and recording secretaries. Adoption of the agenda. (The chairman reads the agenda for the aom roval of the assembly) Report by the General secretary of the section Intervention of the National tresident of UNNO Recession Consideration of the internal situation on (Problem of unity among Mozambican students) The relationship between UNVIO and the Mozambique Institute (some recommendations for the next Congress of U:T_1YO) Recession The oolicy of UNY] 'O towards the liberation movements of 'iozambique (some recommcndations for the next Congress) Recession How can we give practical Lelp to other Eozambican students in Africa? Intervention of eascoal Mocumbi followed by question period Recession. Intervention of the USNSA observer UNA}D stand in the international arena Aecession Submission of the internal regulation and its ratification Resolutions Recession lections of executive members Closing of the General Assembly 2O0 4:00 5:00 7:00 9:00 June 6th 9:00 Al 10:00 12:00 PM 2:00 3:00 5:00 June 7th 9:00 AM 10:00 12:00 P1H 2:00 5:00

-ii Brother Chlremba moved to amend the agenda for a closed meeting on discussion of the -problem of unity a=ong .ozambican students. The amendment was unanimously approved. During the course of the Conference, Mr. Nabel, the president of the Arab student organization in the USA, was given the opportunity to address the audience. In his speech, Mr. Nabel said, "I represent the U.R. students in the USA, Our student organization can help you with anything that we can do for your student organization." After the speech the chairman thanked him. Brother Antonio Boustcha Kaciputu, the former general secretary of UNE40 (US section) presented the report of 1963 activities, from April to November. He mentioned the publication of the Mozambique. Bulletin which he said is an internal and external affairs bulletin. The report also read that the executive released $12 for UNEVD's membership dues in C.S.C.; $12 to buy an ink-stamp. Brother Kaciputu mentioned that USNSA offered us a sum of $60.00 which went to the purchase of a mimeographing machine, and pointed out that the US section needs two typewriters for our secretaries. Finally he ment ioned that because he had received letters of complaint from Mozambican students in American schools the executive decided to appoint a committee of five designed to orientate students who have difficulties. The report was followed by an intervention of the UNEA observer, K r. Paul Tuba, who, in his speech said "I would like to present to you my best wishes. The mozambican students as well as the angolan students fled from portugese domination. We are here in good position but we must not forget to consult our leaders so that we can work to gether. It is our duty to persuade our leaders to come together so that we can achieve unity". Mr. Tuba was followed by the intervention of USNSA observer, Mr. Jim Hendrick, who spoke about the formation and the activities of USNSA. After his speech the chairman thanked him and expressed UNEM's apreciation for USNSA, cooperation and solidarity with the cause of mozambican students. The. national president, brother Joao Nhambiu intervened in order to explain the spirit in which UNEMO was founded. In his speech he said "After we led from Portugal we realized that we could not be indifferent to the situation of our mozambican students who are still under the chains of portuguese opression. From this feeling of duty to the common problems of mozambican students, we founded UNEMO with the hope that our brothers outside Mozambique would join us in the realization of the goals of UNEM". Considering that there were visiting observers on June 5th, the assembl: approved a proposal by the chairman to postpone the discussion of unity until the next morning. Meanwhile, the assembly approved the chairman's proposal to discuss the next item of the agenda. The relationship between UNEMO and the Mozambique Institute. Before discussion of this item, the chairman permitted brother Pascoal Mocumbi to address the audience in order to give assembly some information on the situation of the Mozambique Institute, Frelimo and the students in Dar Salaam. In his speech brother Mocumbi, International Vice President of UNEMO, 4aid "Do not forget that you are students as well as people who should be interested in the national struggle, I believe, however, that we are going to talk as soldiers dedicated to liberate our brothers and sisters from the chains of portuguese opression". Brother Mocumbi went on to speak about criticism and self-criticism. He said that he had been in contact

01- with UNEPD sections. Some have worked with success, others have not. He regreted that the contacts with the USA section have been likited. He said that the USSR section have been very much concerned with other students in Dar Salaam. The number of students in Dar-esSalaam is 50. They received notebooks, pencils and other school materials from the USSR section. The USSR tion has been y much ra-hc ia e.lTa'2Bfr the Z end of s-speec ,ressed that we should be active in advancing the Mozambique revolution, for while we are studying we should prepare ourselves for the struggle against imperialism and all evils of oppression. Finally, brother Mocumbi raised the following questions: a) how shall we introduce sufficient education in MozambiqueR b) which language shall be used in our country after independencqf c) whom shall we ask to help us? "all of us have lived in Mozambique, therefore, we must know what to do in order to achieve our political independence and be able to answer the vital questions of our country". Answering a question about the relationship of the Mozambique Institute, Frelimo and the students, brother Mocumbi said "The Mozambique Institute is an intergrate part of Frelimo. All mozambicans over 15 years old have to participate in the political struggle, but those under 15 enter the Institute in order to prepare themselves for college work. Frelimo controls the Mozambique Institute because it is a political organization. If any mozambican wants to be accepted in the Mozambique Institute he should be recoginzed first by Frelimo officers. If one mozambican is not accepted both by Frelimo and the Institute. UnoW-will an~cpt any mozambican student from any political movement". This answer was followed by a formal discussion on the relationship between UNEM0 and the Mozambique Institute. Brother Antonio Boustcha intervened raising the following questions: If one is not a member of Frelimo and if he is not against Frelimo, what would Frelimo do to help him enter the Institute? Considering that the Institute gets its funds from beneficiary organizations regardless of politics with Frelimo continue to control the Institute? If a student is not accepted or not recommended by Frelimo what alternatives does he have at his reach? At this point brother Nhambiu answered that the student should try as much as possible to cooperate with Frelimo without giving up the independence of students in UNEMO. Against this position brother Mocumbi objected raising the following questions: At this crucial time of our struggle of liberation what should be the priority? UNEMO's independence or the national interest? In his thinking, the priority should be to make the students militants in Frelimo. Brother Boustcha concluded saying that in spite of Frelimo's control of the Mozambique Institute, Frelimo should not change its policy towards the Institute as long as it allows some flexibility in judging the case of students in cooperation with UNiEM0. After a long debate on what should be the relationship of UNEMO, FRELIMO and the Mozambique Institute brother Albert Jentimane presented the following as the collective opinion of the US section "Considering that UNEMO is the only organization that unites and represents all mozambican students, considering the duty of UNEMO to defend the interests of its members, considering the obligation to establish,, and maintain cooperation with other national syndicates, considering that the Mozambique Institute is designed to aid mozambicans only on academic matters; The UNEM0 section of US recomfirming its position of independence and non-partisarnship toward academic, matters; recommends secondly that the national congress of -UNEMO establish a criteria that will enable UNEM0 officers to intervene effectively in the educational policy of the Mozambique Institute; recommends finally that all relations between the Iozambique Institute and UIT.6MO be amplemented through the executive channels of those organizations". This motion was unanimously approved and adopted as a recommendation to the national congress of UNIEMO. On the morning of June 6th, tcLe chairman put to the floor the item on the unity among mozambican students. On this item every one had the opportunity to express his opinion. Among various causes of disunity historical tribalism, regionalism and prejudices and unfair representation in UNEMO were considered to be the most dividing factors among the mozambican students. On unfair representation, brother Nhambiu intervened in the following manner: "The blame on unfair representation in UNEMO's executive is unfair. The executive of UNE10 was at the beginning composed of students from the southern part of Mozambique with no explicit desire to exclude other students from other parts of Mozambique". To close the discussion on unity among mozambican students brother Boustcha proposed the following motion which was seconded and passed unanimously: Considering that our points of misunderstanding is caused by "regionalism", the assembly declares that, henceforth, each member of UNET40 should have the liberty to elect the members which he thinks can defend and advance both the needs and aspirations of mozambican students, and that the elective assembly should consider the principle of fair representation in the election of executive bodies of UNjmO". The next Item fort discussion dealt with the ways in which TJNEM0 can give practical help to mozambican students in Africa. The assembly arrived at the consensus that we should follow the example of U66R section, namely sending to the refugees in Dar es Salaam, notebooks, pencils and school materials. During the course of discussion, some brothers suggested that a committee be formed to seek and collect school materials for our brothers in Dar es Salaam. However, the assembly arrived at a consensus that brother Joseph C. Massinga should take the responsibility of finding the means to deliver whatever we can collect individually for the refugees. The chairman suggested that the items such as "the policy of UNHMO towards the liberation movements ans that of "UNEMD stand in the international arena" be discussed in the afternoon and evening session of June 6th. The chairman asked brother Nhambiu, the nationl president to state the actual positibnor-UNEM towards liberation movements. Brother Nhambiu declared: "UNEMO recognizes Frelimo as the movement from which all nationalistic forces should fight portuguese dolonialism. Therefore UNEMO supports Frelimo- this policy was adopted in the firm believe that FRELIMO represents the legitimate union of mozambican fighting forces". Brother Nhambiu, on his elaboration, regreted that some nationalistic forces had split from FRELIMO and said " We must find ways to reunite the split forces, for we must not encourage division'. Following brother Nhambiu, brother Manuel dos Santos said that due to the assembly lack of information about the causes of split and division in FRELIMO a committee should be the established to deal with nationalistic forces in a spirt of bringing about reconciliation. In objection to brother dos Santos point, brother Jentimane suggested that the matter of UNEMO and the liberation movement be left to the national executive. After a long discussion on both points the assembly asked brother 1'anuel dos Santos and brother Alberto Jentimane to present their suggestions as motions. Brother 1anuel dos Santos put his case as motion to the floor. The motion was seconded by brother Miguel Morrupa and it was passed unanimously. Brother Alberto Jentimane withdrew his case as JW a pending motion. Then the assembly proceeded to elect a committee of reconciliation. That will not favor the trend towards the recognition of one nationalistic party. Brother Daniel Chirremba, brother Manuel dos Santos and brother Joseph Simango were elected members of the Committee of Reconciliation. There was not much time left to discuss the item on UNEMO stand in the international arena. Nevertheless, the chairman asked the assembly to come to a consensus. The assembly finally came to the consensus that UNEMO should, in the international level, follow the policy defined in the constitution. Specifically brother Antonio Boustcha asked the assembly to consider the question of forming a confederation of student unions at the continental level. There was not much disagreement on the discussion of this question but it did not lead to any final and clear conclusion. On the morning of the 7th, the assembly voted unanimously that the internal regulation be written by the executive of the section. The assembly also voted unanimously that the executive continues to work according to the present regulation df the section until the ractification of the new one. Finally the chairman put to the floor the consideration of the last item of the agenda "Elections". Brother Miguel Morrupa was elected chairman for the elections. Immediately, brother Dumangane left the chair and brother Morrupa presided at the elections. The following is the list of the newly elected executive members for the year 1964-1965: Prosidont ------Antonio Boustcha Kachiputu Vice-President-----Manuel dos Santos General Secretary ---- Constantino Demangane Publicity Secretary--Gil habunda Treasurer ------Joseph Ncomo Auditor ------Herbert Mgido The assembly was closed by a short speech by brother Kachiputu, the president of UNEMO (section of USA). In his speech brother Kachiputu stressed the theme of WORKING TOGF:TH:.R As brothers, forr Mozambique. At 5:15, June 7th, the assembly was declared closed.

-37 Guilherme A. Mabunda 729 W. lth Street -- Appt. B2. Indianapolis, Indiana 46202. November 10, 1964. Dear ,oaA61cqr1 I am sure you have by now received a copy of t e proclamation made by FRELIAO to all the Mozambicans concerning the Central Committee's official announcemeent to meet the Portuguese force-Iwith force. In the liht of the nAeW ovv1opment dating from Sept. 25 it would evidently be wise if-the Unemo Section members can con 1dr a small rendez-vous during the Xmas vacation to discuss matters pertinent to this new situation at tie Front. The Xmas vacation being only a month away, would you mind just to put a check in the appropriate line below and put tais into the mail? Your prompt cooperation will be very appreciated...... o . ... # ..... 0000-.e . .. * 0 1. I think th t the section members should meet to discuss the situation at the FRONT YES NO 2. I think that the Xmas vacation would be the right time to meet. YES NO 3. I would like the meeting to be held in New York City Syracuse, N.Y. Rochester,N.Y. Philadelphia, Pa. Other place 4. Any comments: Signature and address.