The Portuguese and Mozambique: the Past Against the Future
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
THE PORTUGUESE AND MOZAMBIQUE: THE PAST AGAINST THE FUTURE THE PORTUGUESE AND MOZAMBIQUE: THE PAST AGAINST THE FUTURE by DOUGLAS L, WHEELER "SOUTHERN AFRICA IN TRANSITION" FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE THE AMERICAN SOCIETY OF AFRICAN CULTURE April ll - 13, 1963 Howard University, Washington, D.C. The Portuguese and Mozambigue The Past Against The Future by Douglas L. Wheeler The Portuguese have been in Mozambique since the end of the 15th century. The prospects of their remaining there in the same status until the end of his century are quite slim, It is certain that the Portuguese record of the past overshadows that of the present and future. Mozambique has witnessed what Professor Duffy has called "an extraordinary continuity of Portuguese behavior and policy in Africa."' Although there is this "continuity," the history of Mozambique is a history of varying fortunes, diverse administrations and changes not unlike that of other tropical territories in southern Africa. Within the context of the Portuguese empire, Mozambique's relative importance has greatly increased. Yet the fortunes of the African peoples there have not changed accordingly. And it is the tragedy of Mozambique that geography and history combined to make liberal government a glimmer of hope rather than a future certainty. It is the purpose of this brief paper to survey the history of Portuguese rule in Mozambique and some of the implications of the nature of its peoples. To understand overseas administration, the history of the Portuguese is a prime prerequisite for analysis. Africa is in Europe, not Africa. I. The Portuguese Historical Dilemma Modern political history in Portugal has too often been analyzed without due historical perspective. Portuguese democrats2 1. James Duffy, Portugal in Africa (London, 1962, Penguin African Library),, p. 19. 2. By Portuguese "democrats" I mean those who oppose the regime of Dr. Salazar and wish to establish the principle of free elections in Portugal. Many "democrats" are in exile, tend to label the regime of Dr. Salazar as unique and extraordinary and completely unnatural with regard to the nature of the Portuguese peopleo3 Although the A_ N ("Nei' State") began as a military coup in 1.926 with its own peculiarities, students of history will find that the regime is not altogether a defiance of the past, but is in fact one answer to the deep problems of Portuguese history. It is necessary therefore to outline some of these problems04 The first point to consider is that since the middle of the 16th century, Portugal as a European power has suffered the effects of a feeling of inferiority and -potenoeo In 1578 Portugal was defeated in a disastrous battle in Morocco and hotey fitersds was taken over by Spain for 60 years. In many ways, the fear of Spr-ish predominance has never abated in Portugal. Involved in this f of a po'wr in the east is the conviction that an empire overseas could someho make up for weakness in Europe. Today this feeling survives in debate over het -l become of Portuguese Africa, A recent book called Three Roads for Oea by Fernando Amorim had this to say in conclusion8 tbe uion of the various Portuguese provinces is necessary for the conev -tion of our political independence and I would go even further to assert this is necessary for our survival as a people. Far more than the other European powers, therefore, Portugal has found more important psychological reasons for maintaining an empire. Fortunately, the extreme viewpoint expressed in this 3. See especially the essay by A. de Oliveira, "Salazarqs Portugal,, in Angoa. A So4=sium Views of a Revolt0 (Oxford University Press, 1962o) 4, The Portuguese Monarchy was replaced by a Republic in 1910, After several decades of instability and chaos the Republic fell to a military coup in 1926. Out of this event rose the regime of Salazar 5. Fernando Amorim, Tree Caminhos Da Politica Ultramarina (Coimbra, 1962), p. ll5 recent work is not general among intellectuals in Portugal. A second problem worthy of mention is that of finanae or economics. The first two centuries of imperial effort provided lucrative rewards. But a spurt of short-lived prosperity in 18th century Brazil was followed by the loss of Brazil in the early 19th century and a long crescendo of worsening finance ending in -he virtually bankrupt decade of 1890 to 1900. In some ways Portugal has never recovered from the loss of Brazil at a cracial moment in her history. In the last few decades of the 20th century, however, the African territories of Portugal have been very important for the home economy0 A third problem of importance is related to the historical fear of Spain. The English alliance was originally based on the need 6 for protection against Spain. Often called Britain's "Oldest Ally", Portugal has viewed Britain as a 'Big Brother" for fear of domination by others. For a long while this alliance between a very strong imperial power and a weak one was expedient and advantageous for both. Several times in the 19th century, however, Portugal nearly broke with Britain over African issues, but found herself so tied to British finance and diplomatic support in Europe and Africa that to do so would have been suicidal. It was Britain, during the years between 1890 and 1914, who in effect saved Mozambique, and perhaps Angola, from partition first by Rhodes and later by Germany. Today the Anglo-Portuguese alliance is crippled and dying. True to the tendency in Portuguese exterior policy, 6. The modern alliance is based on the so-called "Marriage Treaty" of 1661 signed by Charles II. when hit tsain Influence wons, the Influences of European powers to the "sat wax stronger. 2hus Portugal In the last few decades has leaned more on Spain and on West Oermany.7 VA moot crucial problem, useful to an understanding of Portuguese policy In Africa, is the bitter political and Ideological debate which has proceeded since the birth of a liberal constitutional regime in 1821 and the institutionalizing of constitutions madeled on the example of the British parliament. True liberalism, however, never took root for long in Portugal and so the masses have been ill- prepared fully to participate in government. Representative government never functioned smoothly. The counterpart to this melancholy truth is that even today over one-third of the nation cannot read or write. The key political problem centered around the fact that governments, once in power, met such bitter opposition, and could rarely resist the temptation to manipulate elections, or were compelled by circumstances to do so. In 1873, for example, there was an opportunity to follow the true spirit of the Constitution and allow free elections. It was possible then that an ordered, well-organized party system would emerge. The Marquis of Sa da Bandeira, creator of liberal legislation for Portuguese Africa which was eventually neglected, predicted in 1873 that the executive (the Monarchy or Ministries' Cabinets) tended toward dictatorship in difficult 7. One student in Lisbon speculated that Spain would dominate Portugal if the African territories were lost. Although this conclusion is subject to doubt, there does seem to be an intimate connection between maintenance of empire and "independence" in Europe. -5 circumstances. They rarely allowed free elections and refused to take the ultimate consequences of representative government.8 This tendency toward autocracy in times of crisis was not overcome in 1873, or 1893, or after the weakening of the 1910 Republic. The aura of Salazar's regime reflects this very political tradition. It is not an exaggeration to say that he has created "order" out 'of pre-1926 chaos. Unfortunately this is only a surface feat. In terms of similar situations in Latin American polities, the official theory of the "State" is that the only alternative to disagreement and disorder is "ordered unity". Yet this dilemma in Portuguese-speaking areas is quite old, It remains a dilemma because such possible solutions as mass education, solid economic development, and social mobility have not been completely accepted in principle by the government oligarchy. Angola and Mozambique face the effects of this heritage of extreme solutions to political problems. Liberal and conservative conflict in Portugal remained so violent and unsettled that good government was forgotten and left relegated to dreams, propaganda, or unfulfilled plans. Portugal appears prepared for great change now. Those familiar with present conditions in the country can attest to the general discouragement of the youth and an uneasy relationship between "the people" ("o povo") and the "state" ("0 Estado"). Nevertheless, to say Fascist tendencies will end with the passing of Salazar would be rash and overly optimistic. Even the most convinced liberals 8. Andre Meyrelles, 0 Marques de Sa da Bandeira (Lisbon, 1876), See also V. de Braganca Cunha, Eight Centuries of Portuguese Monarchy (New York, 1911), pp. 206-0o. of today, as Captain Henrique Galvao, have curious histories as Fascist stalwartso9 II. The Portuguese and the Nature of MosambLue Mozambique was discovered in 1498 by Vasco da Gama. In the 16th century the coast and ports of Mozambique were merely stepping stones to the Indian empire. Indeed, until 1752, when Mozambique was separated from the Government of India and made a separate Captaincy-General, Goa was the capital of the territory, not Mozambique island, and Governors came from India. For a period, offices in Mozambique were suctioned to the highest bidders in India° There ws a moderate gold trade and export at Sofala, Mozambique and up the Zambesi at Sena and Toeo But by 1700, having lost their foothold on the Zanzibar coast, the Portugae oe turned their attention to Mozambique and settled down to a grim battle with alimate9 a pitiful European population, and grinding poverty°10 Mozambique may have been the jewel in Portugasls Indian crown in 1700,1 but within the entire empire that unhealthy settlement was quite insignificant and nearly forgotten in Lisbon.