In the Aftermath of Operation Pillar of Defense the Gaza Strip, November 2012 Shlomo Brom, Editor
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Gaza-Israel: the Legal and the Military View Transcript
Gaza-Israel: The Legal and the Military View Transcript Date: Wednesday, 7 October 2015 - 6:00PM Location: Barnard's Inn Hall 07 October 2015 Gaza-Israel: The Legal and Military View Professor Sir Geoffrey Nice QC General Sir Nick Parker For long enough commentators have usually assumed the Israel - Palestine armed conflict might be lawful, even if individual incidents on both sides attracted condemnation. But is that assumption right? May the conflict lack legality altogether, on one side or both? Have there been war crimes committed by both sides as many suggest? The 2014 Israeli – Gaza conflict (that lasted some 52 days and that was called 'Operation Protective Edge' by the Israeli Defence Force) allows a way to explore some of the underlying issues of the overall conflict. General Sir Nick Parker explains how he advised Geoffrey Nice to approach the conflict's legality and reality from a military point of view. Geoffrey Nice explains what conclusions he then reached. Were war crimes committed by either side? Introduction No human is on this earth as a volunteer; we are all created by an act of force, sometimes of violence just as the universe itself arrived by force. We do not leave the world voluntarily but often by the force of disease. As pressed men on earth we operate according to rules of nature – gravity, energy etc. – and the rules we make for ourselves but focus much attention on what to do when our rules are broken, less on how to save ourselves from ever breaking them. That thought certainly will feature in later lectures on prison and sex in this last year of my lectures as Gresham Professor of Law but is also central to this and the next lecture both on Israel and on parts of its continuing conflict with Gaza. -
HAMAS DIVIDED: TIME for a NEW POLICY? by Tally Helfont
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org October 2010 HAMAS DIVIDED: TIME FOR A NEW POLICY? By Tally Helfont Tally Helfont is an FPRI research fellow. Her research focuses on Middle East-related issues and radical Islamic movements. She has also instructed training courses on behalf of K3 Enterprises in Civil Information Management to U.S. Military Civil Affairs Units and Human Terrain Teams assigned to Iraq and Afghanistan. September 2010 marked the beginning of renewed peace negotiations in the Middle East. The American-brokered talks took some time to restart—18-months to be exact—and its two primary participants, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, were reluctant at best. The parties met on three separate occasions: in Washington D.C. from September 1-2, in Sharm El-Sheikh from September 13-14, and at the Israeli Prime Minister's official residence in Jerusalem on September 15. It is difficult to say whether there was any tangible progress achieved during these meetings, but as it currently stands, the continuation of these efforts is uncertain, and some would even say, unlikely. The United States, on the one hand, and Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia on the other, are exerting significant diplomatic pressure to bridge the current gaps and bring the two sides back to the negotiating table. But what about those who seek to obstruct such efforts? Chief among this camp is the Islamic Resistance Movement, Hamas. Through numerous statements and acts of violence, Hamas seemed intent on attracting attention during this period of negotiations. -
Inside Gaza: the Challenge of Clans and Families
INSIDE GAZA: THE CHALLENGE OF CLANS AND FAMILIES Middle East Report N°71 – 20 December 2007 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION: THE DYNAMICS OF CHANGE ............................................... 1 II. THE CHANGING FORTUNES OF KINSHIP NETWORKS................................... 2 A. THE PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY AND CLAN POLITICS .............................................................2 B. THE 2000 UPRISING AND THE RISE OF CLAN POWER.............................................................3 C. ISRAEL’S GAZA DISENGAGEMENT AND FACTIONAL CONFLICT..............................................3 D. BETWEEN THE 2006 ELECTIONS AND HAMAS’S 2007 SEIZURE OF POWER.............................5 III. KINSHIP NETWORKS IN OPERATION .................................................................. 6 A. ECONOMIC SUPPORT .............................................................................................................6 B. FEUDS AND INFORMAL JUSTICE.............................................................................................7 C. POLITICAL AND SECURITY LEVERAGE...................................................................................9 IV. THE CLANS AND HAMAS........................................................................................ 13 A. BETWEEN GOVERNANCE AND CHAOS .................................................................................13 B. HAMAS’S SEIZURE OF POWER .............................................................................................14 -
Us Military Assistance to Saudi Arabia, 1942-1964
DANCE OF SWORDS: U.S. MILITARY ASSISTANCE TO SAUDI ARABIA, 1942-1964 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Bruce R. Nardulli, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2002 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Allan R. Millett, Adviser Professor Peter L. Hahn _______________________ Adviser Professor David Stebenne History Graduate Program UMI Number: 3081949 ________________________________________________________ UMI Microform 3081949 Copyright 2003 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ____________________________________________________________ ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road PO Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346 ABSTRACT The United States and Saudi Arabia have a long and complex history of security relations. These relations evolved under conditions in which both countries understood and valued the need for cooperation, but also were aware of its limits and the dangers of too close a partnership. U.S. security dealings with Saudi Arabia are an extreme, perhaps unique, case of how security ties unfolded under conditions in which sensitivities to those ties were always a central —oftentimes dominating—consideration. This was especially true in the most delicate area of military assistance. Distinct patterns of behavior by the two countries emerged as a result, patterns that continue to this day. This dissertation examines the first twenty years of the U.S.-Saudi military assistance relationship. It seeks to identify the principal factors responsible for how and why the military assistance process evolved as it did, focusing on the objectives and constraints of both U.S. -
Google Matrix of the Citation Network of Physical Review
Google matrix of the citation network of Physical Review Klaus M. Frahm,1 Young-Ho Eom,1 and Dima L. Shepelyansky1 1Laboratoire de Physique Th´eorique du CNRS, IRSAMC, Universit´ede Toulouse, UPS, 31062 Toulouse, France (Dated: October 21, 2013) We study the statistical properties of spectrum and eigenstates of the Google matrix of the citation network of Physical Review for the period 1893 - 2009. The main fraction of complex eigenvalues with largest modulus is determined numerically by different methods based on high precision computations with up to p = 16384 binary digits that allows to resolve hard numerical problems for small eigenvalues. The nearly nilpotent matrix structure allows to obtain a semi- analytical computation of eigenvalues. We find that the spectrum is characterized by the fractal Weyl law with a fractal dimension df 1. It is found that the majority of eigenvectors are located in a localized phase. The statistical≈ distribution of articles in the PageRank-CheiRank plane is established providing a better understanding of information flows on the network. The concept of ImpactRank is proposed to determine an influence domain of a given article. We also discuss the properties of random matrix models of Perron-Frobenius operators. PACS numbers: 89.75.Hc, 89.20.Hh, 89.75.Fb I. INTRODUCTION The damping parameter α in the WWW context de- scribes the probability (1 α) to jump to any node for − The development of Internet led to emergence of vari- a random surfer. For WWW the Google search engine uses α 0.85 [4]. The PageRank vector P is the right ous types of complex directed networks created by mod- ≈ i ern society. -
Evaluating the Danger from Gaza's Weapons Stockpile
NatSec Brief - June 2021 JINSA’s Gemunder Center for Defense and Strategy Evaluating the Danger from Gaza’s Weapons Stockpile Blaise Misztal - Vice President for Policy Charles Perkins - Director for U.S.-Israel Security Policy Jonathan Ruhe - Director of Foreign Policy Ari Cicurel - Senior Policy Analyst Yoni Weiner-Tobin - Research Intern The fighting between Israel and Gaza that took place from May 10-21, known in Israel as Operation Guardian of the Walls (OGW), proved that Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) maintain a large, diverse, and growing arsenal of projectiles of increasing range that can be fired in coordinated salvos intended to overwhelm Israel’s robust air defenses. These advancements in Palestinian rocket technology threaten Israel’s ability to deter future conflicts and defend against attacks when they occur; they are also a harbinger of the much more devastating potential conflict with Hezbollah on Israel’s northern front. Israel’s ability to deter and defend itself against these growing rocket arsenals, while abiding by the law of armed conflict, requires pairing advanced air defenses with offensive capabilities that can accurately target rocket production sites, depots and launchers spread widely across Gaza and embedded within densely-populated zones. The United States should support Israel’s deterrence by not only replenishing its supply of Iron Dome interceptors but also by expanding its air defense and precision munition capabilities. What Happened? • On May 10, terrorist organizations Hamas and PIJ began firing rockets and other unguided projectiles at Jerusalem. • In the 11-day conflict that followed, 4,428 rockets and missiles were fired from Gaza. -
Gaza Violence: Hamas's Tragic Mistake | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Gaza Violence: Hamas's Tragic Mistake Nov 20, 2012 Articles & Testimony Hamas and its new Egyptian supporters have to learn once and for all that firing rockets on Israel's civilian population is unacceptable. he latest actions against Hamas in Gaza -- that began with the killing of its military leader Ahmed Jabari -- T should come as a surprise to no one. Even though it was not reported in great detail in the international media, since the beginning of 2012, 450 rockets have been launched from Gaza into the adjoining Israeli communities, with the town of Sderot the most vulnerable of all. It should also be recalled that since Operation Cast Lead in 2008 -- whose objective was also to halt Hamas rocket attacks on Israel -- Hamas has launched more than 1,500 missiles at Israel, or an average of about 500 per year. The current bloody encounter did not have to happen and comes as a deep disappointment to people of goodwill on both sides of the Israeli and Palestinian divide. To understand the true tragedy of the moment we need to look back to the summer of 2005 when Israel evacuated all of its settlements and military installations from the Gaza Strip and turned the territory over to the Palestinian Authority as part of the policy of "Disengagement." At the time, polls showed that a majority of Israelis supported disengagement, despite the anguish of dislocating citizens from their homes as well as the deep political struggle that this engendered. It was assumed that the transfer of the territory to the Palestinians, even if unilateral, would finally bring about a period of quiet to the south of Israel and the transformation of the Gaza Strip into a productive economy. -
Advance Unedited Version Distr.: General 3 June 2013
A/HRC/23/21 Advance Unedited Version Distr.: General 3 June 2013 Original: English Human Rights Council Twenty-third session Agenda item 7 Human rights situation in Palestine and other occupied Arab territories Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Richard Falk* Summary In the present report, while noting the continuing non-cooperation of Israel, the Special Rapporteur addresses Israel‟s Operation “Pillar of Defense” and the general human rights situation in the Gaza Strip, as well as the expansion of Israeli settlements – and businesses that profit from Israeli settlements and the situation of Palestinians detained by Israel. * Late submission. GE.13- A/HRC/23/21 Contents Paragraphs Page I. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 1–7 3 II. The Gaza Strip ......................................................................................................... 8–30 5 A. Operation “Pillar of Defense” ......................................................................... 8–15 5 B. Economic and social conditions...................................................................... 16–19 9 C. Health in Gaza ................................................................................................ 20–22 10 D. Ceasefire implementation ............................................................................... 23–30 11 III. Palestinian detainees in Israeli prisons and detention -
U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel Updated November 16, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL33222 SUMMARY RL33222 U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel November 16, 2020 This report provides an overview of U.S. foreign assistance to Israel. It includes a review of past aid programs, data on annual assistance, and analysis of current issues. For general information Jeremy M. Sharp on Israel, see Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief, by Jim Zanotti. Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Israel is the largest cumulative recipient of U.S. foreign assistance since World War II. Successive Administrations, working with Congress, have provided Israel with significant assistance in light of robust domestic U.S. support for Israel and its security; shared strategic goals in the Middle East; a mutual commitment to democratic values; and historical ties dating from U.S. support for the creation of Israel in 1948. To date, the United States has provided Israel $146 billion (current, or noninflation-adjusted, dollars) in bilateral assistance and missile defense funding. At present, almost all U.S. bilateral aid to Israel is in the form of military assistance, although from 1971 to 2007, Israel also received significant economic assistance. In 2016, the U.S. and Israeli governments signed their third 10-year Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on military aid, covering FY2019 to FY2028. Under the terms of the MOU, the United States pledged to provide—subject to congressional appropriation—$38 billion in military aid ($33 billion in Foreign Military Financing grants plus $5 billion in missile defense appropriations) to Israel. -
Operation Pillar of Defense 1 Operation Pillar of Defense
Operation Pillar of Defense 1 Operation Pillar of Defense Operation Pillar of Defense Part of Gaza–Israel conflict Iron Dome launches during operation Pillar of Defense Date 14–21 November 2012 Location Gaza Strip Israel [1] [1] 30°40′N 34°50′E Coordinates: 30°40′N 34°50′E Result Ceasefire, both sides claim victory • According to Israel, the operation "severely impaired Hamas's launching capabilities." • According to Hamas, their rocket strikes led to the ceasefire deal • Cessation of rocket fire from Gaza into Israel. • Gaza fishermen allowed 6 nautical miles out to sea for fishing, reduced back to 3 nautical miles after 22 March 2013 Belligerents Israel Gaza Strip • Hamas – Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades • PIJ • PFLP-GC • PFLP • PRC • Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Commanders and leaders Operation Pillar of Defense 2 Benjamin Netanyahu Ismail Haniyeh Prime Minister (Prime Minister of the Hamas Authority) Ehud Barak Mohammed Deif Minister of Defense (Commander of Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades) Benny Gantz Ahmed Jabari (KIA) Chief of General Staff (Deputy commander of Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades) Amir Eshel Ramadan Shallah Air Force Commander (Secretary-General of Palestinian Islamic Jihad) Yoram Cohen Abu Jamal Director of Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet) (spokesperson of the Abu Ali Mustafa Brigades) Strength Israeli Southern Command and up to 75,000 reservists 10,000 Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades 8,000 Islamic Jihad Unknown for the rest 10,000 Security forces. Casualties and losses 2 soldiers killed. Palestinian figures: 20 soldiers wounded. 55 -
Administration of Barack Obama, 2013 Remarks at the Jerusalem International Convention Center in Jerusalem, Israel March 21
Administration of Barack Obama, 2013 Remarks at the Jerusalem International Convention Center in Jerusalem, Israel March 21, 2013 Shalom. Thank you so much. Well, it is a great honor to be with you here in Jerusalem, and I'm so grateful for the welcome that I've received from the people of Israel. Thank you. I bring with me the support of the American people and the friendship that binds us together. Over the last 2 days, I've reaffirmed the bonds between our countries with Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Peres. I've borne witness to the ancient history of the Jewish people at the Shrine of the Book, and I've seen Israel's shining future in your scientists and your entrepreneurs. This is a nation of museums and patents, timeless holy sites, groundbreaking innovation. Only in Israel could you see the Dead Sea Scrolls and the place where the technology onboard the Mars Rover originated at the same time. But what I've most looked forward to is the ability to speak directly to you, the Israeli people—especially so many young people who are here today—to talk about the history that brought us here today and the future that you will make in the years to come. Now, I know that in Israel's vibrant democracy, every word and every gesture is carefully scrutinized. [Laughter] But I want to clear something up just so you know: Any drama between me and my friend Bibi over the years was just a plot to create material for "Eretz Nehederet." That's the only thing that was going on. -
Without U.S. Response, Rocket Attacks Continue Blaise Misztal - Vice President for Policy Ari Cicurel - Senior Policy Analyst
NatSec Brief - February 2021 JINSA’s Gemunder Center for Defense and Strategy Without U.S. Response, Rocket Attacks Continue Blaise Misztal - Vice President for Policy Ari Cicurel - Senior Policy Analyst Following a U.S. statement promising “support for all efforts to investigate and hold accountable those responsible” for a February 15, 2021 rocket attack on a U.S. base in Erbil, Iranian proxies have twice more struck at the U.S. targets in Iraq. Most recently, three rockets struck near the U.S. Embassy in Iraq on February 22, 2021. Such attacks by Iranian proxies are likely to become more frequent and dangerous in the absence of a strong U.S. response. This policy memo from JINSA staff provides details of the recent rocket attacks in Iraq, background on Iranian-backed aggression against Americans in Iraq, and policy recommendations for U.S. officials. Key Takeaways • One week after a rocket attack in Erbil, Iraq killed a civilian contractor and injured nine others, rockets struck the Balad Airbase and the Green Zone in Baghdad. • These attacks are likely part of an Iranian counterpressure strategy that includes progressively violating the Joint Comprehensive Plan Of Action (JCPOA) and using proxies to attack Americans in the Middle East with the twin goals of ending U.S. sanctions against Iran and reducing U.S. presence in the region. • Thus far, the United States has not held Iran responsible for, or punished the militia involved in, these attacks, while continuing to pursue diplomatic engagement with Iran over its nuclear program. This has likely created the perception in Tehran that it has a strong negotiating position, one that can only be enhanced with few consequences by continuing such attacks.