Israel's Air and Missile Defense During the 2014 Gaza
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Gaza-Israel: the Legal and the Military View Transcript
Gaza-Israel: The Legal and the Military View Transcript Date: Wednesday, 7 October 2015 - 6:00PM Location: Barnard's Inn Hall 07 October 2015 Gaza-Israel: The Legal and Military View Professor Sir Geoffrey Nice QC General Sir Nick Parker For long enough commentators have usually assumed the Israel - Palestine armed conflict might be lawful, even if individual incidents on both sides attracted condemnation. But is that assumption right? May the conflict lack legality altogether, on one side or both? Have there been war crimes committed by both sides as many suggest? The 2014 Israeli – Gaza conflict (that lasted some 52 days and that was called 'Operation Protective Edge' by the Israeli Defence Force) allows a way to explore some of the underlying issues of the overall conflict. General Sir Nick Parker explains how he advised Geoffrey Nice to approach the conflict's legality and reality from a military point of view. Geoffrey Nice explains what conclusions he then reached. Were war crimes committed by either side? Introduction No human is on this earth as a volunteer; we are all created by an act of force, sometimes of violence just as the universe itself arrived by force. We do not leave the world voluntarily but often by the force of disease. As pressed men on earth we operate according to rules of nature – gravity, energy etc. – and the rules we make for ourselves but focus much attention on what to do when our rules are broken, less on how to save ourselves from ever breaking them. That thought certainly will feature in later lectures on prison and sex in this last year of my lectures as Gresham Professor of Law but is also central to this and the next lecture both on Israel and on parts of its continuing conflict with Gaza. -
Moving-Nowhere.Pdf
MA’AN Development Center MOVINGMOVING NOWHERE: FIRING ZONES AND FORCIBLE TRANSFER IN THE JORDAN VALLEY NOWHERE FIRING ZONES AND FORCIBLE TRANSFER IN THE JORDAN VALLEY 1 2 MOVINGMOVING NOWHERE: FIRING ZONES AND FORCIBLE TRANSFER IN THE JORDAN VALLEY NOWHERE FIRING ZONES AND FORCIBLE TRANSFER IN THE JORDAN VALLEY 2015 3 Table of Contents Introduction 3 Physical Security 6 Eviction Orders And Demolition Orders 10 Psychological Security 18 Livelihood Reductions 22 Environmental Concerns 24 Water 26 Settler Violence 28 Isuues Faced By Other Communities In Area C 32 International Humanitarian Law 36 Conclusion 40 Photo by Hamza Zbiedat Hamza by Photo 4 Moving Nowhere Introduction Indirect and direct forcible transfer is currently at the forefront of Israel’s ideological agenda in area C. Firing zones, initially established as a means of land control, are now being used to create an environment so hostile that Palestinians are forced to leave the area or live in conditions of deteriorating security. re-dating the creation of the state of Israel, there was an ideological agenda within Pcertain political spheres predicated on the notion that Israel should exist from the sea to the Jordan River. Upon creation of the State the subsequent governments sought to establish this notion. This has resulted in an uncompromising programme of colonisation, ethnic cleansing and de-development in Palestine. The conclusion of the six day war in 1967 marked the beginning of the ongoing occupation, under which the full force of the ideological agenda has been extended into the West Bank. Israel has continuously led projects and policies designed to appropriate vast amounts of Palestinian land in the West Bank, despite such actions being illegal under international law. -
“Is the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process Dead?” April 19, 2019 PART
The Brookings Institution Brookings Cafeteria Podcast “Is the Israeli-Palestinian peace process dead?” April 19, 2019 PARTICIPANTS: FRED DEWS Host KHALED ELGINDY Nonresident Fellow - Foreign Policy, Center for Middle East Policy TAMARA COFMAN WITTES Senior Fellow - Foreign Policy, Center for Middle East Policy DAVID WESSEL Senior Fellow, Economic Studies Director, The Hutchins Center on Fiscal and Monetary Policy 1 (MUSIC) DEWS: Welcome to the Brookings Cafeteria, the podcast about ideas and the experts who have them. I'm Fred Dews. On today's episode, an interview with Khaled Elgindy, author of a new book from the Brookings Institution Press, Blind Spot: America and the Palestinians, from Balfour to Trump. Elgindy is a nonresident fellow in the Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings and previously served as an advisor to the Palestinian leadership in Ramallah on permanent status negotiations with Israel from 2004 to 2009 and was a key participant in the Annapolis negotiations throughout 2008. Conducting the interview is Tamara Cofman Wittes. Senior fellow in the Center for Middle East Policy, she served as deputy assistant secretary of state for near eastern affairs from 2009 into 2012. Also, on today's show, Wessel's Economic Update. Today, Senior Fellow David Wessel, offers three reasons why we don't necessarily have to address the rising U.S. budget deficit through increased taxes and cutting spending right now. You can follow the Brookings podcast network on Twitter @policypodcasts to get information about and links to all of our shows, including our new podcast, The Current, which is replacing our 5 on 45 podcast. -
Targeted Killings</Em>
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Michigan School of Law Michigan Journal of International Law Volume 39 Issue 2 2018 Targeting the Targeted Killings Case - International Lawmaking in Domestic Contexts Yahli Shereshevsky Hebrew University of Jerusalem Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, International Humanitarian Law Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation Yahli Shereshevsky, Targeting the Targeted Killings Case - International Lawmaking in Domestic Contexts, 39 MICH. J. INT'L L. 241 (2018). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil/vol39/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Journal of International Law at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. TARGETING THE TARGETED KILLINGS CASE – INTERNATIONAL LAWMAKING IN DOMESTIC CONTEXTS Yahli Shereshevsky* INTRODUCTION ................................................. 242 I. THE DEBATE OVER TARGETED KILLINGS ............... 244 A. Three Main Controversies in the International Law Debate over Targeted Killings ....................... 244 B. Targeted Killings in Israel: From the Targeted Killings Case to the 2014 Gaza Conflict ............. 247 1. The Targeted Killings Case ..................... 247 2. The 2014 Gaza Conflict Report ................. 249 II. THREE COMPLEMENTARY EXPLANATIONS FOR THE ADOPTION OF THE FORMAL MEMBERSHIP APPROACH: JUDICIAL DEFERENCE, THE U.S. LEGAL POSITION AND THE INTERPRETIVE COMMUNITY OF MILITARY LAWYERS, AND A PRESSING NEED ................................ -
Winter 2020 Full Issue
Naval War College Review Volume 73 Number 1 Winter 2020 Article 1 2020 Winter 2020 Full Issue The U.S. Naval War College Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Naval War College, The U.S. (2020) "Winter 2020 Full Issue," Naval War College Review: Vol. 73 : No. 1 , Article 1. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol73/iss1/1 This Full Issue is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Naval War College: Winter 2020 Full Issue Winter 2020 Volume 73, Number 1 Published by U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons, 2020 1 Naval War College Review, Vol. 73 [2020], No. 1, Art. 1 Cover Two modified Standard Missile 2 (SM-2) Block IV interceptors are launched from the guided-missile cruiser USS Lake Erie (CG 70) during a Missile Defense Agency (MDA) test to intercept a short-range ballistic-missile target, conducted on the Pacific Missile Range Facility, west of Hawaii, in 2008. The SM-2 forms part of the Aegis ballistic-missile defense (BMD) program. In “A Double-Edged Sword: Ballistic-Missile Defense and U.S. Alli- ances,” Robert C. Watts IV explores the impact of BMD on America’s relationship with NATO, Japan, and South Korea, finding that the forward-deployed BMD capability that the Navy’s Aegis destroyers provide has served as an important cement to these beneficial alliance relationships. -
Military Activism and Conservatism During the Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction
Soldiers and The Use of Force: Military Activism and Conservatism During The Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction Are soldiers more prone and likely to use force Are soldiers more prone to use force and initiate conflicts than civilians? To bring a and initiate conflicts than civilians? new insight to this question, this article compares The traditional view in the civil- the main arguments of military activism and military relations literature stresses that military conservatism theories on Israeli policies during the First and Second Intifadas. Military professional soldiers are conservative activism argues that soldiers are prone to end in the use of force because soldiers political problems with the use of force mainly are the ones who mainly suffer in war. because of personal and organizational interests Instead, this view says, it is the civilians as well as the effects of a military-mindset. The proponents of military conservatism, on the who initiate wars and conflicts because, other hand, claim that soldiers are conservative without military knowledge, they on the use of force and it is the civilians most underestimate the costs of war while likely offering military measures. Through an overvaluing the benefits of military analysis of qualitative nature, the article finds 1 action. In recent decades, military that soldiers were more conservative in the use of force during the First Intifadas and Oslo conservatism has been challenged by Peace Process while they were more hawkish in a group of scholars who argue that the the Second Intifada. This difference is explained traditional view is based on a limited by enemy conceptions and by the politicization number of cases, mainly civil-military of Israeli officers. -
Evaluating the Danger from Gaza's Weapons Stockpile
NatSec Brief - June 2021 JINSA’s Gemunder Center for Defense and Strategy Evaluating the Danger from Gaza’s Weapons Stockpile Blaise Misztal - Vice President for Policy Charles Perkins - Director for U.S.-Israel Security Policy Jonathan Ruhe - Director of Foreign Policy Ari Cicurel - Senior Policy Analyst Yoni Weiner-Tobin - Research Intern The fighting between Israel and Gaza that took place from May 10-21, known in Israel as Operation Guardian of the Walls (OGW), proved that Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) maintain a large, diverse, and growing arsenal of projectiles of increasing range that can be fired in coordinated salvos intended to overwhelm Israel’s robust air defenses. These advancements in Palestinian rocket technology threaten Israel’s ability to deter future conflicts and defend against attacks when they occur; they are also a harbinger of the much more devastating potential conflict with Hezbollah on Israel’s northern front. Israel’s ability to deter and defend itself against these growing rocket arsenals, while abiding by the law of armed conflict, requires pairing advanced air defenses with offensive capabilities that can accurately target rocket production sites, depots and launchers spread widely across Gaza and embedded within densely-populated zones. The United States should support Israel’s deterrence by not only replenishing its supply of Iron Dome interceptors but also by expanding its air defense and precision munition capabilities. What Happened? • On May 10, terrorist organizations Hamas and PIJ began firing rockets and other unguided projectiles at Jerusalem. • In the 11-day conflict that followed, 4,428 rockets and missiles were fired from Gaza. -
Israel's Nation-State
NO. 41 OCTOBER 2018 Introduction Israel’s Nation-State Law Netanyahu Government Lays the Foundations for a Majoritarian System Peter Lintl and Stefan Wolfrum On 19 July 2018, the Israeli parliament passed legislation known as the nation-state law. It is highly controversial in Israel as well as internationally, although strictly speaking there is little new contained in it. Its advocates emphasise that it merely gives expression to existing realities. Critics argue that the law discriminates against minorities, runs counter to democratic values and, in particular, undermines the principle of equality. The debate reveals the social tension in Israel between its ‘Jewish’ and ‘democratic’ identity. In addition, it becomes clear that the main sup- porters of the law on the government side have more far-reaching intentions than its wording suggests. Their aim is to place Jewish collective rights above individual rights and freedoms. The law is, therefore, also a manifestation of current govern- ment policy aimed at leading Israel away from a more liberal democracy and towards a majoritarian democracy. In particular, this policy affects the Supreme Court as a defender of liberal principles. Israel does not have a constitution, instead The law has been a long time coming. it has a set of basic laws that have consti- Since 2011, a variety of different drafts tutional status. This is because since the have been discussed in the Knesset. There state was founded in 1948, there has never was widespread support among the Zionist been any agreement on what precisely the parties for the need to establish the Jewish “Jewish” in the Jewish state is supposed to nation-state character in Israel’s Basic Law. -
U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel Updated November 16, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL33222 SUMMARY RL33222 U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel November 16, 2020 This report provides an overview of U.S. foreign assistance to Israel. It includes a review of past aid programs, data on annual assistance, and analysis of current issues. For general information Jeremy M. Sharp on Israel, see Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief, by Jim Zanotti. Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Israel is the largest cumulative recipient of U.S. foreign assistance since World War II. Successive Administrations, working with Congress, have provided Israel with significant assistance in light of robust domestic U.S. support for Israel and its security; shared strategic goals in the Middle East; a mutual commitment to democratic values; and historical ties dating from U.S. support for the creation of Israel in 1948. To date, the United States has provided Israel $146 billion (current, or noninflation-adjusted, dollars) in bilateral assistance and missile defense funding. At present, almost all U.S. bilateral aid to Israel is in the form of military assistance, although from 1971 to 2007, Israel also received significant economic assistance. In 2016, the U.S. and Israeli governments signed their third 10-year Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on military aid, covering FY2019 to FY2028. Under the terms of the MOU, the United States pledged to provide—subject to congressional appropriation—$38 billion in military aid ($33 billion in Foreign Military Financing grants plus $5 billion in missile defense appropriations) to Israel. -
Jordan and Israel a Troubled Relationship in a Volatile Region
Jordan and Israel A Troubled Relationship in a Volatile Region Hassan Barari, 2019 2nd Edition The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan The Deposit Number at The National Library (2014/9/4608) 327.95650564 Barari, Hassan Jordan and Israel: A Troubled Relationship in a Volatile Region / Hassan Barari Amman:Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2014 (166) p. Deposit No.:2014/9/4608 International relations//Jordan/ Published in 2019, 2nd Edition by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Jordan & Iraq FES Jordan & Iraq P.O. Box 941876 Amman 11194 Jordan Email: [email protected] Website: www.fes-jordan.org Not for sale © FES Jordan & Iraq All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted, reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means without prior written permission from the publishers. The views and opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the original author. They do not necessarily represent those of the Friedrich- Ebert-Stiftung or the editor. Cover & Design: Ramzi Al Arabi Printing: Economic Printing Press ISBN: 978-9957-484-42-2 JORDAN AND ISRAEL: A TROUBLED RELATIONSHIP IN A VOLATILE REGION HASSAN A. BARARI 2nd Edition 2019 Foreword to the 2nd edition Tim O. Petschulat, Resident Director FES Amman, 2019 Numerous requests clearly signaled the need for a second edition of Hassan Barari’s account on the complicated and sensitive relationship between Jordan and Israel. Originally published in 2014, the newly revised version of “Jordan and Israel – A Troubled Relationship in a Volatile Region” provides historical background and political analysis that is essential to understanding core elements of Jordanian foreign policy to this date. -
Advance Edited Version
A ADVANCE EDITED Distr. VERSION GENERAL A/HRC/4/17 29 January 2007 Original: ENGLISH HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL Fourth session Item 2 of the provisional agenda IMPLEMENTATION OF GENERAL ASSEMBLY RESOLUTION 60/251 OF 15 MARCH 2006 ENTITLED “HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL” Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, John Dugard* * The report was submitted after the deadline so as to include the most recent developments. A/HRC/4/17 page 2 Summary Gaza has again been the focus of violations of human rights and international humanitarian law in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). In response to the capture of Corporal Gilad Shalit by Palestinian militants on 25 June 2006, and the continued firing of Qassam rockets into Israel, Israel conducted two major military operations within Gaza - “Operation Summer Rains” and “Operation Autumn Clouds”. In the course of these operations, the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) made repeated military incursions into Gaza, accompanied by heavy artillery shelling and air-to-surface missile attacks. Missiles, shells and bulldozers destroyed or damaged homes, schools, hospitals, mosques, public buildings, bridges, water pipelines and electricity networks. Agricultural lands were levelled by bulldozers. Beit Hanoun was the subject of particularly heavy attacks, and on 8 November 19 civilians were killed and 55 wounded in an artillery attack. Economic sanctions have had a major impact on Gaza. About 70 per cent of Gaza’s workforce is out of work or without pay and over 80 per cent of the population live below the official poverty line. The siege of Gaza is a form of collective punishment in violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949. -
ISRAEL and the WMD THREAT: LESSONS for EUROPE by Cameron S
ISRAEL AND THE WMD THREAT: LESSONS FOR EUROPE By Cameron S. Brown* Having faced a growing threat from the use of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) for the past several decades, Israel has been forced to make counter-proliferation a top national defense priority.(1) It has invested billions of dollars in developing a multi-layered national defense strategy that is arguably the most highly developed of any country on earth. As such, Israel's experience in this field can offer several important lessons (from its mistakes and successes) for European countries that are only now coming under the range of several rogue countries' long-range missile systems, not to mention the growing threat of WMD terrorism (This article was originally written for a project and conference on "Countering Threats in the Era of Mass Destruction: Accounts from the Middle East and Europe," co-sponsored by the GLORIA Center and The Military Centre for Strategic Studies (CeMiSS) of Italy.) THE ISRAELI THREAT Secondly, in any conflict, Israel is PERCEPTION heavily dependent on a system of calling up In order to understand what policies reserve solders to reinforce its small Israel has devised and employed in order to standing army. Should one of Israel's counter WMD proliferation, it is imperative adversaries use a WMD in the first few to consider the threats Israeli security hours of hostilities--and especially if it hit planners have taken into consideration near a mobilization center--it would when formulating these strategies.(2) unquestionably impede any efficient The gravity of the situation for Israel lies mobilization of the reserve forces.