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The Invention of Primitive Society Transformation of an Illusion
The invention of primitive society Transformation of an Illusion Adam Kuper Routledge New York, 1988 Este material se utiliza con fines exclusivamente didácticos CONTENTS PREFACE ............................................................................................................................................ Vii 1 The idea of primitive society................................................................................................................... PART I The constitution of primitive society ....................................................................................... 15 2 Patriarchal theory .............................................................................................................................. 17 3 Lewis Henry Morgan and ancient society .......................................................................................... 42 4 The question of totemism.................................................................................................................... 76 5 Australian totemism............................................................................................................................ 92 6 Totem and taboo............................................................................................................................... 105 PART II Academic anthropologists and primitive society.................................................................. 123 7 The Boasians and the critique of evolutionism................................................................................ -
Apresentação Do Powerpoint
BEROSE is an online encyclopaedia of worldwide scope, claiming a renewed practice and writing of the history of anthropology, in the wake of the World Anthropologies paradigm. With an international scientific committee, sixteen research teams and a constantly expanding network of contributors from all continents, BEROSE is an open access digital humanities project that promotes high-quality open science. Editorial Board / Research themes Scientific Committee History of French Anthropology and Ethnology of France (1900-1980) Ira BASHKOW History of German and Austrian Anthropology and Ethnologies Paul BASU Histories of Anthropology in Brazil Claude BLANCKAERT History of Dutch-speaking Anthropology Alice CONKLIN Anthropology of the South American Lowlands Regna DARNELL History of Colombian Anthropology Vincent DEBAENE Nélia DIAS Anthropologies and Nation Building from Cuba and Haiti (1930-1990) Christian JACOB th st History of Portuguese Anthropology and Ethnographic Archives (19 -21 century) Adam KUPER History of Italian Anthropology João LEAL History of Japanese Anthropology Benoît DE L´ESTOILE History of Anthropology in Australasia (1900-2000) Herbert S. LEWIS Anthropological Horizons, Histories of Ethnology and Folklore in Turkey Andrew LYONS Networks, Journals and Learned Societies in France and Europe (1870-1920) Jean-Christophe MONFERRAN Fernanda PEIXOTO The Invention of Folk Art (1840-1857) Emmanuelle SIBEUD History of Ethnomusicology George STEINMETZ History of the Relationship between Law and Anthropology Han VERMEULEN Claudie VOISENAT BEROSE regularly publishes new encyclopaedic articles in several languages (English, French, Spanish, Portuguese, and Italian) throughout the year. Its website can be browsed in English and French. Pluralizing the history of anthropology As its title suggests, BEROSE International Encyclopaedia of the Histories of Anthropology reflects the diversity of the scholarly traditions concerned. -
Introduction ROBERT AUNGER a Number of Prominent Academics
CHAPTER 1: Introduction ROBERT AUNGER A number of prominent academics have recently argued that we are entering a period in which evolutionary theory is being applied to every conceivable domain of inquiry. Witness the development of fields such as evolutionary ecology (Krebs and Davies 1997), evolutionary economics (Nelson and Winter 1982), evolutionary psychology (Barkow et al. 1992), evolutionary linguistics (Pinker 1994) and literary theory (Carroll 1995), evolutionary epistemology (Callebaut and Pinxten 1987), evolutionary computational science (Koza 1992), evolutionary medicine (Nesse and Williams 1994) and psychiatry (McGuire and Troisi 1998) -- even evolutionary chemistry (Wilson and Czarnik 1997) and evolutionary physics (Smolin 1997). Such developments certainly suggest that Darwin’s legacy continues to grow. The new millennium can therefore be called the Age of Universal Darwinism (Dennett 1995; Cziko 1995). What unifies these approaches? Dan Dennett (1995) has argued that Darwin’s “dangerous idea” is an abstract algorithm, often called the “replicator dynamic.” This dynamic consists of repeated iterations of selection from among randomly mutating replicators. Replicators, in turn, are units of information with the ability to reproduce themselves using resources from some material substrate. Couched in these terms, the evolutionary process is obviously quite general. for example, the replicator dynamic, when played out on biological material such as DNA, is called natural selection. But Dennett suggests there are essentially no limits to the phenomena which can be treated using this algorithm, although there will be variation in the degree to which such treatment leads to productive insights. The primary hold-out from “evolutionarization,” it seems, is the social sciences. Twenty-five years have now passed since the biologist Richard Dawkins introduced the notion of a meme, or an idea that becomes commonly shared through social transmission, into the scholastic lexicon. -
Nietzsche, the Anthropologists, and the Genealogy of Trauma
genealogy Article Nietzsche, the Anthropologists, and the Genealogy of Trauma Iain P. Morrisson The Honors College, University of Houston, Houston, TX 77204, USA; [email protected] Abstract: In this paper, I bring the Second and Third Essays of On the Genealogy of Morality into conversation with the anthropological work that Nietzsche uses to inform his understanding of human prehistory. More specifically, I show the ways in which Nietzsche’s genealogical use of prehistory both calls upon and departs from the work of figures like Edward Tylor, John Lubbock, and Albert Hermann Post. This departure is most significant in Nietzsche’s rejection of the progressive or developmental account of social and moral history for an account that emphasizes the way in which morality develops out of the psychological effects of recurring human traumas. Keywords: Nietzsche; genealogy; anthropology; prehistory; trauma Though Nietzsche’s genealogical approach to the nature and value of morality has often been heralded as a ground-breaking development in philosophy, it is worth remem- bering that the 19th century was one in which the study of history, broadly construed, 1 flourished in a number of fields of inquiry. It was in this century that paleontology, geology, comparative philology, evolutionary biology, and prehistoric archaeology all developed rapidly and established themselves as academic disciplines. Indeed, historical Citation: Morrisson, Iain P. 2021. development was a key idea in the Hegelian/Marxist philosophical schools as well as in Nietzsche, the Anthropologists, and the Genealogy of Trauma. Genealogy 5: the positivism of Auguste Comte. In this broader context, it is no surprise that modern 23. -
Eastern Rwanda)1
Diffuse Power as a Commodity: A Case Study from Gisaka (Eastern Rwanda)1 PIERRE BETTEZ GRAVEL Northern Illinois University, U.S.A. TO obtain the best possible results from an analysis of power in a primitive society, it is best to define power broadly. The idea of diffuse power is not a new one. It has had intermittent currency fromJohn Locke to Bertrand Russell. But the philosophers have not necessarily circumscribed the concept in the way that I wish to convey. Moreover, since the definition is a simple one, it is surely better to define the concept than to review the literature. First, we should exclude the sense given it by Meyer Fortes and Evans-Pritchard in the introduction of their book, African Political Systems ( 1940, xxiii), 2 in which they see power as the ability of individuals to control and regulate the use of physical force. This, incidentally, is the sense most often used in reference to primitive data, and is the meaning given to the word by H. Codere in her article on "Power in Rwanda."3 We should also exclude the definitions of the political scientists having to do with decision making. Power as used here will mean the ability to do, i.e. the faculty possessed by things, events, institutions, and men, of having the potential to move and alter. Although I want to use the definition of power as a modal proposition, nevertheless, in order to have the meaning of power grasped more firmly, it is best to think of it as a substance rather than as an activity. -
In His Highly Debated Article Return of the Native, Adam Kuper Argued That
Draft – Work in progress CSEAS University Of Michigan Conference 22 October 2010 The Original People and the Native State: Historicizing Contemporary Indigenous Rights Claims in Malaysia Rusaslina Idrus, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore [email protected] The term indigenous people(s) is a subject of much debate within both academic and activist circles.1There are scholars who question the usefulness of such a category (Kuper 2003) and caution the potential risks of subscribing to an essentialized identity (e.g. Conklin and Graham 1995, Conklin 1997, Li 2000). There are also studies that highlight the empowering aspects of this new rights discourse and how it has provided space for local rights struggles (Keck and Sikkink 1998, Wilson 1999). Many also discuss the double-bind that communities fall into when claiming rights based on indigeneity, and others highlight the political risk in privileging claims to being first to the land (Jackson 1999, Bowen 2000, Li 2000. Within the Southeast Asian context, the suitability of the term indigenous peoples to this region has also been raised by legal scholars and social scientists (Kingsbury 1998, Li 2000, Bowen 2000). At the international level, the concept of ―indigenous peoples rights‖ is largely shaped by the experiences of countries in the Americas in the context of European invasion and colonization. In these countries there is a defined (and for some continued) native-settler framework with the state tracing its roots to the colonizer. In Southeast Asia, while the term indigenous within the international context has been mobilized more recently (much like Africa2), the politics of indigenous rights have been around for much longer and the term indigenous has varied meanings. -
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EXTRAIT DU / EXTRACT FROM CARNET DE BÉROSE N° 13 Pour citer cet article / To cite this article Sahlins, Marshall, 2020. « Deux ou trois choses que je sais de la culture », in Guillaume Rozenberg (textes réunis et présentés par), La culture en débat, l’anthropologie en question, Les Carnets de Bérose n° 13, Paris, Bérose - Encyclopédie internationale des histoires de l’anthropologie, pp. 216-249. URL : http://www.berose.fr/article1896.html Carnet de Bérose n° 13. URL : http://www.berose.fr/article1934.html Copyright 2020 Bérose - Encyclopédie internationale des histoires de l’anthropologie / BEROSE - International Encyclopaedia of the Histories of Anthropology ISBN 978-2-11-162190-9 ISSN 2266-1964 Des promesses non tenues ? La notion de culture à l’épreuve de son histoire anthropologique DEUX OU TROIS CHOSES QUE JE SAIS DE LA CULTURE Marshall Sahlins e commencerai par le contexte intellectuel de mon idée de la culture, soit la civilisation américaine Jdu Midwest telle que je l’ai connue, et par quelques réflexions sur le destin différent de ce concept en Grande-Bretagne. Voici en effet deux peuples divisés par une langue commune : les malentendus productifs transatlantiques sur le concept de culture concernent toujours ce qu’ils concernaient il y a presque un demi-siècle, quand George Peter Murdock et Raymond Firth débattaient de la question dans la revue American Anthropologist. Aux yeux de Murdock, l’anthropologie culturelle américaine et l’anthropologie sociale britannique avaient deux objets scientifiques différents : la première étudiait la culture, la seconde les systèmes sociaux. Et comme les Britanniques n’étaient pas sensibles à la culture et n’examinaient pas ses processus, ces « bizarreries » conduisirent Murdock à la « conclusion surprenante qu’en réalité ils n’étaient pas anthropologues » (1951 : 417). -
Nature and Society: Anthropological Perspectives
Nature and Society Nature and Society looks critically at the nature/society dichotomy—one of the central dogmas of western scholarship— and its place in human ecology and social theory. Rethinking the dualism means rethinking ecological anthropology and its notion of the relation between person and environment. The deeply entrenched biological and anthropological traditions which insist upon separating the two are challenged on both empirical and theoretical grounds. By focusing on a variety of perspectives, the contributors draw upon developments in social theory, biology, ethnobiology and sociology of science. They present an array of ethnographic case studies—from Amazonia, the Solomon Islands, Malaysia, the Moluccan Islands, rural communities in Japan and north-west Europe, urban Greece and laboratories of molecular biology and high-energy physics. The key focus of Nature and Society is the issue of the environment and its relations to humans. By inviting concern for sustainability, ethics, indigenous knowledge and the social context of science, this book will appeal to students of anthropology, human ecology and sociology. Philippe Descola is Directeur d’Etudes, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris, and member of the Laboratoire d’Anthropologie Sociale at the Collège de France. Gísli Pálsson is Professor of Anthropology at the University of Iceland, Reykjavik, and (formerly) Research Fellow at the Swedish Collegium for Advanced Study in the Social Sciences, Uppsala, Sweden. European Association of Social Anthropologists The European Association of Social Anthropologists (EASA) was inaugurated in January 1989, in response to a widely felt need for a professional association which would represent social anthropologists in Europe and foster co-operation and interchange in teaching and research. -
What Is Distinctive About Social Anthropology and Its Methods?
Douglas Ayling What is distinctive about social anthropology and its methods? The OED defines “distinctive” to mean, “Having the quality of distinguishing; serving or used to distinguish or discriminate; characteristic, distinguishing” and this essay examines what characteristics can be said to distinguish social anthropology and its methods. I answer this question in the following manner. First to identify the remit of social anthropology from its neighbouring disciplines, I survey what it is said that anthropology is not. After touching on the links between the shape of anthropology and the political climate I move on to methodology, ultimately stressing the unique place which fieldwork occupies within social anthropology – both as a source of internal legitimacy and as a quality which is externally distinguishing. Etymologically the logos of anthropos points us to the discourse, reason1 or science of the human2. Yet as part of the social sciences, social anthropology finds itself tending towards induction rather more than its deductive cousins and putting greater emphasis on the selection and interpretation of a mass of qualitative data at the micro level as opposed to the macro quantitative and large N statistical analyses favoured by neighbouring disciplines. Whilst sharing roots with sociology through Montesquieu, 1 Thomas Hylland Eriksen, Small Places, Large Issues: An Introduction to Social and Cultural Anthropology, p.9 2 Alan Barnard, History and Theory in Anthropology, p.1 page 1 Douglas Ayling Rousseau, Saint-Simon, Comte, and then later Durkheim and Mauss3, anthropology today is distinct from sociology which remains preoccupied largely with modern urban European society and is frequently public policy oriented4. -
1 American Anthropology in Africa and Afro-America
1 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGY IN AFRICA AND AFRO-AMERICA: THE EARLY DAYS OF NORTHWESTERN’S PROGRAM OF AFRICAN STUDIES Simon Ottenberg PAS Working Papers Number 16 ISSN Print 1949-0283 ISSN Online 1949-0291 Edited by David Easterbrook, George and Mary LeCron Foster Curator Melville J Herskovits Library of African Studies, Northwestern University Program of African Studies Northwestern University 620 Library Place Evanston, Illinois 60208-4110 U.S.A © 2009 by Simon Ottenberg. All Rights Reserved. 2 © 2009 Simon Ottenberg All rights reserved. No part of the following papers may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission of the Program of African Studies, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles & reviews. 3 American Anthropology in Africa and Afro-America: The Early Days of Northwestern’s Program of African Studies Simon Ottenberg1 As a world power after World War II, some U.S. government officials and private foundations realized how little we knew of Africa, though allied troops had been engaged in North Africa and transported through West Africa. And the Cold War was leading to growing USSR influence in Africa. “It was sometimes said in the 1940s that the few African experts in the United States could hold a convention in a telephone booth.”2 Through funding from the Carnegie and Ford foundations and later from Fulbright awards and other government agencies, in 1948, Northwestern University became the first major African Studies Program, in the United States with support from the Carnegie Foundation. Multiple reasons for the choice were the pre-war research in Dahomey of Melville J. -
Bronislaw Kasper Malinowski
Bronislaw Kasper Malinowski Gunter Senft Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, Nijmegen 1. Biographical sketch "...he had an artists power to create with great integrative capacity a world of his own ... and he had the true scientist's intuitive discrimination between relevant and adventitious fundamental and secondary issues", this kind epitaph, which Malinowski formulated in his obituary for Sir James George Frazer a year before he himself died, could equally apply to Malinowski, as Raymond Firth (1981: 137) so rightly empha sized in one of his articles on his teacher and colleague. Bronislaw Malinowski, one of the most important anthropologists of the 20th century, is generally recognized as one of the founders of social anthropology, transforming 19th century speculative anthro pology into a field-oriented science that is based on empirical research. Malinowski is principally associated with his field research of the Mailu and especially of the Tro- briand Islanders in what is now Papua New Guinea, and his masterpieces on Trobri- and ethnography continue "to enthrall each generation of anthropologists through its intensity, rich detail, and penetrating revelations" (Weiner 1987: xiv). Bronislaw Kasper Malinowski (nicknamed Bronek & Bronio) was born in Cracow (then Austrian Galicia, now Poland) on 7 April 1884 as the only child of Jozefa (nee Lacka) and Lucjan Malinowski. His father (1839-1898) was professor of Slavonic philology at the Jagiellonian University of Cracow and was well known not only as a philologist but also as an ethnographer specialized in Polish dialects and Silesian folklore and ethnol ogy. He died of a heart attack at the age of 58 when his son (who was to die in the same way at the same age) was only 14. -
Man and Culture : an Evaluation of the Work of Bronislaw Malinowski
<r\ MAN AND CULTURE Contributors J. R. FIRTH RAYMOND FIRTH MEYER FORTES H. IAN HOGBIN PHYLLIS KABERRY E. R. LEACH LUCY MAIR S. F. NADEL TALCOTT PARSONS RALPH PIDDINGTON AUDREY I. RICHARDS I. SCHAPERA At the Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association in 1939 at Chicago Photograph by Leslie A. White Man and Culture AN EVALUATION OF THE WORK OF BRONISLAW MALINOWSKI EDITED BY RAYMOND FIRTH Routledge & Kegan Paul LONDON First published ig^y by Routledge & Kegan Paul Limited Broadway House, 68-y4 Carter Lane London, E.C.4 (g) Routledge & Kegan Paul Limited ig^y Printed in Great Britain by Lowe & Brydone {Printers) Limited London, N.W.io Second impression ip3g Second impression with corrections ig6o GN msLFsi Contents EDITOR S NOTE VII ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS viii REFERENCES viii Introduction: Malinowski as Scientist and as Man i RAYMOND FIRTH The Concept of Culture in Malinowski's Work 15 AUDREY I. RICHARDS MalinowskVs Theory of Needs 33 RALPH PIDDINGTON Malinowski and the Theory of Social Systems 53 TALCOTT PARSONS Malinowski's Contribution to Field-work Methods and the Writing of Ethnography 71 PHYLLIS KABERRY Ethnographic Analysis and Language with Reference to Malinowski's Views 93 J. R. FIRTH The Epistemological Background to MalinowskVs Empiricism 119 E. R. LEACH MalinowskVs Theories of Law 139 I, SCHAPERA Malinowski and the Study of Kinship 157 MEYER FORTES Malinowski on Magic and Religion 189 S. F. NADEL The Place of Malinowski in the History of Economic Anthro- pology 209 RAYMOND FIRTH Malinowski and the Study of Social Change 229 LUCY MAIR Anthropology as Public Service and MalinowskVs Contribution to it 245 H.