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Report: Western Balkans in 2020

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Report: Western Balkans in 2020 December 2020 1 REPORT: WESTERN BALKANS IN 2020 Elections in Serbia, Croatia, North Macedonia and Montenegro Žiga Faktor, Jana Juzová Contents Foreword (by Christian Kvorning Lassen) ................................................................................................................. 2 2020 Serbian elections: State capture in the daylight ................................................................................................. 3 Parliamentary elections in Croatia: Another dominant performance of HDZ as the opposition struggles to address critical weaknesses that shackle further progress of Croatia .................................................................................................. 8 2020 North Macedonia elections: The country’s European future hanging by a thread .................................................. 13 Parliamentary elections in Montenegro: The first transition of power .......................................................................... 18 DecemberApril 2020 2018 2 Foreword Member States – do not offer a credible path towards actual membership. Despite monumental challenges such as climate change, the pandemic and Rule of Law violations, To say 2020 was an eventful year seems inadequate; the losing the Western Balkans to foreign influences, such as COVID-19 pandemic and the chaos it has wrought will China and Russia, would present another challenge further forever define this year. This holds true in the Western down the road. Balkans as well, yet 2020 was also a year in which political upheaval – in some cases hopefully for the better, in other In this report, EUROPEUM’s two researchers – Jana Juzová cases possibly less so – began manifesting on a wider scale. and Žiga Faktor – analyze each of the four elections from Four elections – Serbian, North Macedonian, Montenegrin these perspectives in four policy papers, offering succinct and Croatian – were held in the shadow of the pandemic, dissections of the elections themselves, as well as what they yielding a mixture of novel political constellations and portend for the future of the region and the EU’s consolidation of old. For the three countries aspiring to enlargement policy. Based on their analyses, they offer European membership, the elections were vital indicators policy recommendations designed to strengthen the EU not only for their respective future paths, but also for the enlargement policy in a tailor-made approach rather than EU Enlargement policy; for years the Enlargement policy the hitherto “one size fits all”-approach that has proven has stagnated or even deteriorated, making newfound dysfunctional not only from the perspective of future momentum from political upheaval all the more crucial for enlargement, but also retrospectively during the last the region. enlargement wave in 2004. It is an enduring testament to the EU’s strength that The enlargement policy may be seen as marginalized today, membership is still the fulcrum around which these yet the enlargement policy is not solely a policy of countries’ reforms revolve. For decades, the EU was steadily enlargement; it is a window into the state of the EU, as well enlarging, owing to the shared history, vision and prosperity as the soul of Europe itself. It is therefore my pleasure to that was recognized as our shared European fate. Over the invite interested readers to read more about the 2020 past decade, this image has been marred by crises, argued developments in the Western Balkans, offering both by some to be the result of growing too large and unwieldy valuable insights about the region itself, and an opportunity to be able to respond effectively to crises. Another aspect, to thoughtfully consider what role the EU and Europe should of course, is the deteriorating state of democracy within play in a changing world marred by instability and upheaval. some EU Member States, most notably recent members Poland and Hungary. The politicization of politics have Christian Kvorning Lassen, Deputy Director of EUROPEUM widened the gulf between people and policies, latest Institute for European Policy exemplified in the EU budget debacle. Policy has in many ways become structured around crisis management and short-term gains, and less around strength in diversity and long-term visions. None feel this more than the Western Balkans. As the appetite for enlargement has waned amongst many EU Member States, so has the EU’s attractiveness to the political elites in the Western Balkans, often entrenched and corrupt. Yet the populations’ desire for a European future remains unabated, and while some countries have backslid, others show promise. Yet their hope and progress will turn to disappointment and regression if the EU – or rather, EU DecemberApril 2020 2018 3 2020 Serbian elections: State capture The 2020 elections as the result of a long-term decay of democracy in the daylight The political regime in Serbia is by some experts classified 2 The 2020 Serbian parliamentary elections were the most as a “competitive authoritarian” regime , a regime in which controversial since the fall of the Milošević’s authoritarian a political plurality exists and multi-party elections take regime. The elections were highly uncompetitive with the place but the entire system is rigged in favour of the ruling governing coalition and mainly the dominant Serbian elites. Apart from the widespread corruption and Progressive Party (SNS) enjoying a strongly advantaged dysfunctional democratic institutions, the freedom of media position, due to the party’s control over mainstream media, is under attack continuously for several years, with most of general ban on rallies amid the coronavirus pandemic, and the media being controlled either by the government or the abuse of public resources and political positions for pre- SNS, the SNS regularly uses its majority in the parliament election campaigning, and majority of the opposition to block discussions of legislative proposals and the boycotting the elections. discourse around critics of the government from the opposition, civil society or independent media is framed in Overall, the elections took place in a highly polarized a very inflammatory rhetoric bordering hate speech.3 The atmosphere and heightened tensions after anti-government problematic conduct of this year’s elections was just a protests organized by civil society and political opposition in product of the long-term decline of democracy in Serbia. In the late 2018 and early 2019. The main cause of the the Freedom House report ‘Nations in Transit’ from 2020, protests was the undemocratic and illiberal rule of the SNS- Serbia has received the lowest democracy score since led government and the regular attacks on opposition 2001. 4 Furthermore, the annual scores show that ever politicians, civil society and independent media from the since the SNS came to power in 2012, and especially after government officials as well as from the mainstream – Aleksandar Vučić became the Prime Minister in 2014, the government-controlled – media. The protests were sparked state of democracy in the country has been steadily by the physical assault on a small opposition party leader, worsening.5 Borko Stefanović, which the opposition claimed the President Aleksandar Vučić, leader of the SNS, to be The increasing authoritarian tendencies of the current SNS- involved in.1 The most visible political actor in the protests led regime resulted not only into a general dissatisfaction was the Alliance for Serbia, a joint bloc of very diverse with the lacking democratic governance, rule of law and opposition political parties – the Democratic Party, the respect for fundamental rights in Serbia but also into the People’s Party, the Party of Freedom and Justice, and Dveri. massive protests of 2019. The elections, originally The common denominator of the parties ranging from the announced for 26 April 2020 but postponed until 21 June centre-left to right-wing nationalists was the opposition to 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic, were to take place in the government, demands for fair and free elections and for conditions which would be far from fair and equal. The restoration of the rule of law. governing coalition and mainly the SNS, whose leader Aleksandar Vučić holds the Presidential office despite international recommendations against this double function, 1 Thousands protest in Serbia over attack on opposition politician, https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2019/637 Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-serbia-protests- 944/EPRS_BRI(2019)637944_EN.pdf. idUSKBN1O70S7. 4 Freedom House, Nations in Transit 2020 – Serbia, 2 Florian Bieber (2018) Patterns of competitive authoritarianism in https://freedomhouse.org/country/serbia/nations-transit/2020. the Western Balkans, East European Politics, 34:3, 337-354. 5 Freedom House, Nations in Transit 2020: Dropping the 3 European Parliamentary Research Service, Serbia at risk of Democratic Facade, Freedom House Index, p. 25, authoritarianism?, https://freedomhouse.org/sites/default/files/2020- 04/05062020_FH_NIT2020_vfinal.pdf. DecemberApril 2020 2018 4 used the advantaged position to promote the government the SNS politicians was crucial especially in the context of policies and gain support from the voters. The mainstream the state of emergency when political rallies were banned media provided highly incomparable space to the ruling and opposition parties therefore could not approach the parties and the tone of the reporting on the government
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