Chapter 5 – Good Fathers, Real Men, and Proper Citizens: Unpacking ‘Where Are We Going, Dad’

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Governing through reality television in contemporary China The case of Hunan Satellite Television Nauta, A.P.M.

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Citation for published version (APA): Nauta, A. P. M. (2021). Governing through reality television in contemporary China: The case of Hunan Satellite Television.

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Chapter 5 – Good Fathers, Real Men, and Proper Citizens: Unpacking ‘Where Are We Going, Dad’

5.1 Introduction 128 5.2 Conceptions of Fatherhood in China: Between Tradition and 130 Modernity? 5.3 ‘Who’s Your Daddy?’ Comparing ‘Chinese’ and ‘Foreign’ 137 Fatherhood: Lin Yongjian and Chris Downs 5.4 ‘Confessional Mode’ and Editing Techniques 143 5.5 “Real Men Don’t Cry”: Urban Metrosexuals vs. Rural ‘Real 155 Men’? 5.6 “You Are Not A Little Emperor!” Confucian Hierarchies and 164 the Nation as Metaphorical Father 5.7 Conclusion 173

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5.1 Introduction Chapter 5 – Good Fathers, Real Men, and The focus of this dissertation now shifts from the industrial context and the Proper Citizens: Unpacking ‘Where Are We Going, production side to the content itself. After having analyzed the governance of Dad’ television makers within the constraints of the industrial context, and HSTV itself, I now turn to the end product, as to provide a complementary analysis of governance in Chinese television. In 2013, Hunan Television debuted a TV series featuring male Chinese celebrities and their children. In this show, Where are we going dad (爸爸去哪 5.1 Introduction 128 儿 [baba qu na’er])—which is a localized version of a Korean-developed format—five 5.2 Conceptions of Fatherhood in China: Between Tradition and 130 dads and their children go to different localities in the countryside to experience rural Modernity? life and jointly complete assignments. The underlying motive for the program is the 5.3 ‘Who’s Your Daddy?’ Comparing ‘Chinese’ and ‘Foreign’ 137 assumed alienation between Chinese fathers and sons in contemporary life. These Fatherhood: Lin Yongjian and Chris Downs fathers are all busy and have little time to spare for their children. The dads in the 5.4 ‘Confessional Mode’ and Editing Techniques 143 program acknowledge this and say they feel distant from their child and their 5.5 “Real Men Don’t Cry”: Urban Metrosexuals vs. Rural ‘Real 155 upbringing. By going to the countryside for a few days, they try to remedy their lack Men’? of involvement and foster closer relations between the celebrity fathers and their 5.6 “You Are Not A Little Emperor!” Confucian Hierarchies and 164 children. the Nation as Metaphorical Father The show is billed as entertainment; the encounters between fathers and their 5.7 Conclusion 173 children, and amongst the children are endearing and emotionally affective. At the same time, they also serve an educational goal: how to stay in touch with your children while at the same time pursuing your career? This is a very urgent and real question especially for the urban middle classes in China. Which emotional techniques and strategies are effective in raising children and ensuring a ‘good’ and ‘healthy’ relationship? Parents want to make sure that they are doing the right thing as parents, and Where are we going, dad provides techniques for ‘successful’ parenting. TV viewers are thereby invited to envision their own role as parents in a similar process of self- improvement to become better parents. In this respect, Where are we going dad (WAWGD) responds to the anxieties of the urban middle class and illustrates reality TV’s preoccupation with self-improvement. While these functions or reality TV are by no means exclusive to China, and reverberate around the world, they are all the more pertinent in the context of the enormous social-economic changes in the past decades (Sun 2014).

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In this chapter, I assess what images WAWGD presents about ‘good fatherhood’ and what having a good relationship between father and child entails. By asking these questions, I place Where are we going dad within a discourse of masculinity and fatherhood in China, in relation to strategies of governance. Having established the structures of governance of the television industry in previous chapters, I now follow Ouellette and Hay’s approach by examining how this program functions to ‘govern at a distance’ and consider how it seeks to diffuse and amplify the government of everyday life, utilizing the cultural power of television to assess and guide the ethics, behaviors, imaginations, aspirations, and routines of ‘ordinary people’ (Ouellette and Hay 2008a). So, what is successful parenting according to this program? What does it mean to be a good father in China today? Which techniques are employed to construct these particular images? Drawing on a visual and narrative analysis of season three of WAWGD (consisting of 16 episodes of around 90 minutes each) that were broadcast between 10 July and 30 October 2015, I examine how WAWGD presents an important resource for parenting strategies, suggesting the appropriation and implementation of the offered techniques in the management of various aspects of individuals’ (and their children’s) lives (see chapter 1; cf. Andrejevic 2008; Dean 2009). This begs several related questions: how does the show present desired or aspirational modes of conduct? What kinds of citizens does it seek to produce? In order to answer these questions, I first situate this chapter in the growing body of academic literature on (representations of) fatherhood in China. Then, I examine the ideals of fatherhood as espoused in the show, identifying and criticizing its dichotomic undergirding: traditional vs. modern, masculine vs. feminine, Chinese vs. non-Chinese fatherhood, and cosmopolitan urbanity vs. the authentic rural. I show how, although the images of fatherhood and masculinity the show presents appear progressive, emotionally supportive, and affective (often represented as ‘global’) in relation to ‘traditional’ stereotypes of fatherhood, they are still very much based within a conservative gender ideology as well as a Confucian-nationalist rhetoric. Analyzing the ways hierarchy functions in the show confirms these conservative foundations, but simultaneously lays bare the multilayeredness and ambivalence of the underpinning discourses.

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In this chapter, I assess what images WAWGD presents about ‘good fatherhood’ and what having a good relationship between father and child entails. By asking these 5.2. Conceptions of Fatherhood in China: Between Tradition and Modernity? questions, I place Where are we going dad within a discourse of masculinity and fatherhood in China, in relation to strategies of governance. Having established the “Chinese fathers are too busy with work to really build up an intimate relationship structures of governance of the television industry in previous chapters, I now follow with their children.” According to Xie Dikui, the executive producer of Where are we Ouellette and Hay’s approach by examining how this program functions to ‘govern going dad, this is the starting assumption of the series. Although the explicit goal of the at a distance’ and consider how it seeks to diffuse and amplify the government of series is entertaining the audiences, Xie told me that he thought it would be good to everyday life, utilizing the cultural power of television to assess and guide the ethics, also provide some moral inspiration for audiences and show them how to be a good behaviors, imaginations, aspirations, and routines of ‘ordinary people’ (Ouellette and father. Hence the program should not only be regarded as entertainment, but also as Hay 2008a). So, what is successful parenting according to this program? What does it an educational process: the fathers try to build up a more intimate relationship with mean to be a good father in China today? Which techniques are employed to construct their children. This transformation process is the central component of the program, these particular images? Drawing on a visual and narrative analysis of season three of based on the starting assumption that many Chinese fathers do not have a close WAWGD (consisting of 16 episodes of around 90 minutes each) that were broadcast relationship with their children. between 10 July and 30 October 2015, I examine how WAWGD presents an important In this chapter I focus on the third season of Where are we going dad, which was resource for parenting strategies, suggesting the appropriation and implementation broadcast on HSTV from 10 July to 30 October 2016. The season consists of 16 episodes of the offered techniques in the management of various aspects of individuals’ (and of around 100 minutes each (excluding advertisements). As in previous seasons, five their children’s) lives (see chapter 1; cf. Andrejevic 2008; Dean 2009). This begs several fathers and children stay for 3-4 days in six picturesque locations on the Chinese related questions: how does the show present desired or aspirational modes of countryside, with two episodes filmed during each trip. In addition, two episodes conduct? What kinds of citizens does it seek to produce? were filmed during a trip to the Hengdian World Studios in Zhejiang, and the final In order to answer these questions, I first situate this chapter in the growing body two were filmed in and around Perth, Australia. The five participating fathers were of academic literature on (representations of) fatherhood in China. Then, I examine Liu Ye (movie actor), Hu Jun (movie actor), Lin Yongjian (TV actor), Zou Shiming the ideals of fatherhood as espoused in the show, identifying and criticizing its (Olympic gold medal boxer), and Chris Downs (Canadian TV host in Taiwan). dichotomic undergirding: traditional vs. modern, masculine vs. feminine, Chinese vs. non-Chinese fatherhood, and cosmopolitan urbanity vs. the authentic rural. I show how, although the images of fatherhood and masculinity the show presents appear progressive, emotionally supportive, and affective (often represented as ‘global’) in relation to ‘traditional’ stereotypes of fatherhood, they are still very much based within a conservative gender ideology as well as a Confucian-nationalist rhetoric. Analyzing the ways hierarchy functions in the show confirms these conservative foundations, but simultaneously lays bare the multilayeredness and ambivalence of the underpinning discourses.

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Father: Age: Profession: Child: Age: Hu Jun 47 Actor Kangkang 康康 6 胡军 (Hu Haokang 胡皓康)

Liu Ye 37 Actor Nuoyi 诺一 4 刘烨 (Liu Nuoyi 刘诺一)

Zou Shiming 34 Professional Xuanxuan 轩轩 4 邹市明 boxer (Zou Mingxuan 邹明轩) Christopher Downs 43 Television Poppy/Xiatian 夏天 5 夏克立 host (Kyana Poppy Downs) Lin Yongjian 46 Actor Dajun 大竣 4 林永健 (Lin Dajun 林大竣) Table 3. The participating fathers and sons in season 3 of Where are we going dad (Source: Mango TV).

Over the course of the season, the program focuses on the bonding experience, which is explicitly invited through the fulfillment of assignments and in the handling of difficult situations, such as living in a decrepit house. An archetypal episode starts with the fathers and children (as well as the production crew) arriving at the location. The village and environment are shortly introduced, and then father-child pairs compete with each other in Survivor-esque challenges to determine the assignment of houses; some need to rough it in shabby circumstances, while other houses are rather luxurious. During their time together, they complete assignments in varying compositions (sometimes just the fathers or children, or fathers pairing up with other children), such as looking and bartering for cooking materials to prepare dinner, after which the fathers put the children to bed. The next morning, breakfast usually involves another game, after which they compete in another assignment, often involving considerable interaction with the local village people. Episodes are interspersed with moments where dads appear privately in front of the camera and evaluate their experiences and their behavior vis-à-vis their child (confessional mode). In the context of a parental transformation, the program’s exercises foreground the bonding experience between fathers and children. Not only are the dads and

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Father: Age: Profession: Child: Age: children almost continuously in each other’s presence, and dads need to take care of Hu Jun 47 Actor Kangkang 康康 6 daily parenting tasks, team-building exercises; they also need to sometimes ‘survive’ 胡军 (Hu Haokang 胡皓康) together in difficult situations. Elements of survival include e.g. an elephant raid on

Liu Ye 37 Actor Nuoyi 诺一 4 the camp, finding a path out of an overgrown forest, cooking together or living and sleeping in decrepit conditions. The second recurring element is playing games; 刘烨 (Liu Nuoyi 刘诺一) fathers and children collaborate together to win a prize—such as a nice breakfast, or Zou Shiming 34 Professional Xuanxuan 轩轩 4 better accommodation. The game thus becomes a cooperative effort serving to 邹市明 boxer (Zou Mingxuan 邹明轩) enhance the bond between fathers and their children. Christopher Downs 43 Television Poppy/Xiatian 夏天 5 In the show, we see how the dads are struggling with fulfilling even the simplest 夏克立 host (Kyana Poppy Downs) of tasks, such as braiding hair, changing diapers, or cooking. These new experiences Lin Yongjian 46 Actor Dajun 大竣 4 often lead them to express a newfound respect for their wives. At the same time, it 林永健 (Lin Dajun 林大竣) points to the gendered task of parenting. In a recent article, Li Xuan shows how Table 3. The participating fathers and sons in season 3 of Where are we going dad (Source: participant Zhang Liang, during the first episode of the first season of the show, turns Mango TV). out to be the only father able to produce a basic meal. He then asked his fellow fathers whether the fact that he could cook is ‘undesirable’ and if it might repel his fans. As Over the course of the season, the program focuses on the bonding experience, which Li notes, “such gendered reference of the incompatibility of childcare and masculine is explicitly invited through the fulfillment of assignments and in the handling of identity is fueled by the production team which, when participating fathers eventually difficult situations, such as living in a decrepit house. An archetypal episode starts learnt housework and caregiving skills and exchanged cooking tips during later trips, with the fathers and children (as well as the production crew) arriving at the location. labeled their conversation ‘housewife chit-chats’” (Li 2016, 8; see also Jiang 2018, 5). The village and environment are shortly introduced, and then father-child pairs When I asked executive producer Xie Dikui about what he wants to convey compete with each other in Survivor-esque challenges to determine the assignment of about good fatherhood, he stated that being successful in a career, whilst also having houses; some need to rough it in shabby circumstances, while other houses are rather a close relationship with your child is the best. He names Huang Lei, who participated luxurious. During their time together, they complete assignments in varying during the second season of Where are we going dad, as an example. “Huang has created compositions (sometimes just the fathers or children, or fathers pairing up with other a very good balance between work and home; he is a very good husband; he cooks a children), such as looking and bartering for cooking materials to prepare dinner, after lot—he is very good at cooking. So, he plays many roles very well in his life.” While which the fathers put the children to bed. The next morning, breakfast usually such gendered statements as ‘housewife chit-chats’ are largely absent from the third involves another game, after which they compete in another assignment, often season, perhaps besides the children talking about gendered division of parenting at involving considerable interaction with the local village people. Episodes are home, fatherhood is still a gendered ‘task.’ As Xie states, the program just seeks to find interspersed with moments where dads appear privately in front of the camera and a better balance in parenting tasks between fathers and mothers and change reigning evaluate their experiences and their behavior vis-à-vis their child (confessional mode). conceptions of what fatherhood entails. In the context of a parental transformation, the program’s exercises foreground The construction of the role of the father has historically revolved around a few the bonding experience between fathers and children. Not only are the dads and stereotypical characterizations based on Confucian tradition. First, the father is the

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head of the household and a key authoritative figure in the family (Ho 1987). The traditional Chinese family is patriarchal, and family guidelines included “reverence, awe, and duty of children towards the parents, especially toward the father” (Lynn 1974, 33; quoted in: Xu and O’Brien 2014, 311). However, yin-yang has traditionally been the most commonly evoked paradigm representing the harmony of the male and female opposites, involved in an endless dynamism whereby men and women exchange sexual essences. Chinese cultural theorist Kam Louie noted how the fluidity of this binary downplays hierarchical relations: “The gender order implied by the Confucian strictures on social organizations, clearly placing male above female, implies that the mutuality of yin and yang must have been counteracted with an alternative sex-specific discourse legitimizing and naturalizing the imbalance in power between the sexes” (2002, 10). He proposes the wen (文 [mental or civil]) – wu ( 武 [martial]) dyad instead and uses the examples of Confucius and Guanyu as respective icons to show how wen and wu masculinities functioned in Chinese tradition. His conceptualization of the historically hegemonic models of Chinese culture through the wen/wu dyad has become a major—albeit highly essentialist— paradigm (although he nuanced it somewhat in later years (cf. Louie 2014). Second, the good Chinese father is portrayed as a cultivated, well-regulated, and good-natured man who is fluent in social etiquette in varying social contexts— impersonating wen qualities. At the same time, in his role as leader of the household, the father is responsible for his children’s behavior and disciplining them— resounding with Louie’s description of the wu aspect of masculinity. Good fathers combine both wen and wu qualities, and serve as a model for emulation to their children (see e.g. Jankowiak 2002; Ownby 2002). In the construction of the ‘traditional’ role division, the mother is kind and loving, while the father is strict and awesome— exemplified by the pervasive expression “a man drops blood, but not tears” (男儿有泪不轻弹 [nan’er you lei bu qing dan]) (Kang 2003; Evans 2007). The display of emotion has traditionally not been associated with the role of the father in Chinese culture. According to Xu Qiong and Margaret O’Brien, prevalent cultural norms have (long) prevented fathers from establishing emotionally close relationships with their children (2014; cf. Evans 2010; Li and Lamb 2013).

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head of the household and a key authoritative figure in the family (Ho 1987). The These conceptions of ‘traditional Confucian’ fatherhood were first challenged traditional Chinese family is patriarchal, and family guidelines included “reverence, around the turn of the twentieth century, in times of great political and societal awe, and duty of children towards the parents, especially toward the father” (Lynn upheaval. In the context of widespread calls for a ‘revitalization’ of China, embodied 1974, 33; quoted in: Xu and O’Brien 2014, 311). However, yin-yang has traditionally for example in the May Fourth Movement, writer Lu Xun denounced the oppressing been the most commonly evoked paradigm representing the harmony of the male and Confucian traditions of male superiority and filial piety and called for a more child- female opposites, involved in an endless dynamism whereby men and women centered parenting style. It is no coincidence that Lu Xun published a treatise on exchange sexual essences. Chinese cultural theorist Kam Louie noted how the fluidity fatherhood in this time: his writings and those of contemporary other intellectuals and of this binary downplays hierarchical relations: “The gender order implied by the critics were grounded in concerns over the health of the Chinese state and nation— Confucian strictures on social organizations, clearly placing male above female, the discussion on good fatherhood in this sense was political rather than practical (Li implies that the mutuality of yin and yang must have been counteracted with an 2016). alternative sex-specific discourse legitimizing and naturalizing the imbalance in After the Chinese civil war (1945-1949) was decided in favor of the Communists, power between the sexes” (2002, 10). He proposes the wen (文 [mental or civil]) – wu the implementation of socialist ideologies further destabilized the Confucian ideology ( 武 [martial]) dyad instead and uses the examples of Confucius and Guanyu as of parenthood. The land reforms and increasing industrialization shattered the respective icons to show how wen and wu masculinities functioned in Chinese foundation of the patriarchal kinship system and socialist ideology reframed tradition. His conceptualization of the historically hegemonic models of Chinese dominant conceptualizations of parenthood. Lee C. Lee showed how institutionalized culture through the wen/wu dyad has become a major—albeit highly essentialist— daycare for children in work units in farms and factories served as ‘surrogate’ paradigm (although he nuanced it somewhat in later years (cf. Louie 2014). parenthood, so that the parents could focus on their labor (1992; Hershatter 2011, 10). Second, the good Chinese father is portrayed as a cultivated, well-regulated, and According to Hanna Nielsen, who analyzed Chinese films made at the time, the role good-natured man who is fluent in social etiquette in varying social contexts— of parents as authorities and nurturers became incompatible with their role in the impersonating wen qualities. At the same time, in his role as leader of the household, construction of the prosperous socialist state, and was hence rendered insignificant the father is responsible for his children’s behavior and disciplining them— (1999; Hershatter 2007). Lei Feng, the new embodiment of masculinity in socialist resounding with Louie’s description of the wu aspect of masculinity. Good fathers China, exemplifies this; so, caught-up in his role in the fulfillment of socialist ideology, combine both wen and wu qualities, and serve as a model for emulation to their there was no space for such mundane things as fatherhood. children (see e.g. Jankowiak 2002; Ownby 2002). In the construction of the ‘traditional’ In the post-socialist era, which started with the introduction of economic reforms role division, the mother is kind and loving, while the father is strict and awesome— by Deng Xiaoping, the retreat of the state had severe consequences for the state’s role exemplified by the pervasive expression “a man drops blood, but not tears” (男儿有 in welfare provision for children. According to Xiaoyuan Shang et al., “facing the pressure of meeting increased social demand on welfare services, the Chinese state 泪不轻弹 [nan’er you lei bu qing dan]) (Kang 2003; Evans 2007). The display of emotion began to take a more residual approach to welfare provision whilst attempting to has traditionally not been associated with the role of the father in Chinese culture. pluralize the financial bases of existing welfare institutions and introduce a multi- According to Xu Qiong and Margaret O’Brien, prevalent cultural norms have (long) supplier system in order to keep government expenditure on welfare at a minimum prevented fathers from establishing emotionally close relationships with their level” (Shang, Wu, and Wu 2005, 122–23). Consequently, the public provision of children (2014; cf. Evans 2010; Li and Lamb 2013). daycare centers was halted, and the role of parents in everyday family life and the

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upbringing of their children were quickly reestablished. In the current era, economic prosperity has become a new (perhaps the main) benchmark of masculinity, which also extends to fatherhood. As Karita Kan shows in her article, in the fierce competition on the Chinese labor market, “the father is the entry pass of the son.” It is the father’s duty to secure sufficient economic and social capital to establish a stable, secure, and prestigious position for his son. For those without powerful connections, this is problematic. As Kan states, “they desire to compete on effort and ability but instead the only competition that seems to matter is that between fathers, or between the strength of one’s family background” (2013, 68). Due to the implementation of the One Child Policy in 1979, the importance of ensuring good prospects for the single child has become pivotal for many Chinese parents. At the same time, the distance between the precious sole child and his/her parents has decreased. Often branded xiao huangdi (小皇帝 [little emperor]) or xiao gongzhu (小公主 [little princess]), the ‘only child’-generation has the reputation of being spoilt and selfish. Although Jeroen de Kloet and Anthony Fung show in a recent study that this stereotype is highly problematic, it is pervasive in dominant discourse (de Kloet and Fung 2017). As all parental hope is vested in one child, spending on children has increased, the role of fathers has changed likewise. Some academic studies suggest that the traditionally big gap between fathers and children has decreased and roles of the father have expanded from being “authoritarian, dictatorial, and patriarchal figures who tolerated little challenge to their authority from either their wives or their daughters” (Evans 2010, 997) to being an emotionally involved friend and confidant (Shen 2011; Li and Lamb 2015). Other studies show how the authoritarian father figure transforms into an advisory role, such as choosing schools, and subjects (Ash 2016; Feng, Poston Jr., and Wang 2014; Xia et al. 2004). These studies exemplify the main issue that Where are we going dad turns to: a supposed ‘crisis’ of fatherhood: how to still be a good father according to traditional societal role models in an era of enormous socio-economic changes, captured in terms such as economization, individualization, urbanization, and globalization? In recent years, several studies have been published that engage with these issues on television. Whereas Michael Keane and Joy Danjing Zhang aptly explain the popularity (and relevance) of similar qinzi-formats (亲子 [parent-child caring]) in the

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upbringing of their children were quickly reestablished. In the current era, economic context of socio-economic changes in East Asia (Keane and Zhang 2017), other studies prosperity has become a new (perhaps the main) benchmark of masculinity, which turn to the ways in which WAWGD constructs types of ‘good parenthood.’ Both Lin also extends to fatherhood. As Karita Kan shows in her article, in the fierce Song and Xuan Li study the construction of fatherhood and masculinity in the first competition on the Chinese labor market, “the father is the entry pass of the son.” It is season of the program. Interestingly, on the one hand, Li concludes that her analysis the father’s duty to secure sufficient economic and social capital to establish a stable, has secure, and prestigious position for his son. For those without powerful connections, this is problematic. As Kan states, “they desire to compete on effort and ability but “demonstrated that the acknowledgement of men’s ‘innate’ desire to bear instead the only competition that seems to matter is that between fathers, or between offspring and devotion to childrearing, the wish for increased paternal the strength of one’s family background” (2013, 68). involvement in childcare, and the preference for a liberal, emotionally warm Due to the implementation of the One Child Policy in 1979, the importance of fathering style over the critical, authoritarian stance, are central components of ensuring good prospects for the single child has become pivotal for many Chinese contemporary urban Chinese fatherhood, as reflected in the reality show. Taken parents. At the same time, the distance between the precious sole child and his/her together, these changes point to profound shifts in fathering norms in parents has decreased. Often branded xiao huangdi (小皇帝 [little emperor]) or xiao contemporary China—shifts which are likely to stem from China’s gongzhu (小公主 [little princess]), the ‘only child’-generation has the reputation of socioeconomic and cultural transformations throughout the twentieth century” being spoilt and selfish. Although Jeroen de Kloet and Anthony Fung show in a recent (Li 2016, 32). study that this stereotype is highly problematic, it is pervasive in dominant discourse (de Kloet and Fung 2017). As all parental hope is vested in one child, spending on While Li lucidly identifies and analyzes the underlying dichotomy between children has increased, the role of fathers has changed likewise. Some academic ‘traditional’ vs. ‘modern’ fatherhood, she holds that the program favors the latter over studies suggest that the traditionally big gap between fathers and children has the former, seeking to transform dominant stereotypes of fatherhood. On the other decreased and roles of the father have expanded from being “authoritarian, dictatorial, hand, Lin Song observes a double-layered construction in the show’s representation: and patriarchal figures who tolerated little challenge to their authority from either “While the show’s portrayal of ‘men as fathers’ has mobilized the popularity of their wives or their daughters” (Evans 2010, 997) to being an emotionally involved Korean soft masculinity to create a new, transcultural masculinity ideal, its focus on friend and confidant (Shen 2011; Li and Lamb 2015). Other studies show how the ‘fathers as men’ appears to perpetuate a conservative understanding of fatherhood authoritarian father figure transforms into an advisory role, such as choosing schools, that reinforces gendered dimensions of masculinity/femininity” (Song 2018, 177). and subjects (Ash 2016; Feng, Poston Jr., and Wang 2014; Xia et al. 2004). These studies Song thus concludes, contrary to Li, that the show’s construction of fatherhood is still exemplify the main issue that Where are we going dad turns to: a supposed ‘crisis’ of rather traditional instead of those aspects that are considered ‘progressive.’ fatherhood: how to still be a good father according to traditional societal role models While I return to these assessments in my own discussion of the construction of in an era of enormous socio-economic changes, captured in terms such as fatherhood, the third season of WAWGD adds three other dimensions in contrast to economization, individualization, urbanization, and globalization? the first season as studied by Li and Song: (1) the participation of a foreign father, In recent years, several studies have been published that engage with these Chris Downs, a famous Canadian anchor in Taiwan (who speaks fluent Mandarin), (2) issues on television. Whereas Michael Keane and Joy Danjing Zhang aptly explain the the location setting in several ethnic minority villages in China, and (3) the last two popularity (and relevance) of similar qinzi-formats (亲子 [parent-child caring]) in the episodes filmed and taking place in Western Australia. Recently, Xinxin Jiang

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published an article on the third season of the show, arguing that the series is an excellent cultural site to witness the discourse of changing fatherhood practices and gender roles in China, asking whether the show helps audiences understand the merits and weaknesses of traditional Chinese parenting practices. At the same time, her analysis seems to perpetuate rather than to identify and destabilize essentialist understandings of Chinese vs. Western fatherhood when she discusses the merits and weaknesses for current Chinese parents by distinguishing the culturally diverging attributes of parenting practices (e.g. Jiang 2018, 5). This chapter therefore seeks to contribute in three ways: (1) by analyzing the assessment of what good fatherhood consists of according to the show, by comparing Lin Yongjian and Chris Downs, two fathers whose parenting styles diverge markedly to expose the ideological underpinning of the show; (2) by assessing how masculinity is constructed, as conceptions of fatherhood and masculinity are highly overlapping, and how the show presents ‘correct’ modes of behavior; (3) by exposing the ways in which the show negotiates hierarchies and espouses a Confucian political ideology that ultimately establishes the state as the metaphorical parent; and (4) by showing which editing techniques the program makers have employed to convey these narratives and ideological underpinnings.

5.3 ‘Who’s Your Daddy?’ Comparing ‘Chinese’ and ‘Foreign’ Fatherhood: Lin Yongjian and Chris Downs

WAWGD’s initial dramatic tension is based on the stereotypical image of Chinese fathers set out above: affectionally distant and awkward with the practical and emotional needs of their children. Throughout the season, the show portrays the fathers undergoing a transformation process, negotiating and reconfiguring fatherhood and masculinity through the representation of fathers striving to care for and communicate with their children. In the casting process, WAWGD-scriptwriter Wu Caihong told me, they look for different types of fathers. First, they look for one well-known celebrity as anchor for the show. According to her, “this superstar, his magnitude and popularity are already 30% of the success of the program.” For the

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published an article on the third season of the show, arguing that the series is an third season, they first approached the famous Hong Kong actor Andy Lau, but his excellent cultural site to witness the discourse of changing fatherhood practices and daughter Hanna reached the age of three only one week before the filming started. gender roles in China, asking whether the show helps audiences understand the Both Lau and the production team found her too young, after which the focus was merits and weaknesses of traditional Chinese parenting practices. At the same time, shifted to Liu Ye and Hu Jun as the anchor names. Scriptwriters then wrote a casting her analysis seems to perpetuate rather than to identify and destabilize essentialist profile for the other fathers supplementary to them, although this hierarchical divide understandings of Chinese vs. Western fatherhood when she discusses the merits and is in no way mentioned in the show and they all participate on equal footing. weaknesses for current Chinese parents by distinguishing the culturally diverging Based on what Wu told me about the casting profile for the fathers, and my own attributes of parenting practices (e.g. Jiang 2018, 5). reading of the fathers’ parenting styles in the show, based on the sequence and shot This chapter therefore seeks to contribute in three ways: (1) by analyzing the protocol I have made of the third season of the show, table 4 presents the different assessment of what good fatherhood consists of according to the show, by comparing parenting styles: Lin Yongjian and Chris Downs, two fathers whose parenting styles diverge markedly to expose the ideological underpinning of the show; (2) by assessing how masculinity Parent Casting profile (Wu) Parenting style (Wu/Nauta) is constructed, as conceptions of fatherhood and masculinity are highly overlapping, Liu Ye Lead celebrity Indulgent, almost helpless and how the show presents ‘correct’ modes of behavior; (3) by exposing the ways in Hu Jun Lead celebrity Distant, detached, unemotional, which the show negotiates hierarchies and espouses a Confucian political ideology and helpless that ultimately establishes the state as the metaphorical parent; and (4) by showing Lin Authoritarian, strict, close to Authoritarian, strict, and often which editing techniques the program makers have employed to convey these Yongjian ‘traditional’ Chinese parenting helpless with emotions and narratives and ideological underpinnings. style feelings Chris Emotionally close and responsive Emotionally responsive, close, Downs relation with child, close to with set boundaries of 5.3 ‘Who’s Your Daddy?’ Comparing ‘Chinese’ and ‘Foreign’ Fatherhood: Lin ‘cosmopolitan’ parenting style permissibility Yongjian and Chris Downs Zou Parenting style which is closer to Friendly, raucous, treating the Shiming being a friend than a father kid as younger friend, playful WAWGD’s initial dramatic tension is based on the stereotypical image of Chinese Table 4. Casting profiles and parenting styles of the participating fathers in the third season of fathers set out above: affectionally distant and awkward with the practical and Where are we going dad. emotional needs of their children. Throughout the season, the show portrays the fathers undergoing a transformation process, negotiating and reconfiguring The difference between the parenting styles of the father serve the program makers to fatherhood and masculinity through the representation of fathers striving to care for convey indications to the audience which aspects from which styles are ‘approved’, and communicate with their children. In the casting process, WAWGD-scriptwriter and how they serve to reinforce imagined ideal parenthood. In this section, I look at Wu Caihong told me, they look for different types of fathers. First, they look for one the transformative processes that Lin Yongjian and Chris Downs represent to go well-known celebrity as anchor for the show. According to her, “this superstar, his through during the third season of WAWGD. These two particular fathers stand out: magnitude and popularity are already 30% of the success of the program.” For the Lin Yongjian represents the traditional aspects of Chinese parenthood, whereas Chris

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Downs portrays the antithesis of the characteristics associated with Chinese fatherhood. As producer Xie told me when I asked him why they chose a foreigner on the show, “we wanted to display the differences in educational understanding between different countries (…), to tell audiences about different fatherhood methods.” Moreover, instead of representing ‘Western’ parenthood, Xie told me that “he is very special. He is Canadian but lived for 20 years in Taiwan. He was quite affected by Taiwan in his behavior and language.” For Xie, Downs thus represents an eclectic mix that is hard to stereotype as Canadian or Western, but more adequately seems to represent non-traditional Chinese parenthood. This is established within the first five minutes of the season’s first episode: whereas all Chinese fathers express that this will be the first time being alone with their child, and state that they spend very little time with their child due to their work, Downs notes “I spend a lot of time with her [my daughter], and she is the most important person in my life (E1, 6:00).” Lin Yongjian’s profile as a helpless father is equally established within the first minutes of the first episode. When the program makers pick up the father and son at the start of the first trip, Lin needs to make breakfast for his son Dajun, but gives Dajun something that he does not like. Editors have then inserted a comment on the screen stating that ‘he [Lin Yongjian] doesn’t seem to know what his son likes to eat.’ This continues only several minutes later, when before the start of the first trip, the fathers and sons are locked in a room, supposedly waiting for an interview, but in reality, to see how they spend an hour waiting together, filmed by hidden cameras. Dajun tries to play with his father, who is unreceptive and doesn’t seem to know how to respond to his son. The moment is accompanied by a tick-tock clock-resembling soundtrack, amplifying the awkwardness of the situation. In contrast, the next scene shows Downs and his daughter Poppy playing happily, to which the editors have added a cheery melody. Throughout the season, in ‘confessional mode,’ Lin Yongjian repeatedly expresses his willingness to learn to become a better father, yet viewers see him make the same mistakes over and over again. He displays a more authoritarian parental attitude towards his son Dajun, and is quick to judge, which becomes especially explicit next to Downs. In episode 2, Lin and Downs instruct the children for a small play they host for local ‘red soldiers’—military veterans. While Lin is instructing the

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Downs portrays the antithesis of the characteristics associated with Chinese children and wants them to listen and seriously prepare for their roles, Dajun fatherhood. As producer Xie told me when I asked him why they chose a foreigner on challenges him. When they start arguing, Lin gradually loses his temper, leading the show, “we wanted to display the differences in educational understanding Dajun to say to him “are you a monster?” A distraught Lin walks away to regain his between different countries (…), to tell audiences about different fatherhood methods.” temper, while we see Downs playfully instructing the children in a friendly manner. Moreover, instead of representing ‘Western’ parenthood, Xie told me that “he is very Whereas Lin displays characteristics associated with traditional Chinese parenting, special. He is Canadian but lived for 20 years in Taiwan. He was quite affected by such as an authoritarian style demanding obedience and discipline, Downs is playful, Taiwan in his behavior and language.” For Xie, Downs thus represents an eclectic mix patient, and permissive, and strategically uses storytelling to indicate to his daughter that is hard to stereotype as Canadian or Western, but more adequately seems to and other children what is and what is not permitted. represent non-traditional Chinese parenthood. This is established within the first five The contrast between Lin and Downs’ parenting strategies is highlighted in minutes of the season’s first episode: whereas all Chinese fathers express that this will several episodes. In episode six, we see how host Li Rui assigns the children to guard be the first time being alone with their child, and state that they spend very little time a room with a bowl of ice-cream, supposedly the grand prize for the next assignment. with their child due to their work, Downs notes “I spend a lot of time with her [my The real test here is to see if the children will be able to restrain themselves from eating daughter], and she is the most important person in my life (E1, 6:00).” the ice-cream, while the fathers are observing them on a screen in an adjoining room Lin Yongjian’s profile as a helpless father is equally established within the first and alternately go into the room to tempt the children into eating the ice-cream. Both minutes of the first episode. When the program makers pick up the father and son at Poppy and Dajun eat the ice-cream, while the camera shifts to Lin Yongjian, who is the start of the first trip, Lin needs to make breakfast for his son Dajun, but gives Dajun getting angry in the next room. Afterwards, when the true purpose of the exercise is something that he does not like. Editors have then inserted a comment on the screen revealed to the children, Dajun, aware that he was in the fault, hides himself to deflect stating that ‘he [Lin Yongjian] doesn’t seem to know what his son likes to eat.’ This his father’s indignation. While most fathers are quite forgiving—after all, they continues only several minutes later, when before the start of the first trip, the fathers tempted the children—Yongjian is disappointed and stern. He scolds Dajun, in and sons are locked in a room, supposedly waiting for an interview, but in reality, to contrast to Downs, who also expresses his displeasure about Poppy’s transgression, see how they spend an hour waiting together, filmed by hidden cameras. Dajun tries but in a much more constructive and better-explained way. to play with his father, who is unreceptive and doesn’t seem to know how to respond Later in episode six, we see how fathers and children are looking for mud eels in to his son. The moment is accompanied by a tick-tock clock-resembling soundtrack, a rice paddy in Nanjing county in Fujian province. Dajun stays on the side and refuses amplifying the awkwardness of the situation. In contrast, the next scene shows Downs to enter the muddy rice paddy. His father tries to get him in, even lifting him up and and his daughter Poppy playing happily, to which the editors have added a cheery forcing him with one foot into the mud, but Dajun’s cries and resistance prevent his melody. father from going further. Yongjian then tries to convince him, at some point joined Throughout the season, in ‘confessional mode,’ Lin Yongjian repeatedly by other participants and host Li Rui, but he refuses to go in. As the audience is told, expresses his willingness to learn to become a better father, yet viewers see him make Dajun is afraid of snails and insects. The screen then turns to ‘reflection mode’, where the same mistakes over and over again. He displays a more authoritarian parental Yongjian reflects on this situation, and expresses his inability to really understand his attitude towards his son Dajun, and is quick to judge, which becomes especially son, and know what to do in this situation. Downs’ daughter Poppy initially also explicit next to Downs. In episode 2, Lin and Downs instruct the children for a small refuses to enter the paddy, but when Downs strategically uses a ‘Peppa Pig’-story to play they host for local ‘red soldiers’—military veterans. While Lin is instructing the subtly guide his daughter into entering, without forcing her, she eventually succumbs

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and joins the others. At the end of the episode, we see how Downs praises his daughter for trying something new, while Lin Yongjian apologizes to Dajun for his behavior, who threateningly answers his dad: “I have something to tell mum!,” implying that his mum will support him against his father. In subsequent episodes, we regularly see Dajun begging for affection from his father, for an emotional bond. The program reinforces this when Dajun is asked about his father’s smoking. Dajun answers “I don’t like my father smoking (…) but I will always take care of him, even when he gets sick from smoking too much” (E08, 16:35). However, when Dajun tries to help his father, or wants a hug or a kiss, Lin Yongjian does not recognize his emotional needs. This is juxtaposed to a scene where we see how Downs needs to tell Poppy that her dog has passed away. He tells her very gently; he is very supportive in her emotional reaction. At the end of the scene, after he explains how her dog is now in a happier place, Poppy smiles again. While Yongjian often recognizes his own supposed failures as a father in ‘confessional mode,’ and expresses his desire to become a better father, in the show he makes the same mistakes over and over again: too disciplinary and stern, impatient, and emotionally unresponsive to his child. The main supposed defect of Chinese fatherhood becomes particularly explicit in the respective evaluations of the bonding experience in the show. After a short summary of the interaction between Lin Yongjian and Dajun in previous episodes, Lin is again self-critical, admitting that he is afraid of a loss-of-face, and emotionally states: “I see a lot of mistakes that I made… I can learn a lot from Dajun, he expresses his love for his father all the time.” Love that remains unrequited. Chris Downs is again introduced as the only father who spends lots of time with his daughter and has a close emotional bond with her; as Poppy confirms: “My daddy is perfect. I never want to leave him, even after I grow up. I don’t want to grow up.” In the last minutes of the last episodes, Downs has a message for all fathers:

“I think what everyone sees is love—love between fathers and children. I therefore have a wish, I just want to say: maybe you don’t have the habit to regularly say ‘I love you’. But you know, say ‘I love you’ to your closest, or give them a kiss or hug, this feeling is great. Because you can very much love the

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and joins the others. At the end of the episode, we see how Downs praises his daughter people closest to you, but not express it often. So, I really want to say to all people for trying something new, while Lin Yongjian apologizes to Dajun for his behavior, watching this show: if you’re a child, go to your mum and dad and say to them: who threateningly answers his dad: “I have something to tell mum!,” implying that ‘Mum, dad, I really love you.’ They will definitely be very happy. Parents should his mum will support him against his father. do the same to their kids.” In subsequent episodes, we regularly see Dajun begging for affection from his father, for an emotional bond. The program reinforces this when Dajun is asked about Thus, the presence of Chris Downs as a foreign father among the Chinese fathers his father’s smoking. Dajun answers “I don’t like my father smoking (…) but I will serves to convey a double message for Chinese fathers: spend time with your children always take care of him, even when he gets sick from smoking too much” (E08, 16:35). in order to build up an emotional bond and express your love and emotions towards However, when Dajun tries to help his father, or wants a hug or a kiss, Lin Yongjian your children. The strong bond between Downs and Poppy serves as a lesson for does not recognize his emotional needs. This is juxtaposed to a scene where we see Chinese fathers to address the perceived crisis of Chinese fatherhood in the context of how Downs needs to tell Poppy that her dog has passed away. He tells her very gently; the enormous socio-economic changes that have characterized China during recent he is very supportive in her emotional reaction. At the end of the scene, after he decades. In this regard, the ideal type of fatherhood constructed through this show explains how her dog is now in a happier place, Poppy smiles again. While Yongjian departs markedly from the stereotypes of Chinese fatherhood, represented by Lin, often recognizes his own supposed failures as a father in ‘confessional mode,’ and and can be termed ‘progressive’ contrary to the more conservative values the show expresses his desire to become a better father, in the show he makes the same mistakes espouses on masculinity in general, which I discuss below. over and over again: too disciplinary and stern, impatient, and emotionally At the same time, the program never directly focuses on the impediments of unresponsive to his child. everyday working life for fatherhood. Even in confessional mode, the dads hardly The main supposed defect of Chinese fatherhood becomes particularly explicit ever refer to issues outside the program that prevent them from spending time with in the respective evaluations of the bonding experience in the show. After a short their children. The problem that the show presents, mediated through the presence of summary of the interaction between Lin Yongjian and Dajun in previous episodes, a foreign father, is that Chinese fathers lack a relationship with their child, and it needs Lin is again self-critical, admitting that he is afraid of a loss-of-face, and emotionally a moral solution: dads simply need to invest more time in their children. Thus, the states: “I see a lot of mistakes that I made… I can learn a lot from Dajun, he expresses problem is presented as either individual (these dads are famous and thus busy), or his love for his father all the time.” Love that remains unrequited. Chris Downs is inevitable (this is just the way it is), in the meantime failing to acknowledge its social again introduced as the only father who spends lots of time with his daughter and has and political causes. Why have fathers no time for their children? Which policies and a close emotional bond with her; as Poppy confirms: “My daddy is perfect. I never practices contribute to social arrangements such as long working hours, labor laws, want to leave him, even after I grow up. I don’t want to grow up.” In the last minutes societal pressures, income disparities, gender discrimination etc. that prevent fathers of the last episodes, Downs has a message for all fathers: from spending time with their children? This is a social issue for which it would be too simple to attribute it to personal choices that just need to be adjusted; both the “I think what everyone sees is love—love between fathers and children. I cause and solution are at least partly political and societal. This exemplifies an therefore have a wish, I just want to say: maybe you don’t have the habit to important lesson of changing forms of governance in contemporary China: society is regularly say ‘I love you’. But you know, say ‘I love you’ to your closest, or give increasingly ‘privatized’ in which the state calibrates its power, from the micro- them a kiss or hug, this feeling is great. Because you can very much love the management of individual lives to encouraging people to rely on themselves, develop

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ways to manage one’s own life, in short to govern the self (Ong and Zhang 2008, 7–8). Here, we return to Foucault’s technologies of the self, and how governmentality mediates between power and subjectivity, connecting techniques of domination with technologies of the self (Foucault 2009). Fathers themselves are responsible for structuring and managing their lives in such a way that they can be successful in every aspect—at work and as fathers. They themselves are responsible for governing their lives in such a way than they can be effective fathers. This philosophy of self-responsibility reverberates continuously through the show: in one example, in episode 13, after a role-playing game in which fathers alternate between roles such as emperor, eunuch, beggar, and soldier, the editors insert the line “You can change the life you are given by hard work!” on the screen. During several episodes, children need to sell things (e.g. cookies or eggs) to local villagers in order to earn enough money to buy ingredients for dinner. In episode 5 for example, when the children need to earn money to pay the rent for their accommodation, the editors insert: “Nothing comes for free. And earning money is not an easy task.” Besides the insertion of such lines in order to convey a message or interpret a situation in a particular way, the editors have enacted several techniques to enhance or emphasize specific readings of particular situations, which I will discuss in the next section.

5.4 ‘Confessional Mode’ and Editing Techniques

Apart from images of good fatherhood in the series such as fathers hugging their children, complimenting them, working together during an exercise, or other bonding moments, the show uses specific techniques to frame images or moments of good and bad fatherhood. The first technique to frame images of good fatherhood is through the ‘confessional mode.’ Fathers regularly appear privately in front of the camera to evaluate their fatherhood and their behavior vis-à-vis their child. The camera is close- up, and no background music is being played. In picture 1, we see how the focus is purely on the father, who is the only person speaking, which produces a sense of honesty and pure authenticity, devoid of any distracting elements such as sounds and

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ways to manage one’s own life, in short to govern the self (Ong and Zhang 2008, 7–8). music, social context, or other features on the screen. Through this ‘therapeutic’ Here, we return to Foucault’s technologies of the self, and how governmentality narrative, the fathers’ emotions and self-doubts are made public, as objects that can be mediates between power and subjectivity, connecting techniques of domination with exposed, discussed, and argued over. Eva Illouz shows in her book Cold intimacies how technologies of the self (Foucault 2009). Fathers themselves are responsible for “the subject participates in the public sphere through the construction and the structuring and managing their lives in such a way that they can be successful in every exposure of ‘private’ emotions. (…) what helps one rewrite the story of his or her life aspect—at work and as fathers. They themselves are responsible for governing their as a therapeutic narrative is the goal of the story”—being a good father, in this case lives in such a way than they can be effective fathers. (2007, 143). She shows how therapeutic narrative can only function if the complication This philosophy of self-responsibility reverberates continuously through the is identified: what prevents me from being a good father and overcome that. show: in one example, in episode 13, after a role-playing game in which fathers The fathers generally start by expressing their exhaustion about the arduousness alternate between roles such as emperor, eunuch, beggar, and soldier, the editors of taking care of their child for several days. Most dads have little or no experience insert the line “You can change the life you are given by hard work!” on the screen. with basic tasks such as cooking, braiding hair, or changing sheets and clothes when During several episodes, children need to sell things (e.g. cookies or eggs) to local a child has soiled him or herself. The main emphasis lies on the emotional dimension villagers in order to earn enough money to buy ingredients for dinner. In episode 5 however; they express surprise at the ways in which they perceive a richness and for example, when the children need to earn money to pay the rent for their depth in their child’s personality. They recognize that they hardly know their child, accommodation, the editors insert: “Nothing comes for free. And earning money is and criticize themselves for that, expressing the intention to improve on their not an easy task.” Besides the insertion of such lines in order to convey a message or fatherhood and attempt to build a closer relation. They sometimes get emotional interpret a situation in a particular way, the editors have enacted several techniques during the reflection. This is very explicit in the sixth episode, which starts of and ends to enhance or emphasize specific readings of particular situations, which I will discuss with an emotional ‘self-criticism’ from Lin Yongjian, who struggles in his relationship in the next section. with his son Dajun. He forced his son to step into a muddy rice paddy, while his son is afraid of leeches. He didn’t know and criticizes himself afterwards, taking it a step further: 5.4 ‘Confessional Mode’ and Editing Techniques “I was really impatient, it’s my problem, every person may have a fear of Apart from images of good fatherhood in the series such as fathers hugging their something. Or have little time and communication with their children…I did not children, complimenting them, working together during an exercise, or other bonding really enter deep into his heart. On this issue I have been seriously absent, I have moments, the show uses specific techniques to frame images or moments of good and to learn it. Give me a chance, I walk slowly into their hearts of children…Please bad fatherhood. The first technique to frame images of good fatherhood is through allow me some time” (E06, 1:29:30). the ‘confessional mode.’ Fathers regularly appear privately in front of the camera to evaluate their fatherhood and their behavior vis-à-vis their child. The camera is close- Without exception, the fathers reflect on how distant their children’s world is from up, and no background music is being played. In picture 1, we see how the focus is theirs and discuss the ways in which they seek to become better dads. They directly purely on the father, who is the only person speaking, which produces a sense of reflect on their parental experiences for the audience, and ways in which they honesty and pure authenticity, devoid of any distracting elements such as sounds and themselves feel they should improve. The tasks that the program makers assign to

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them directly seek to instill these realizations. This technique thus directly conveys messages of what the fathers regard as good or bad parenthood to the audience.

Picture 4. Father Zou Shiming in ‘confessional mode’ (E12, 01:01:05).

Besides the therapeutic ‘confessional mode,’ the makers have employed several other techniques to frame good and bad examples of fatherhood. The above plea by Lin Yongjian is followed by another scene in which Lin is again impatient with his son, who just tries to help his father. He is positioned as a father who has the best interests at heart, but continuously fails to uphold the values he espoused in practical situations. Interestingly, when I discussed the program with friends and acquaintances in China, and I asked them about how they would rank the fathers, they unequivocally designated Lin Yongjian as the worst. However, when I asked cast members about their ranking, more than half regarded Lin Yongjian the best dad. My acquaintances told me that Lin made the same mistakes over and over, he was too strict, and did not take his child seriously. The cast members however, who spent much time with the fathers, and were in some cases still in touch with them, praised Lin for trying really hard to become a better dad. One year after the show, producer Kang Xueyou, who is still in touch with Lin, told me, “Lin Yongjian turned down lots of work opportunities

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them directly seek to instill these realizations. This technique thus directly conveys when he finished this program. He then took his wife and Dajun to many places for messages of what the fathers regard as good or bad parenthood to the audience. travel, with the intention to gradually compensate for the past. Besides, he cooks food at home for Dajun now, and although it’s not very tasty, Dajun is quite receptive.” However, the discrepancy between the cast’s and public’s perception and assessment of Lin Yingjian’s fatherhood underscores that the ‘reality’ the show allegedly portrays is in fact fabricated (cf. Feasey 2008, 107; Song 2018). This points to a second technique, which involves inserting animations and speech clouds in the editing process. Not only can editors show examples of failing parenthood by juxtaposing contradictory statements with examples, but also through the addition of pictures, (love) frames, speech clouds, and similar features in the show. While these editing techniques are unfamiliar to Western audiences, they are omnipresent in any Chinese reality show, due to divergent histories of television and audience preferences (just as the laugh tracks in US sitcoms are absent in Chinese shows). By adding speech bubbles, the editors show the child is responding to a certain situation. On the one hand, this is done to make the program more entertaining and funnier, but on the other hand, these speech bubbles, squeaks, etc. function to

steer the audience’ interpretation of a situation in a certain way. For example, by Picture 4. Father Zou Shiming in ‘confessional mode’ (E12, 01:01:05). drawing a heart between father and child when standing together, they convey

appraisal of the relation or parenting style in a certain situation. By inserting a speech Besides the therapeutic ‘confessional mode,’ the makers have employed several other cloud with lightning bolts and similar images with the child, the editors frame a techniques to frame good and bad examples of fatherhood. The above plea by Lin certain situation as faulty, and can symbolize a failing parenting style. Where are we Yongjian is followed by another scene in which Lin is again impatient with his son, going dad has taken this to the extreme: the flow of speech clouds, and other editorial who just tries to help his father. He is positioned as a father who has the best interests additions is almost uninterrupted. at heart, but continuously fails to uphold the values he espoused in practical situations. Several emotive patterns can be identified as they recur regularly. While all Interestingly, when I discussed the program with friends and acquaintances in China, animations seek to amplify the emotions displayed by the participants, or even clarify and I asked them about how they would rank the fathers, they unequivocally which emotion the participant is (supposed to be) feeling at particular moments, designated Lin Yongjian as the worst. However, when I asked cast members about several particular emotion-guiding animations appear frequently in different forms. I their ranking, more than half regarded Lin Yongjian the best dad. My acquaintances will here discuss two recurring emotions: love and annoyance. As there are four boys told me that Lin made the same mistakes over and over, he was too strict, and did not and one girl in the show, the editors have inserted a narrative that all boys are take his child seriously. The cast members however, who spent much time with the supposedly in love with the girl, continuously vying for her attention. Every episode fathers, and were in some cases still in touch with them, praised Lin for trying really features several moments where romantic triangles are formed: Poppy seemingly runs hard to become a better dad. One year after the show, producer Kang Xueyou, who is off with one of the boys (often Nuoyi), while leaving the others (often Xuanxuan or still in touch with Lin, told me, “Lin Yongjian turned down lots of work opportunities

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Dajun) in the cold. The editors thereby carefully position Poppy as a very considerate young girl, as she never harshly rebukes them, or is unfriendly with the other boys.

Picture 5. Poppy and Nuoyi supposedly in love (E09, 4:38).

In picture 2, we see how on arriving at the location (Guanxia Township in Western Hunan), Poppy and Nuoyi are walking hand-in-hand and are supposedly happy to each other again—understandable, as all children seem to get along well in the show. However, by surrounding them with lots of pink flowers, the editors suggest romance, and that Poppy and Nuoyi are in love with each other. Such images are often followed by an image of another boy who has failed to capture Poppy’s attention and is left behind in the cold. In this particular case, the flower-image is followed by a shot of a cat, supposedly lying nearby and looking at Poppy and Nuoyi, while recognizing their love by thinking: “How wonderful!”.

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Dajun) in the cold. The editors thereby carefully position Poppy as a very considerate young girl, as she never harshly rebukes them, or is unfriendly with the other boys.

Picture 6. Village cat approving of Poppy and Nuoyi’s ‘love’ (E09, 4:40).

The romantic framing is further magnified by a scene of Nuoyi and Poppy together, discussing the beauty of the color of the water, while editors have inserted animated

flowers falling like snowflakes from the sky. The scene is accompanied by a simple Picture 5. Poppy and Nuoyi supposedly in love (E09, 4:38). ‘romantic’ solo piano tune.

Picture 7. Poppy and Nuoyi staring at the water while animated flowers fall down the screen (E09, 4:50).

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After a brief shot of the beautiful lake Nuoyi and Poppy were staring at, reality abruptly comes back when Xuanxuan supposedly interrupts their intimate moment by shouting: “Are you getting married now?”. At the same time, the romantic piano tune is abruptly cut off by a low trumpet-like sound, indicating a rude awakening from what is presented as a romantic intermezzo.

Picture 8. Xuanxuan interrupts Poppy and Nuoyi’s ‘romantic’ moment (E09, 4:57).

Such juxtapositions serve to enhance the recurring narrative line of romance that the editors have superimposed on the interactions between the children. Even though the animations below appear in a time span of a few minutes, animations symbolizing annoyance or confoundedness are less entwined in narrative lines but serve to amplify the emotive interpretation for audiences in particular situations. The animations that recur most frequently, more than once in every episode, include the (1) ‘red crown,’ which emphasizes the confoundedness or astonishment of fathers over what their children do or say; (2) the ‘grey twirls,’ which stand for annoyance or impatience; and (3) the ‘sweat drops,’ indicating awkwardness or confusion, often used when fathers do not know how to handle their children in a specific situation.

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After a brief shot of the beautiful lake Nuoyi and Poppy were staring at, reality In this particular ‘red crown’ case, Lin Yongjian and Dajun are not allowed to abruptly comes back when Xuanxuan supposedly interrupts their intimate moment enter the replica Forbidden City in Hengdian Studios, as they play the role of beggars. by shouting: “Are you getting married now?”. At the same time, the romantic piano Yongjian sees how the others proceed into the palace, while he and Dajun are stopped tune is abruptly cut off by a low trumpet-like sound, indicating a rude awakening at the door. from what is presented as a romantic intermezzo.

Picture 9. The ‘red crown,’ depicting confoundedness or astonishment (E13, 15:48). Picture 8. Xuanxuan interrupts Poppy and Nuoyi’s ‘romantic’ moment (E09, 4:57). Simultaneously, Dajun is mostly annoyed or disappointed when he sees his friends Such juxtapositions serve to enhance the recurring narrative line of romance that the enter the replica Forbidden City while he is prevented from doing so: the editors have editors have superimposed on the interactions between the children. Even though the superimposed the ‘grey twirls,’ also common in comic books to depict annoyance. Just animations below appear in a time span of a few minutes, animations symbolizing a few moments later, the situation results in Dajun starting to cry. annoyance or confoundedness are less entwined in narrative lines but serve to amplify the emotive interpretation for audiences in particular situations. The animations that recur most frequently, more than once in every episode, include the (1) ‘red crown,’ which emphasizes the confoundedness or astonishment of fathers over what their children do or say; (2) the ‘grey twirls,’ which stand for annoyance or impatience; and (3) the ‘sweat drops,’ indicating awkwardness or confusion, often used when fathers do not know how to handle their children in a specific situation.

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Picture 10. The ‘grey twirl,’ depicting annoyance or impatience (E13, 16:04).

The third example of most-recurring animations are the ‘sweat drops.’ The editors have inserted them to depict situations of awkwardness or confusion, most often when the fathers do not know how to react to or handle their child in a particular situation. In this case, we see how Nuoyi bursts into tears and falls into the arms of host Li Rui, who, according to the ‘sweat drops,’ has no idea how to handle with the kid’s emotions: why Nuoyi is crying, or how he can comfort him. At the same time, the differences between these animations are rather subtle, and sometimes overlapping within the timeframe of seconds.

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Picture 10. The ‘grey twirl,’ depicting annoyance or impatience (E13, 16:04). Picture 11. The ‘sweat drops,’ depicting awkwardness or confusion (E13, 13:26).

The third example of most-recurring animations are the ‘sweat drops.’ The editors While these animations recur most frequently, there are dozens of other examples of have inserted them to depict situations of awkwardness or confusion, most often animations used to impose a clear emotional interpretation of the situation. In picture when the fathers do not know how to react to or handle their child in a particular 6, the fathers have just left for the kindergarten while the children are taken to one of situation. In this case, we see how Nuoyi bursts into tears and falls into the arms of the tulou’s (round earthen buildings) in Nanjing County, Fujian. A guest appearance host Li Rui, who, according to the ‘sweat drops,’ has no idea how to handle with the of Hong Kong actress Kingdom Yuan as a scary gatekeeper frightens Kangkang so kid’s emotions: why Nuoyi is crying, or how he can comfort him. At the same time, much, that he doesn’t want to enter and sits sulking outside. He does not answer when the differences between these animations are rather subtle, and sometimes Yuan is apologizing to him, and the editors have inserted a rabbit facemask with a overlapping within the timeframe of seconds. sulking expression on his face. An almost alien, eerie soundtrack consolidates the suggested reading of the scene.

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Picture 12. Kangkang sulking outside the tulou (E05, 13:02).

In the first episode, the fathers and children are locked together in a room, supposedly waiting for an interview, while it is actually a test to see how they spend one hour in each other’s company. Nuoyi wants his father’s attention, while Liu Ye is busy with his phone, and visibly getting annoyed with Nuoyi’s constant vying for attention. In a scene that is rather reminiscent of the pictures on anti-mosquito sprays, a mosquito appears on the screen, and while I was still wondering whether the mosquito was real or not, lightning flashes from Liu Ye’s eyes, and the dead mosquito drops down. All animations thus serve to amplify, and in some cases impose, the emotional interpretation of a particular situation to present it ready-made for audiences.

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Picture 13. Liu Yu ‘zaps down an annoying mosquito’ (E01, 7:53).

Picture 12. Kangkang sulking outside the tulou (E05, 13:02). Interestingly, these editing techniques contradict the reality-ness of reality TV by

foregrounding the machinery of production. At the same time, they are reminiscent In the first episode, the fathers and children are locked together in a room, supposedly of the mechanics of many popular apps that allow the transposition of certain filters waiting for an interview, while it is actually a test to see how they spend one hour in over the real-life representation visible through a phone camera, such as Snapchat each other’s company. Nuoyi wants his father’s attention, while Liu Ye is busy with (US), Tiktok (抖音 [douyin]) or Duoshan (多闪 [duoshan]. And yet, while one could his phone, and visibly getting annoyed with Nuoyi’s constant vying for attention. In a scene that is rather reminiscent of the pictures on anti-mosquito sprays, a mosquito point to giving users the ability to participate in the ‘convergence culture,’ these appears on the screen, and while I was still wondering whether the mosquito was real editing techniques primarily serve as top-down directions how scenes, facial or not, lightning flashes from Liu Ye’s eyes, and the dead mosquito drops down. All expressions, and narrative segments should be interpreted. As I have shown above, animations thus serve to amplify, and in some cases impose, the emotional the large majority focuses on emotive interpretations and they are regularly repeated interpretation of a particular situation to present it ready-made for audiences. throughout this show, as well as others. A third technique is the insertion of audio. The show contains many short audio clips that can suddenly start and stop. Many of these files come from famous movies franchises varying from Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon to Jaws, Star Wars and Pirates of the Caribbean. By inserting the famous ostinato baseline from Jaws, certain scenes are framed as eerie, threatening, and dangerous. Background music functions to associate scenes with certain emotions, a technique which is frequently employed by the editors of the show. The editors frequently insert short sounds (often of only one second) to frame a situation as funny, wrong, happy, cute, etc. As stated above, picture

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2 for example is underlined by a romantic piano tune, magnifying the romantic framing the editors seek to create, while picture 9 is accompanied by an eerie, almost alien music track, creating a sense of alienation from Kangkang’s strong reaction to Kingdom Yuan, and a sense of unexpectedness—not knowing how he might react now. Different situations are thus accompanied by different kinds of music, camera movements, or editorial frames. They all serve to frame and foreground the behavior of fathers and children, and to clearly convey to audiences which actions are either commendable or condemnable, as messages of what good and bad parenting consists of. Or, as I will discuss in the next section, to underscore indications of what appropriate manliness looks like.

5.5 “Real Men Don’t Cry”: Urban Metrosexuals vs. Rural ‘Real Men’?

A fundamental element of the show’s design is the move from the urban household environment to the countryside. All episodes are filmed in diverse countryside locations. Long, wide sweeping vistas of the beautiful countryside occur in every episode, whether it is the grasslands of Xinjiang, the rainforest in Xishuangbanna, or the tulou (土楼 [earthen buildings]) among the rolling hills of Fujian. Lacking however are the poverty and garbage associated with the Chinese countryside, while the skies are always clear and blue. When I asked producer Zhang Junjie why the countryside is depicted in this way, he answered that he thought it was simply not necessary. “There are filthy places in every corner of the world. Why do you have to show this to the audience? (…) China is sublime, there’s no need to shoot ugly things.”

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5.5 “Real Men Don’t Cry”: Urban Metrosexuals vs. Rural ‘Real Men’?

Picture 14. Sweeping ‘Zhang Yimou-style’ view of the countryside in Zizhou County, Shaanxi A fundamental element of the show’s design is the move from the urban household (E01, 16:33). environment to the countryside. All episodes are filmed in diverse countryside locations. Long, wide sweeping vistas of the beautiful countryside occur in every Following the filming style of acclaimed director Zhang Yimou in his 21st century episode, whether it is the grasslands of Xinjiang, the rainforest in Xishuangbanna, or movies, the series simultaneously serves as a visual presentation of the beauty of the the tulou (土楼 [earthen buildings]) among the rolling hills of Fujian. Lacking however Chinese countryside as a sanitized environment coated with the romance and a sense are the poverty and garbage associated with the Chinese countryside, while the skies of nostalgia that is missing in the polluted and overpopulated cities (Matamala and are always clear and blue. When I asked producer Zhang Junjie why the countryside Remael 2015). The rural is, in Maoist and Xi Jinping’s fashion, presented as the place is depicted in this way, he answered that he thought it was simply not necessary. where the ‘real’ China can be found. In line with Xi Jinping’s 2014 call for cultural “There are filthy places in every corner of the world. Why do you have to show this producers to go to the countryside to form a correct view of art, the fathers and their to the audience? (…) China is sublime, there’s no need to shoot ugly things.” kids are explicitly encouraged to interact with and learn from the villagers

(Wainwright 2014). Instead of playing on their iPhones, shopping in the ubiquitous malls of the cities, or eating in Michelin-star restaurants, moving to the countryside means self-catering and chopping wood to get a fire started. It means living in decrepit conditions, protecting children from animals varying from ants to elephants (the ‘city’-kids are all afraid of ants), or milking cows on the Xinjiang grasslands. The clear urban-rural distinction serves as one of the primary binaries the show is structured on. In this section, I argue that it reinforces gendered dimensions of the internal as feminine, and the external as the masculine domain, but it also displays the rural

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dimension as primitive and authentic, thereby facilitating the build-up of a masculine ideal type (Song 2018). This binary serves as the starting point of the show. At the beginning of the first episode, the fathers and children are picked up at their own home—apparently unexpectedly. When the television personnel ring the doorbell, in most cases, the mothers open the door and wake up the still-sleeping fathers and children. The mothers are then shown to help the fathers packing, and give them some last-minute child-rearing advice, after which they disappear. With the exception of Chris Downs, the show portrays the fathers’ awkwardness in being alone with their children (through animations such as the ‘sweat drops’ and ‘red crown’), later amplified in confessional mode where they express their worries about being alone with the child without their wives, and how they were never there for their children due to their busy working schedules. The structure of the show, regarding the trips to the countryside, thus symbolizes a two-pronged escape: (1) from the familiar urban environment, defined by comfortable apartments and ubiquitous food choices, and from (2) the confines of the household, supposedly dominated by the mother. In this sense, as Song has argued, “in its attempt to create a spectacle of fathers spending time alone with their children, the show perpetuates the gendered division of household labor” (2018, 173). The show’s premise is thus defined by a double state of lack: whereas in daily life, the father has always been lacking, it is now the mother who is not present; and they now leave the affluence and prosperity symbolized by comfortable apartments, for more primitive and poorer conditions on the countryside. The show’s countryside settings play a clear role in its depiction of the build-up for the masculine aspect of fatherhood. In order to deal with the state of lack the countryside embodies, fathers need to gather food by winning competitions, or simply find ways to reap what ‘nature’ has to offer. In episode 15, themed ‘Back to the Stone Age,’ and set on a pristine beach close to Margaret’s River in Western Australia, fathers need to roam around to find something edible for themselves and their children. They collect seaweed and manage to catch a few lobsters and oysters. In other episodes, they need to chop wood in order to make a fire or ask local villagers to provide them with the ingredients to cook a meal. In this way, fathers are

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dimension as primitive and authentic, thereby facilitating the build-up of a masculine configured as literal providers through their efforts of securing lodgings and food for ideal type (Song 2018). their children, reinforcing a model of bread-winning masculinity. This binary serves as the starting point of the show. At the beginning of the first In her analysis of the first season of the show, Gui Xinxiang argues that the rural episode, the fathers and children are picked up at their own home—apparently space is an “imagination constructed from an urban perspective” that serves only as unexpectedly. When the television personnel ring the doorbell, in most cases, the “a stage for the representation of the father-child relationship” (2013, 102). While Lin mothers open the door and wake up the still-sleeping fathers and children. The Song acknowledges this, he further contends that “the depiction of the rural space is mothers are then shown to help the fathers packing, and give them some last-minute key to the show’s implicit gendered structure through its focus on outdoor activities child-rearing advice, after which they disappear. With the exception of Chris Downs, and conquest over difficult conditions, casting a sharp contrast to the urban home that the show portrays the fathers’ awkwardness in being alone with their children is portrayed as comfortable, yet confining and unchallenging.” So, while I have shown (through animations such as the ‘sweat drops’ and ‘red crown’), later amplified in that the dichotomy between urban and rural is closely associated with other confessional mode where they express their worries about being alone with the child dichotomies such as motherhood/fatherhood and femininity/masculinity, it without their wives, and how they were never there for their children due to their simultaneously begs the question which kinds of masculinities the show constructs, busy working schedules. approves, or negates. In other words, what does it mean to be a ‘real man’? And how The structure of the show, regarding the trips to the countryside, thus does the countryside function as the conceptual ‘other’ site (vis-à-vis the city) for the symbolizes a two-pronged escape: (1) from the familiar urban environment, defined construction of masculinity? In my analysis, I take ‘crying’ as a form of behavior and by comfortable apartments and ubiquitous food choices, and from (2) the confines of ‘mud’ as a physical presence as two exemplary sites where masculinity is the household, supposedly dominated by the mother. In this sense, as Song has ambiguously negotiated and constructed. argued, “in its attempt to create a spectacle of fathers spending time alone with their In episode six, the fathers, children, and local villagers and their children play children, the show perpetuates the gendered division of household labor” (2018, 173). several games in a muddy paddy field in Nanjing county in Fujian province. In The show’s premise is thus defined by a double state of lack: whereas in daily life, the physically straining bare-upper-bodied exercises, such as lifting one’s own body father has always been lacking, it is now the mother who is not present; and they now weight by turning around a horizontal pole, as well as a mud-carrying relay, the leave the affluence and prosperity symbolized by comfortable apartments, for more fathers conspicuously lose to the physically stronger local villagers. Afterwards, host primitive and poorer conditions on the countryside. Li Rui says to the fathers: “The villagers work in the field all the time, so they’re strong The show’s countryside settings play a clear role in its depiction of the build-up enough to beat us. We should admit that and learn from them and exercise more, for the masculine aspect of fatherhood. In order to deal with the state of lack the making ourselves physically stronger, shouldn’t we?” All fathers answer in unison: countryside embodies, fathers need to gather food by winning competitions, or simply “We should!” On the one hand, the way in which physical countryside farming labor find ways to reap what ‘nature’ has to offer. In episode 15, themed ‘Back to the Stone is directly framed as physical exercise, of which the gym is its natural counterpart in Age,’ and set on a pristine beach close to Margaret’s River in Western Australia, urban settings, glosses over economic and social inequalities. On the other hand, the fathers need to roam around to find something edible for themselves and their necessary act of physical labor becomes the embodiment of raw strength, a quality children. They collect seaweed and manage to catch a few lobsters and oysters. In that the ‘soft’ urban fathers are supposedly lacking. The state of physical lack that the other episodes, they need to chop wood in order to make a fire or ask local villagers mud symbolizes in fathers is further determined in episode 14. Here, the fathers are to provide them with the ingredients to cook a meal. In this way, fathers are paired with other fathers’ children and assigned to persuade the children into doing

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something that they were shown to be afraid of in earlier episodes. Liu Ye is assigned to get Dajun into the mud, which he turned out to be afraid of in the sixth episode (see section 5.3). Approaching the muddy paddy, Liu Ye tells Dajun how he likes mud as it makes the skin smoother: “You should put mud on your face if you want your skin to be smoother” (E14, 18:20).

Picture 15. Liu Ye explaining the benefits of mud (E14, 18:21).

He eventually manages to persuade Dajun to get into the mud with him, and they search for edible lotus roots together, while Dajun no longer seems afraid of leeches. I hold that these scenes are particularly interesting because of two reasons: even though he is manipulating Dajun, Liu Ye here transforms mud from a site of toil and labor into a cosmetic commodity, while the nature of the exercise itself is to overcome one’s fears—after all, as the show’s comments repeatedly show: “Real men are not afraid” and “real men don’t run away from a challenge,” but also “real men don’t cry.” I discuss these two issues below. The conceptualization of mud as a site of hard labor and toil on the one hand, and a cosmetic commodity on the other hand, serves to enhance the binary between city and countryside, respectively represented by the fathers/children and the villagers. In many ways, the fathers represent the ‘new metrosexual Chinese man’ as

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something that they were shown to be afraid of in earlier episodes. Liu Ye is assigned discussed by Sinologists Geng Song and Derek Hird. According to them, “the to get Dajun into the mud, which he turned out to be afraid of in the sixth episode (see discursive figure of the emotionally expressive, heterosexual family man is section 5.3). Approaching the muddy paddy, Liu Ye tells Dajun how he likes mud as inextricably linked with discourses of consumer-driven ‘soft’ masculinity (concerned it makes the skin smoother: “You should put mud on your face if you want your skin with appearance, hygiene, etc.), self-governance, ‘high-quality’ habits and behavior, to be smoother” (E14, 18:20). individual realization, and, in developmental terms, China’s ‘joining tracks with the world’—the advanced capitalist world, that is” (2014, 231). In terms of Louie’s wen-wu dyad discussed above, this conceptualization of the metrosexual Chinese man might be read as representing ‘soft and cultured’ wen masculinity, while the villagers form the wu counterpart. At the same time, this is too simplistic. In Louie’s theory, the workings of the wu-wen dyad not so much constitute two types of masculinity, as mark a balance between the two in the same body, with the ideal type described as “a sort of Arnold Schwarzenegger with an unyielding moral and sexual code” (Yao 2002). According to Louie’s analysis of masculinity in Chinese literature, the ideal Chinese maleness is to be found in a person harnessing both the cultural credentials and physical skills of wen and wu: holding a brush in one hand, and a sword in the other. Naturally, Mao Zedong is presented as the pinnacle of this balance: his physical prowess and fame as a military strategist go hand in hand

with his skills as a calligrapher and a poet. The fathers, placed in an unfamiliar rural Picture 15. Liu Ye explaining the benefits of mud (E14, 18:21). environment, are presented as lacking this balance: while they know about the benefits of mud masks, their physical prowess is continuously presented as He eventually manages to persuade Dajun to get into the mud with him, and they underdeveloped—a ‘lack’ in their masculinity. search for edible lotus roots together, while Dajun no longer seems afraid of leeches. I Statements declaring what ‘real men’ are supposed to do or abstain from, appear hold that these scenes are particularly interesting because of two reasons: even though regularly throughout the season, sometimes inserted as editors’ comments, at other he is manipulating Dajun, Liu Ye here transforms mud from a site of toil and labor times explicitly expressed by fathers or host Li Rui, or through exercises, such as into a cosmetic commodity, while the nature of the exercise itself is to overcome one’s military training in a red village near Ji’an in Jiangxi (E11), a survival challenge in fears—after all, as the show’s comments repeatedly show: “Real men are not afraid” Western Australia (E15), and laboring in a brickworks in Hunan (E10). A scene in and “real men don’t run away from a challenge,” but also “real men don’t cry.” I episode 8 exemplifies this wu-wen distinction aptly, when the children engage in a discuss these two issues below. wrestling match with their Kazakh age peers. Xuanxuan is time and time defeated by The conceptualization of mud as a site of hard labor and toil on the one hand, his taller and stronger opponent but keeps on getting up to try again. His father Zou and a cosmetic commodity on the other hand, serves to enhance the binary between Shiming, Olympic boxing gold-medal winner, reflects: “I want to let him know that city and countryside, respectively represented by the fathers/children and the he should persist in whatever he does (…) There should be an unyielding spirit in his villagers. In many ways, the fathers represent the ‘new metrosexual Chinese man’ as heart; even if you lose, you should always carry on. It is the persistency that matters.”

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The editors then insert the text, clearly endorsing the wu-aspect of masculinity: “No matter how many times I fail, my motto is: ‘Never give up!’”, concluding that “this is the true warrior spirit.”

Picture 16. Xuanxuan’s ‘true warrior spirit’ (E8, 56:03).

Something else that real men don’t do, is crying. In episode 14, Xuanxuan is playing around on a ridge of the duplicate Forbidden City in Hengdian Studios. He falls off, and hurts his knee, but after inspecting his knee, does not start to cry, supposedly because he is a man. At least, that is what the editors want audiences to believe, by inserting a comment purportedly conveying Xuanxuan’s thoughts: “Don’t cry, don’t cry. Like a real man made out of steel.” Later in the episode, when Poppy beats Xuanxuan in a boxing match, the editors have inserted a similar comment: “real men don’t cry”; similar comments recur regularly throughout the whole season.

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Picture 17. ‘Real men don’t cry’ (E14, 10:45).

In the show’s discourse on what masculinity looks like, crying is thus positioned as

an act that real men refrain from. Simultaneously, in every episode, there is at least Picture 16. Xuanxuan’s ‘true warrior spirit’ (E8, 56:03). one scene where a child is shown to respond very affectively to a father’s often- awkward attempts at emotional bonding. In one such scene, Liu Ye gets emotional Something else that real men don’t do, is crying. In episode 14, Xuanxuan is playing and even starts to cry on camera, surprised and shocked at the effects of spending around on a ridge of the duplicate Forbidden City in Hengdian Studios. He falls off, quality time with his son and discovering how rewarding fatherhood actually can be. and hurts his knee, but after inspecting his knee, does not start to cry, supposedly There are numerous other examples of fathers, especially in confessional mode, because he is a man. At least, that is what the editors want audiences to believe, by expressing their emotions, and shedding tears in front of the camera. How can this be inserting a comment purportedly conveying Xuanxuan’s thoughts: “Don’t cry, don’t reconciled with the frequent statements that real men don’t cry? cry. Like a real man made out of steel.” Later in the episode, when Poppy beats In their discussion of masculinity in contemporary China, Song and Hird Xuanxuan in a boxing match, the editors have inserted a similar comment: “real men analyze an ambiguous discourse on the role of men in Chinese society. The discursive don’t cry”; similar comments recur regularly throughout the whole season. figure of the ‘new man’ is “an emotionally expressive family man, inextricably linked with consumer-driven ‘soft’ masculinity (concerned with appearance, hygiene, etc.), self-governance, ‘high-quality’ habits and behavior, and individual realization” (2014, 231). At the same time, they identify a more conservative strand on men’s roles and behaviors, exhorting men not to change their emotionally reticent ways, but “rather to keep to the old approach of placing the burden of emotional management in the conjugal relationship on the wife” (2014, 232). The show seems similarly ambivalent

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about the permissiveness of emotional expression by men: fathers are regularly expressing their emotions with tears in their eyes, while the editors clearly seek to induce the idea that “real men don’t cry.” This dilemma thus seems to directly contradict my findings in section 5.3, where fathers are explicitly stimulated to show their emotions towards their children. Moreover, as the father rarely cry in presence of their children, and their emotional moments usually occur in confessional mode, the program seems to implicitly reinforce the progressive stereotype of a ‘new Chinese man,’ a conservative, distant, and aloof father, who has difficulties to express his feelings and emotions. Despite producer Xie’s words about reinventing fatherhood, the show thus seems to position the fathers in a state of a two-pronged lack: as fathers, they are not only physically absent, but also emotionally absent, while as metrosexual ‘new’ men, they need to learn about traditional masculinity, which the countryside here represents. The countryside is thus presented in the show as an imaginative counterpart to the pollutions of everyday urban life; perhaps a realm of backwardness and poverty, but mostly a place for authenticity: the real China of the past, where hidden wisdom and knowledge are to be discovered. This is a place where elderly villagers have kept their traditional lifestyles, life wisdoms, representing something that is lost—a place where the urbanites should listen and learn. By taking their children to the countryside and stimulating them to engage and interact with local communities, fathers enable their children to discover and ingest this ‘authenticity’ that is lost for urbanites—who, according to the governmental logic of this show, need to reconnect. Raymond Williams argues in his book The country and the city that the recovery of a ‘lost’ pastoral tradition is a hegemonic fiction which ironically legitimizes the alienating aspects of industrial capitalism itself (1975). Tradition is thus enlisted as part of the ‘conquering spirit’ of modernity. This is not an invention of tradition in the sense that Hobsbawm and Ranger talked about, which plays out on a temporal level, and the past is reinvented to serve the present (Hobsbawm 1983; Oakes 1998, 30–31). Here, the invention of tradition has a distinct geography, when the urbanites of, say Shanghai, cast their aesthetic gaze of their imagined counterpart: the traditional people on the countryside. Williams notes how such an urban gaze developed from a certain ‘structure of feeling’ coming with the rapid development, defining the rural in

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about the permissiveness of emotional expression by men: fathers are regularly terms of a place lost at the hands of progress and modernity. The rural thus takes on expressing their emotions with tears in their eyes, while the editors clearly seek to a highly aesthetic meaning: “its most serious element was a renewed intensity of induce the idea that “real men don’t cry.” This dilemma thus seems to directly attention to natural beauty, but this is now the nature of observation, of the scientist contradict my findings in section 5.3, where fathers are explicitly stimulated to show or the tourist, rather than the working countryman” (Williams 1975, 20). Urban their emotions towards their children. Moreover, as the father rarely cry in presence viewers thus transform rural places into authentic and aesthetic places, where things of their children, and their emotional moments usually occur in confessional mode, that have been lost in urban modernity can be found again. And although Williams’ the program seems to implicitly reinforce the progressive stereotype of a ‘new Chinese ponderings concerned the Welsh countryside, it holds equally true for China. man,’ a conservative, distant, and aloof father, who has difficulties to express his The series thus presents the countryside not as a category for places feelings and emotions. Despite producer Xie’s words about reinventing fatherhood, characterized by backwardness and poverty, but as an ideal type where the ‘real’ the show thus seems to position the fathers in a state of a two-pronged lack: as fathers, China ‘originates,’ where the men are still ‘real’ and unpolluted by the extravaganzas they are not only physically absent, but also emotionally absent, while as metrosexual of urban life—and which forms the inspirational reservoir for governing the self. ‘new’ men, they need to learn about traditional masculinity, which the countryside These two elements of the ‘other’ actually dialectically reinforce each other: the show here represents. positions the countryside as the imaginary other, while the countryside locations and The countryside is thus presented in the show as an imaginative counterpart to portrayals strengthen the distinction between the villagers, embodying the dichotomy the pollutions of everyday urban life; perhaps a realm of backwardness and poverty, between ‘traditional’ Chinese man on the one hand, and the urban metrosexuals on but mostly a place for authenticity: the real China of the past, where hidden wisdom the other. Moreover, clear demarcations of hierarchical relations seek to invoke a self- and knowledge are to be discovered. This is a place where elderly villagers have kept reflexivity on one’s position in society, where urban-rural distinctions are supposedly their traditional lifestyles, life wisdoms, representing something that is lost—a place nullified; I turn to this issue in the next section. where the urbanites should listen and learn. By taking their children to the countryside and stimulating them to engage and interact with local communities, fathers enable their children to discover and ingest this ‘authenticity’ that is lost for 5.6 “You Are Not A Little Emperor!” Confucian Hierarchies and the Nation as urbanites—who, according to the governmental logic of this show, need to reconnect. Metaphorical Father Raymond Williams argues in his book The country and the city that the recovery of a ‘lost’ pastoral tradition is a hegemonic fiction which ironically legitimizes the The recognition and correct implementation of hierarchies is—implicitly and alienating aspects of industrial capitalism itself (1975). Tradition is thus enlisted as explicitly—a crucial element in Where are we going dad, and works on several levels, part of the ‘conquering spirit’ of modernity. This is not an invention of tradition in the which I will analyze step by step in this section. By analyzing the show’s sense that Hobsbawm and Ranger talked about, which plays out on a temporal level, conceptualization and enforcement of hierarchies through exercises and other and the past is reinvented to serve the present (Hobsbawm 1983; Oakes 1998, 30–31). statements, I argue that the show eventually establishes the state as the metaphorical Here, the invention of tradition has a distinct geography, when the urbanites of, say father. Shanghai, cast their aesthetic gaze of their imagined counterpart: the traditional The first step is within the groups of fathers and children. Among the fathers, people on the countryside. Williams notes how such an urban gaze developed from a Hu Jun is quickly designated the role of informal leader, as he is the oldest. In practice, certain ‘structure of feeling’ coming with the rapid development, defining the rural in this means that other fathers address him with the suffix 哥 (ge), which literally means

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‘older brother.’ Among the children, Hu Haokang (Kangkang) is the eldest, and thus addressed by the other children as ‘kang-ge’ (older brother Kang), who in turn address the younger children with 弟 (di [little brother]) and 妹 (mei [little sister]). In-group hierarchies are thus based on seniority, but simultaneously do not venture far beyond the style of addressing; whereas Hu Jun is the oldest, other fathers do not extend particular privileges or other forms of deference to him based on his seniority, with the exception of him sometimes having the deciding vote. While this is different among the children, as Kangkang is six years old, while the others are four or five, and thus more mature than the others which he shows by helping them with tasks, or carrying something heavy for them, it would be too simplistic to purely conceptualize this as a hierarchical order rather than the simple maturity and physical prowess that comes with the age difference between a six- and a four-year old. The second step, however, is the hierarchy between fathers and their children. While I have already analyzed the role of the father above, the show simultaneously seeks to instill a clear sense of hierarchy and filial piety in father-child relations, mainly through exercising filial rituals. In the third episode for example, which takes place in Xishuangbanna in Yunnan province, the fathers and children are taken to a Buddhist monastery, where they first need to practice meditation (during which some kids fall asleep), and then receive a lesson in etiquette. The bodhisattva first asks the children if they love their father, to which they respond positively in unison. He then asks the children “to give their fathers a gift” by kneeling down and putting their hands in front of them, and, in gratitude of the good parental care, bow down in front of their father, touching the ground with their heads (kowtow) and states that it is important to respect your parents. This sign of respect visibly moves all the fathers, especially Lin Yongjian, even though the solemnity of the ceremony is interspersed with funny squeaks and moments. In confessional mode, Liu Ye reflects on this exercise: “This is very good, a very good tradition. Years ago, in my family home, my wife saw children kneel in kowtow. She was very impressed and said this tradition should definitely be observed. In our ancient Chinese culture, kowtowing is a very solemn, earnest, and also important affair” (E03, 37:13). This statement functions on two levels: on the one hand, audiences have seen in the first episode that Liu’s wife is French, and her approval of this ritual thus serves to convey a sense of foreign

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‘older brother.’ Among the children, Hu Haokang (Kangkang) is the eldest, and thus validation and recognition of a ritual that is, on the other hand, established as addressed by the other children as ‘kang-ge’ (older brother Kang), who in turn address particularly Chinese, and framed within the common narrative of pride over China’s the younger children with 弟 (di [little brother]) and 妹 (mei [little sister]). In-group long ‘uninterrupted’ culture (cf. Wang 2014). hierarchies are thus based on seniority, but simultaneously do not venture far beyond the style of addressing; whereas Hu Jun is the oldest, other fathers do not extend particular privileges or other forms of deference to him based on his seniority, with the exception of him sometimes having the deciding vote. While this is different among the children, as Kangkang is six years old, while the others are four or five, and thus more mature than the others which he shows by helping them with tasks, or carrying something heavy for them, it would be too simplistic to purely conceptualize this as a hierarchical order rather than the simple maturity and physical prowess that comes with the age difference between a six- and a four-year old. The second step, however, is the hierarchy between fathers and their children. While I have already analyzed the role of the father above, the show simultaneously seeks to instill a clear sense of hierarchy and filial piety in father-child relations, mainly through exercising filial rituals. In the third episode for example, which takes place in Xishuangbanna in Yunnan province, the fathers and children are taken to a

Buddhist monastery, where they first need to practice meditation (during which some Picture 18. Nuoyi kowtowing to his father Liu Ye (E03, 35:40). kids fall asleep), and then receive a lesson in etiquette. The bodhisattva first asks the children if they love their father, to which they respond positively in unison. He then There are two other exercises where children are explicitly assigned to pay respect to asks the children “to give their fathers a gift” by kneeling down and putting their their fathers. In episode 12, the children need to wash their father’s feet as an act of hands in front of them, and, in gratitude of the good parental care, bow down in front filial piety: to pay respect and thank him for his role in his child’s upbringing. of their father, touching the ground with their heads (kowtow) and states that it is Furthermore, in episode 13, themed ‘Back to the Qing dynasty’ and which takes place important to respect your parents. This sign of respect visibly moves all the fathers, in the replica Forbidden City in Hengdian Studios, all fathers and children are dressed especially Lin Yongjian, even though the solemnity of the ceremony is interspersed up to play historical roles in the Qing palace. In the episode, they again learn how to with funny squeaks and moments. In confessional mode, Liu Ye reflects on this kowtow properly, as they need to do so in the palace, while one of the fathers plays exercise: “This is very good, a very good tradition. Years ago, in my family home, my the emperor. These three moments in WAWGD’s third season form the most explicit wife saw children kneel in kowtow. She was very impressed and said this tradition situations aimed at instilling a sense of traditional Chinese hierarchy in the children should definitely be observed. In our ancient Chinese culture, kowtowing is a very by means of formal filial rituals such as foot-washing and kowtowing. solemn, earnest, and also important affair” (E03, 37:13). This statement functions on In the same episode, the role-playing game is used in another way to negotiate two levels: on the one hand, audiences have seen in the first episode that Liu’s wife is particular hierarchies. The roles are divided as follows: Hu Jun is a court official, Liu French, and her approval of this ritual thus serves to convey a sense of foreign Ye is a general, guest Wang Baoqiang plays the queen, and Zou Shiming is the Qing

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Emperor while the others are on the other side of the spectrum: Chris Downs is a criminal, and Lin Yongjian a beggar. The fathers and children perform all kinds of exercises to embrace their roles: Poppy for example needs to free Downs from prison, while Kangkang helps his father in settling court cases. However, by the end of the episode, they exchange roles to experience different hierarchical positions: Zou Shiming goes from emperor to beggar, and Chris Downs from criminal to emperor. While the fathers discuss the changing of roles, a narrator suddenly interrupts, stating, while pictures of the fathers in their roles appear on the screen, that “the life we are born in can still be changed through hard work, although life is also unpredictable” (E13, 1:19:55). While this statement might seem somewhat out-of-place, it is further amplified in the next scenes. First, ex-emperor Zou Shiming now roams the street with Xuanxuan when they are bullied by some aggressive people. Subsequently, people emerge from all corners, defying the bullies and defending the beggars. The scene is underscored by a sweet flute melody, while the text “There is real emotion and love in the world” floats in the screen. Lin Yongjian later reflects in confessional mode: “It is very valuable to experience all kinds of lives in different classes, especially in the bottom classes. There is a lack of this kind of education and experience in this generation’s lives.”

Picture 19. Zou Shiming assaulted and protected by the people (E13, 1:24:48).

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Emperor while the others are on the other side of the spectrum: Chris Downs is a In other words, the show conveys that even though hierarchies are real, and people criminal, and Lin Yongjian a beggar. The fathers and children perform all kinds of need to recognize their proper status and role within these hierarchies, mobility is exercises to embrace their roles: Poppy for example needs to free Downs from prison, possible through hard work. Thus, the show integrates a Confucian sense of hierarchy while Kangkang helps his father in settling court cases. However, by the end of the with technologies of the self: if one disciplines oneself through hard work, change is episode, they exchange roles to experience different hierarchical positions: Zou possible, even mobility in strictly ordered hierarchies, personified by the changing of Shiming goes from emperor to beggar, and Chris Downs from criminal to emperor. the emperor into the beggar and vice versa. Conservative ideas on hierarchy, ritual, While the fathers discuss the changing of roles, a narrator suddenly interrupts, stating, and the recognition of one’s proper place and the right humility and deference are while pictures of the fathers in their roles appear on the screen, that “the life we are thus juxtaposed with the current competitive ‘winner-takes-all’ socio-economic born in can still be changed through hard work, although life is also unpredictable” climate in China, which is then itself whitewashed by the depiction of the beggars (E13, 1:19:55). being saved by emphatic citizens. After turning to hierarchies (1) within the groups of While this statement might seem somewhat out-of-place, it is further amplified fathers and children, (2) filial parent-child relations, and (3) mobility within social in the next scenes. First, ex-emperor Zou Shiming now roams the street with hierarchies, in the fourth step I turn to the show’s extension of filial piety to older Xuanxuan when they are bullied by some aggressive people. Subsequently, people people in general, and former red soldiers in particular. emerge from all corners, defying the bullies and defending the beggars. The scene is In this show, the scope of filial piety (孝 [xiao]) is not necessarily limited to one’s underscored by a sweet flute melody, while the text “There is real emotion and love parents. Whereas historically the bestowal of filial piety has primarily focused on in the world” floats in the screen. Lin Yongjian later reflects in confessional mode: “It one’s parents in Chinese society, the Confucian norms of benevolence (仁 [ren]) and is very valuable to experience all kinds of lives in different classes, especially in the righteousness (义 [yi]) were ideally to be applied in one’s dealing with all elderly bottom classes. There is a lack of this kind of education and experience in this people, thus making filial piety a more general intergenerational societal norm. While generation’s lives.” this norm is not immediately identifiable in the children’s dealings with elderly people in the villages they visit, their parents or other adults always correct them when they fail to pay sufficient respect to older people in the show. In one such example, Liu Ye scolds Nuoyi for bothering his dad incessantly while he was talking to an elderly villager, and subsequently neglects the villager and fails to pay proper respect when he talks to him. After the villager has left, Liu Ye sternly reprimands an increasingly guilt-ridden Nuoyi: “You are not a xiaohuangdi [little emperor]!”

Picture 19. Zou Shiming assaulted and protected by the people (E13, 1:24:48).

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Picture 20. Liu Ye scolds Nuoyi for disrespecting the elderly villager: “adults talk to you and you don’t even listen!” (E09, 39:42).

The second half of the second episode, which takes place in a veteran village in Yulin county in Shaanxi province, is particularly revealing in this regard. The fathers and children are assigned to organize the wedding of two elderly ‘red soldiers.’ In the hunt for an appropriate wedding gift, Liu Ye and Hu Jun are given a simple object with the goal to trade the object with shop holders in a nearby town and come back with a refrigerator and a television respectively at the end of the day. While this seems utterly unrealistic, both manage to succeed, after allegedly visiting only a few shops. Apparently, the shop holders are rather honored to be able to contribute to the wedding. When Liu Ye enters a kitchen appliances store seeking to trade a hipflask for a refrigerator, the shop owner immediately acquiesces to their request, stating: “Then a fridge it is (…) You just need to say it’s for old people, it’s an act of filial piety towards old people” (E02, 59:10). While a simple piano tune underscores the scene to amplify the huge gift and Liu Ye’s emotional reaction, the screens shifts to confessional mode, where Liu reflects on his emotions when the shop owner expressed her willingness to trade without any doubts, just because the gift was for old people—interestingly not mentioning the fact that these elderlies were also Chinese Civil War veterans.

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Picture 20. Liu Ye scolds Nuoyi for disrespecting the elderly villager: “adults talk to you and you don’t even listen!” (E09, 39:42). Picture 21. Filial piety towards all older people (E02, 59:10).

The second half of the second episode, which takes place in a veteran village in Yulin When the ‘Red Wedding’ (not to be confused with Game of Thrones) ceremony takes county in Shaanxi province, is particularly revealing in this regard. The fathers and place, ideological messages, such as “We shall never forget the old heroes who children are assigned to organize the wedding of two elderly ‘red soldiers.’ In the hunt devoted their youth and blood for our today’s happiness” are interspersed by the for an appropriate wedding gift, Liu Ye and Hu Jun are given a simple object with the editors on the screen, accompanied by epic background music (E02, 1:15:47). The goal to trade the object with shop holders in a nearby town and come back with a fathers and children provide some entertainment, including a persiflage in which Zou refrigerator and a television respectively at the end of the day. While this seems utterly Shiming plays a Japanese soldier, who is subsequently shot but initially refuses to die. unrealistic, both manage to succeed, after allegedly visiting only a few shops. Then, the ceremony turns more serious, when host Li Rui invites the groom and Apparently, the shop holders are rather honored to be able to contribute to the several other elderly Red Soldiers to take the stage, all in uniforms and accompanied wedding. When Liu Ye enters a kitchen appliances store seeking to trade a hipflask by military march music. They salute, and then introduce themselves to the audience, for a refrigerator, the shop owner immediately acquiesces to their request, stating: after which the narrator once more tells the audience that the bride and groom have “Then a fridge it is (…) You just need to say it’s for old people, it’s an act of filial piety been wedded for 59 years, but never had a proper ceremony. The ceremony then takes towards old people” (E02, 59:10). While a simple piano tune underscores the scene to place, and the fathers and children present their gifts. amplify the huge gift and Liu Ye’s emotional reaction, the screens shifts to confessional mode, where Liu reflects on his emotions when the shop owner expressed her willingness to trade without any doubts, just because the gift was for old people—interestingly not mentioning the fact that these elderlies were also Chinese Civil War veterans.

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Picture 22. Elderly ‘red soldiers’ during the ‘red wedding’ (E02, 01:16:07).

The narrative message could be described as ‘we not only need to respect our parents, and show them devotion and loyalty, but we need to extend this to all elderly in society, and especially those who fought for the country.’ What makes the narration of this scene especially interesting is that these are not just elderly people, but elderly soldiers, who fought ‘for China’ in the Maoist armies during the civil war and are referred to as ‘elderly heroes’ in the show. It is therefore not just the elderly people that are celebrated in this scene, but the nation as well. The soldiers’ service and sacrifice to the nation attest to the spiritual power of the nation, as an entity that is supposedly worth fighting and sacrificing for (cf. Anderson 2006; Nauta 2013). The broadened vision of filial piety to older people carefully conflated with elderly veterans, thus conceptually linking filialness and hierarchies to the nation. This ideological message is further consolidated, this time disconnected from its filial connotations, in episode 11, which takes place in a Red Army training camp in Ji’an, Jiangxi province. They go here, as host Li Rui explains, “to learn the spirit from the soldiers,” including learning how to march and salute, thereby affirming their status in the formal hierarchy. Children who fail to salute or to address the adult officer with ‘sir’ are (mildly) scolded. However, this episode mainly seems to

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embellish the status of the Red Army in several situations. In confessional mode, Hu Jun reflects on the training exercises and says: “We live a good life because the Red Army fought hard. Children should know their history and what it means to be in the army.” Phoebe Huang, Poppy’s mum who substitute for Chris Downs due to illness in this episode, states in confessional mode, “I admire the Red Army so much, because they didn’t get appropriate food rations, but fought really hard in the war.” This statement is remarkable since Huang is Taiwanese, and thus ‘representing’ the enemy of the Red Army in that particular war; while this should not necessarily preclude Zhang’s historical admiration, the current relationship between China and Taiwan makes this statement particularly sensitive, as well as possibly powerful for Chinese audiences. When the fathers and children need to reenact the battle of Luding bridge between a Red Army battalion and Nationalist forces by crossing a rope bridge, the editors have inserted images from a reenactment in film, and conclude with the

message “The Red Army overcame the difficulties and enjoyed yet another victory.” Picture 22. Elderly ‘red soldiers’ during the ‘red wedding’ (E02, 01:16:07). The setting of this episode clearly marks the conflation of nationalist rhetoric with the

instilment of correct hierarchies: the fathers and children need to behave according to The narrative message could be described as ‘we not only need to respect our parents, their military roles, in awe of the victories of the Red Army that have enabled the and show them devotion and loyalty, but we need to extend this to all elderly in current prosperity of the People’s Republic of China. society, and especially those who fought for the country.’ What makes the narration The presentation and conceptualization of hierarchies in the show are clearly of this scene especially interesting is that these are not just elderly people, but elderly articulations of a Confucian philosophy, and its emphasis on the cultivation of correct soldiers, who fought ‘for China’ in the Maoist armies during the civil war and are relationships: between ruler and ruled, between father and son, between husband and referred to as ‘elderly heroes’ in the show. It is therefore not just the elderly people wife, between teacher and student, etc. In this sense, cultivation of benevolence that are celebrated in this scene, but the nation as well. The soldiers’ service and through filial piety extends through veneration of one’s father, to the veneration of sacrifice to the nation attest to the spiritual power of the nation, as an entity that is elderly people in general, eventually reaching the emperor himself as embodiment of supposedly worth fighting and sacrificing for (cf. Anderson 2006; Nauta 2013). The the nation. The way subjects should look up to the emperor is the role of a benevolent broadened vision of filial piety to older people carefully conflated with elderly father, just as the emperor must extend his benevolence over his children (the nation) veterans, thus conceptually linking filialness and hierarchies to the nation. (Hsiao 1979, 79–142; Taylor 1998; Yu 2016). Thus, the celebration of filial piety in the This ideological message is further consolidated, this time disconnected from its scenes described and analyzed above does not restrict itself to veneration of the father filial connotations, in episode 11, which takes place in a Red Army training camp in or even elderly people in general: the nation implicitly becomes a metaphorical father, Ji’an, Jiangxi province. They go here, as host Li Rui explains, “to learn the spirit from deserving of one’s loyalty and veneration, which it in turn will bestow upon its the soldiers,” including learning how to march and salute, thereby affirming their children. status in the formal hierarchy. Children who fail to salute or to address the adult officer with ‘sir’ are (mildly) scolded. However, this episode mainly seems to

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I argue that the show’s emphasis on hierarchies and nationalism through the revival of Confucianism should be seen in light of the rapid transformation of Chinese society in recent decades, which has weakened traditional socio-economic structures and requiring the (re-)invention of new traditions. As historian Eric Hobsbawm states, such a transformation “weakens or destroys the social patterns for which ‘old’ traditions had been designed, producing new ones to which they were not applicable, or when such old traditions and their institutional carriers and promulgators no longer proof sufficiently adaptable and flexible, or are otherwise eliminated: in short, when there are sufficiently large and rapid changes on the demand or the supply side” (1983, 4–5). History is used as the legitimator of these Confucian traditions, and their presentation as ancient and unchangeable clothes them with an aura of factuality and legitimacy, although even notions of historical continuity such as ‘5000 years of uninterrupted Chinese culture’ are naturally modern inventions, serving particular political and ideological needs. I therefore argue that this show, by establishing hierarchies and eventually conflating fatherhood with the nation as metaphorical father, fulfills such a role, albeit not necessarily with the clear intention of doing so. As I have established in earlier chapters, television makers are not necessarily forced by an external authority in order to insert political and ideological guidelines in their programs. Yet this chapter has shown beyond doubt that the televisual messages WAWGD present dovetail to a governmental logic whereby Chinese citizens are guided to govern themselves in specific ways. Even though television makers are not government officials, they do share, at least to some extent, a cultural frame of reference, based on similar presuppositions and assumptions.

5.7 Conclusion

On the surface, Where are we going dad is concerned with addressing the crisis of fatherhood in contemporary China. The Korean format and the inclusion of a foreign father reflect the extent to which fatherhood is increasingly negotiated on a transcultural scale. The close attention to the emotional dimension of fatherhood, amplified by confessional mode and many statement and exercises indicating

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I argue that the show’s emphasis on hierarchies and nationalism through the emotional expression as a bonding experience with one’s children, as well as the revival of Confucianism should be seen in light of the rapid transformation of Chinese explicit juxtaposition of Chris Downs and Lin Yongjian’s parenting techniques, society in recent decades, which has weakened traditional socio-economic structures facilitates the construction of the ideal father as a considerate and affectionate figure, and requiring the (re-)invention of new traditions. As historian Eric Hobsbawm states, signaling a ‘preferred’ transformation of Chinese fatherhood in this direction. Editing such a transformation “weakens or destroys the social patterns for which ‘old’ techniques further serve to emphasize this distinction and interpret seemingly traditions had been designed, producing new ones to which they were not applicable, meaningless or ambivalent situations into ready-made clear-cut interpretations for or when such old traditions and their institutional carriers and promulgators no audiences. longer proof sufficiently adaptable and flexible, or are otherwise eliminated: in short, However, having analyzed the show’s implicit logic in the representation of when there are sufficiently large and rapid changes on the demand or the supply side” fatherhood as well as masculinity, I argue that whereas WAWGD conveys a (1983, 4–5). History is used as the legitimator of these Confucian traditions, and their ‘progressive’ albeit ambiguous conception of fatherhood, it is still based on rather presentation as ancient and unchangeable clothes them with an aura of factuality and conservative understandings of masculinity and gender. Even though fathers need to legitimacy, although even notions of historical continuity such as ‘5000 years of cook, change diapers and perform other traditionally gendered tasks, the countryside uninterrupted Chinese culture’ are naturally modern inventions, serving particular locations reinforce the traditional role as protectors, embedding the urban/rural political and ideological needs. I therefore argue that this show, by establishing dichotomy with the home/outside, and ultimately as the domain for hierarchies and eventually conflating fatherhood with the nation as metaphorical masculinity/femininity. Simultaneously, these dichotomies are sometimes challenged father, fulfills such a role, albeit not necessarily with the clear intention of doing so. by ambiguous messages on issues such as ‘mud’ and ‘crying,’ reflecting Ruoyun Bai As I have established in earlier chapters, television makers are not necessarily and Geng Song’s statement that “the ideological structure of televisual imaginations forced by an external authority in order to insert political and ideological guidelines of reality is a rather multilayered and fluid picture” (Bai and Song 2015, 6). As I have in their programs. Yet this chapter has shown beyond doubt that the televisual shown in this chapter, WAWGD clearly espouses an array of different and even messages WAWGD present dovetail to a governmental logic whereby Chinese citizens ambivalent cultural and political discourses, such as the promotion of consumerism are guided to govern themselves in specific ways. Even though television makers are and middle-class lifestyle, the authentication and aesthetization of countryside life, not government officials, they do share, at least to some extent, a cultural frame of the promotion of filial rituals and hierarchies, nostalgic memories about the Maoist reference, based on similar presuppositions and assumptions. period, life in the army, and nationalist sentiments, and an imagination of a (China- centered) cosmopolitanism, embodied by Chris Downs, and many other foreign elements. 5.7 Conclusion In the next chapter, I assess how these multilayered and ambivalently presented desired modes of conduct are interpreted by audiences. I have conducted focus group On the surface, Where are we going dad is concerned with addressing the crisis of with four families, and discussed the program by watching several scenes from the fatherhood in contemporary China. The Korean format and the inclusion of a foreign third season, seeking to complement this analysis of the show’s discourses with an father reflect the extent to which fatherhood is increasingly negotiated on a investigation into the ways in which the show’s natural audiences (families) interpret transcultural scale. The close attention to the emotional dimension of fatherhood, and appropriate the discourses on good fatherhood and masculinity as conveyed by amplified by confessional mode and many statement and exercises indicating this show.

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