THE MAKING and UNMAKING of KURDISH ETHNO-NATIONALISM in IRAN by MEHRI GHAZANJANI Department of Sociology Mcgill University

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

THE MAKING and UNMAKING of KURDISH ETHNO-NATIONALISM in IRAN by MEHRI GHAZANJANI Department of Sociology Mcgill University THE MAKING AND UNMAKING OF KURDISH ETHNO-NATIONALISM IN IRAN by MEHRI GHAZANJANI Department of Sociology McGill University, Montreal November 2019 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy ©mehrighazanjani2019 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACROYNMS .................................................................................................................................. iv TABLES AND FIGURES ............................................................................................................... v ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................... vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................................ ix 1 CONTRIBUTION TO ORIGINAL KNOWLEDGE ................................................................ 1 2 CONTRIBUTION OF AUTHORS ........................................................................................... 4 3 INTRODUCTION: THE KURDS OF ROJHELAT ................................................................. 5 4 THE MAKING AND UNMAKING OF KURDISH ETHNO-NATIONALISM IN IRAN ..... 9 5 METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH ..................................................................................... 26 5.1 Data Collection ................................................................................................................. 27 5.1.1 Interviews .................................................................................................................. 27 5.1.2 Archival Research ...................................................................................................... 31 5.1.3 Participant Observation ............................................................................................. 32 5.1.4 Data Analysis ............................................................................................................. 33 5.2 Ethics of Research ............................................................................................................ 34 5.3 Strengths and Limitations of the Research ....................................................................... 35 6 IRANIAN KURDS AND THE SHIFTING CHARACTER OF ETHNO-NATIONALISM . 38 6.1 Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................................... 38 6.2 Data and Methodology ..................................................................................................... 43 6.3 The Stages of Kurdish Ethno-nationalist Insurgency in Iran ........................................... 45 6.4 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 90 7 WHY DO THEY JOIN? THE STORIES OF REBELS IN KURDISTAN ............................ 93 7.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 93 7.2 The KDPI: A Brief Introduction ....................................................................................... 95 7.3 Previous Research on Civil War Mobilization ................................................................. 96 7.4 Participation and Recruitment ........................................................................................ 101 7.5 Methodology ................................................................................................................... 103 7.5.1 Issues of access and trust ......................................................................................... 103 7.6 Members’ Demographic Information ............................................................................. 104 7.7 Why Do They Join? ........................................................................................................ 106 7.7.1 Individual Factors .................................................................................................... 107 7.7.2 Organizational Factors ............................................................................................. 121 7.8 Conclusion and Discussion ............................................................................................. 129 ii 8 ETHNO-NATIONALISM AND REGIONAL GEOPOLITICS: THE CASE OF THE KURDS ........................................................................................................................................ 135 8.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 135 8.2 Iran and Turkey .............................................................................................................. 138 8.3 Iran and Iraq .................................................................................................................... 155 8.4 The Impact of Geopolitical Games on Kurdish Cross-border Alliances ........................ 166 8.5 Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 171 9 CONCLUDING REMARKS ................................................................................................ 173 10 FURTHER THOUGHTS: THE STATUS OF KURDISH ETHNO-NATIONALISM IN IRAN ........................................................................................................................................... 178 APPENDICES ............................................................................................................................. 187 APPENDIX I: INTERVIEW GUIDES ................................................................................... 187 APPENDIX II: LIST OF CONDUCTED INTERVIEWS ...................................................... 189 APPENDIX III: CODING SAMPLE ...................................................................................... 191 APPENDIX IV: WHITE HOUSE MEMORANDUM: PROGRESS REPORT ON THE KURDISH SUPPORT OPERATIONS ................................................................................... 192 APPENDIX V: FIELD OBSERVATION: LIST OF ATTENDED EVENTS ........................ 194 BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................................... 195 A. Primary Sources .................................................................................................................. 195 B. Secondary Sources .............................................................................................................. 203 C. Other Sources ...................................................................................................................... 211 iii ACROYNMS AKP: Justice and Development Party ISIS: Islamic State of Iraq and Syria KDP: Kurdistan Democratic Party (Iraq) KDPI: Kurdish Democratic Party of Iran KNC: Kurdish National Council Komala: Organization of Toilers of Iranian Kurdistan Komala J.K.: The Committee of the Resurrection of Kurdistan KRG: Kurdish Regional Government KRI: Kurdistan Region of Iraq PJAK: The Kurdistan Free Life Party PKK: Kurdistan Workers’ Party PUK: Patriotic Union of Kurdistan PYD: Democratic Union Party RKDPI: Revolutionary Kurdish Democratic Party of Iran SAIRI: Supreme Assembly of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq SAVAK: National Organization for Security and Intelligence YDG-H: The Patriotic Revolutionary Youth Movement iv TABLES AND FIGURES Table 1: Demographic Profile of KDPI Members ....................................................................... 133 Figure 1: Kurdish-inhabited regions of Iran, Iraq, Turkey, and Syria ............................................. 8 Figure 2: Geographic Origins of KDPI Members ....................................................................... 134 v ABSTRACT This project provides a comprehensive analysis of the Kurdish ethno-nationalist movements of Iran. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Kurdish experts, leaders and members of major Iranian Kurdish organizations, and archival data: First, it will be argued that the level of political expression in an ethno-national community is dependent on its organizational resources, the opportunity structure of its environment, and its subjective assessment of the chances of success. The major Iranian Kurdish ethno-nationalist uprisings only emerged in significant form at times when the Iranian state was weak: the 1920s (armed revolts), 1945-1946 (ethno-nationalist separatism), and the early 1980s (full-scale war). These were all instances when the state’s willingness and capacity to repress were severely compromised, when powerful allies were available, the institutionalized channels were closed, and Kurdish leaders had a high level of optimism about the prospects of insurgency. Second, focusing on Kurdish Democratic Party of Iran, I look at the dual dimensions of ethnic mobilization: individuals’ decision to participate in conflict, and the effect of organizational recruitment strategies on this decision. I argue: first, individual decisions are motivated by family conditions, friendship networks and emotional relationships, prison experience, grievances, material and nonmaterial incentives; and second, the organization proactively engages in recruitment strategies and determines the processes through which individuals can learn about its activities by engaging young individuals in clandestine urban cells in Iran, on social media,
Recommended publications
  • The Draft Constitution of the Kurdistan Region- Iraq
    The National Assembly of Iraqi Kurdistan-Iraq The Draft Constitution Of the Kurdistan Region- Iraq Prepared by: The Committee for Revising the Draft Constitution Of the Kurdistan Region- Iraq Preamble We, the People of Kurdistan- Iraq, Recognizaing that generations of our people have suffered from the cruelty of successive governments that exceeded the bounds in practicing oppression, injustice, and persecution, as well as depriving us from God-given rights to mankind to freedom, equality and justice, and committed crimes against humanity and carried out campaigns of mass genocide and ethnic cleansing against our people, the likes of which history has never seen, resulting in total annihilation of about 4,500 villages and changing the demography of large parts of Kurdistan- Iraq by coercively displacing their people and forcing them to change their nationality, and used of chemical weapons and other internationally-banned weapons against civilians in martyred Halabcha, Ballisan, Garamiyan, Bahdiniyan and other large areas, whereas thousands of the Faili Kurd youth were led to their death into chemical experimentation fields and mass graves and their remaining families were displaced outside Iraq and stripped of their Iraqi citizenship, whih was followed by mass genocide campaigns against more than 8,000 of the Barazanis and genocide operations called the Anfal, in which more than 182,000 human beings were killed. In appreciation of the leaders and symbols of the Kurdish Liberation Movement, its Peshmerga fighters, and devoted martyrs
    [Show full text]
  • 45 the RESURRECTION of SYRIAN KURDISH POLITICS by Ro
    THE RESURRECTION OF SYRIAN KURDISH POLITICS By Rodi Hevian* This article examines the current political landscape of the Kurdish region in Syria, the role the Kurds have played in the ongoing Syrian civil war, and intra-Kurdish relations. For many years, the Kurds in Syria were Iraqi Kurdistan to Afrin in the northwest on subjected to discrimination at the hands of the the Turkish border. This article examines the Ba’th regime and were stripped of their basic current political landscape of the Kurdish rights.1 During the 1960s and 1970s, some region in Syria, the role the Kurds have played Syrian Kurds were deprived of citizenship, in the ongoing conflict, and intra-Kurdish leaving them with no legal status in the relations. country.2 Although Syria was a key player in the modern Kurdish struggle against Turkey and Iraq, its policies toward the Kurds there THE KURDS IN SYRIA were in many cases worse than those in the neighboring countries. On the one hand, the It is estimated that there are some 3 million Asad regime provided safe haven for the Kurds in Syria, constituting 13 percent of Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and the Syria’s 23 million inhabitants. They mostly Kurdish movements in Iraq fighting Saddam’s occupy the northern part of the country, a regime. On the other hand, it cracked down on region that borders with Iraqi Kurdistan to the its own Kurds in the northern part of the east and Turkey to the north and west. There country. Kurdish parties, Kurdish language, are also some major districts in Aleppo and Kurdish culture and Kurdish names were Damascus that are populated by the Kurds.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: Opposition to the Government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)
    Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Opposition to the government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) Version 2.0 June 2021 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules • The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002.
    [Show full text]
  • Akturk Suriyenin Review
    Syrian Studies Association Newsletter 16.1 (2011) Book Review: Syria’s Undocumented Kurds Nevzat Bingöl, Suriye’nin Kimliksizleri Kürtler (Syria‘s Undocumented Kurds). Istanbul: Elma, 2004. Reviewd by Ahmet Serdar Akturk. In Suriye’nin Kimliksizleri Kürtler (Syria‘s Undocumented Kurds), Nevzat Bingöl aims to introduce Turkish readers to the Kurds of Syria. Bingöl is a Kurdish journalist from Turkey’s Kurdish Southeast. His earlier publications deal with Kurdish question in Turkey and the war in Iraq from a journalist’s point of view. In this book, Bingöl tackles the Kurds of Syria who, he argues, are not well known in Turkey. He first focuses on Syrian Kurdish political parties by examining their ideas, their relations with other states and other Kurdish parties - both in Syria and in neighboring countries -, and their methods of political struggle. Second, he presents the citizenship problems that Syrian Kurds have been facing since the “exceptional” census of 1962. The book is mostly based on the author’s extensive interviews with local people, leading Kurdish politicians in Syria, and reports prepared by organizations such as the Syrian Human Rights Association, the Syrian branch of International Human Rights Watch, and the German Federal Parliament. The author begins with a discussion of the March 2004 riots and reprisals in Qamishli, which brought the Kurds of Syria to the world’s attention. Proving the saying “soccer is war,” the riots began in the Kurdish city of Qamishli in March 2004 during a match between the city team and an Arab team from the nearby city of Deir ez-Zor, and led to a Kurdish uprising against the Syrian regime.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran: Ethnic and Religious Minorities
    Order Code RL34021 Iran: Ethnic and Religious Minorities Updated November 25, 2008 Hussein D. Hassan Information Research Specialist Knowledge Services Group Iran: Ethnic and Religious Minorities Summary Iran is home to approximately 70.5 million people who are ethnically, religiously, and linguistically diverse. The central authority is dominated by Persians who constitute 51% of Iran’s population. Iranians speak diverse Indo-Iranian, Semitic, Armenian, and Turkic languages. The state religion is Shia, Islam. After installation by Ayatollah Khomeini of an Islamic regime in February 1979, treatment of ethnic and religious minorities grew worse. By summer of 1979, initial violent conflicts erupted between the central authority and members of several tribal, regional, and ethnic minority groups. This initial conflict dashed the hope and expectation of these minorities who were hoping for greater cultural autonomy under the newly created Islamic State. The U.S. State Department’s 2008 Annual Report on International Religious Freedom, released September 19, 2008, cited Iran for widespread serious abuses, including unjust executions, politically motivated abductions by security forces, torture, arbitrary arrest and detention, and arrests of women’s rights activists. According to the State Department’s 2007 Country Report on Human Rights (released on March 11, 2008), Iran’s poor human rights record worsened, and it continued to commit numerous, serious abuses. The government placed severe restrictions on freedom of religion. The report also cited violence and legal and societal discrimination against women, ethnic and religious minorities. Incitement to anti-Semitism also remained a problem. Members of the country’s non-Muslim religious minorities, particularly Baha’is, reported imprisonment, harassment, and intimidation based on their religious beliefs.
    [Show full text]
  • Oct. 6-12, 2020 Further Reproduction Or Distribution Is Subject to Original Copyright Restrictions
    Weekly Media Report –Oct. 6-12, 2020 Further reproduction or distribution is subject to original copyright restrictions. ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..…… EDUCATION: 1. Marine Corps’ Landmark PhD Program Celebrates First Technical Graduate (Marines.mil 7 Oct 20) (Navy.mil 7 Oct 20) (NPS.edu 7 Oct 20) (Military Spot 12 Oct 20) … Mass Communication Specialist 2nd Class Taylor Vencill When the Marine Corps developed its new Doctor of Philosophy Program (PHDP), the service recognized the need for a cohort of strategic thinkers and technical leaders capable of the applied research and innovative thinking necessary to develop warfighter advantage in the modern, cognitive age. The Technical version of the program, PHDP-T, just celebrated its first graduate, with Maj. Ezra Akin completing his doctorate in operations research from the Naval Postgraduate School (NPS), Sept. 25. INDUSTRY PARTNERS: 2. Denver Startup Kayhan Space Lands $600k Seed Round for Collision Avoidance Software (ColoradoInno 6 Oct 20) … Nick Greenhalgh Much like on city streets, space traffic can be hectic and near misses are becoming all too common. Just last year, an in-orbit European Space Agency satellite was forced to perform an evasive maneuver to avoid a collision with a SpaceX satellite. Kayhan Space currently provides satellite collision assessment and avoidance support to the Naval Postgraduate School and BlackSky missions. FACULTY: 3. Will Armenia and Azerbaijan Fight to the Bitter End? [AUDIO INTERVIEW] (English News Highlights 5 Oct 20) Armenia and Azerbaijan accuse each other of attacking civilian areas as the deadliest fighting in the South Caucasus region for more than 25 years continues. KAN's Mark Weiss spoke with South Caucasus expert Brenda Shaffer, formerly a professor at Haifa University and now at the US Navy Postgraduate University.
    [Show full text]
  • Download the Application Form
    E Book Artin Travel Why do I need to travel to Iran? In a world saturated with so much negative propaganda against Iran, why should Iran make it to your travel list? We say why not?! Let’s look at the matter through Artin Travel Group’s perspectives: - With a history of 4700 years, the journey of Iran has gone through marvelous chapters of bravery, friendship, betrayal, war, destruction, revolution and resurrection. - This deep history has won Iran a rich and multidimensional culture. Arts, architecture, music and literature perfectly reect the identity and history of the people living on this piece of land. - Geographical diversity is only one of the gains of 1,648,195 square kilometers of land. Even though the country enjoys four seasons across the year, thanks to Iran’s location, sometimes you can enjoy three seasons at once. That is to say, in the winter, while people spend the weekend skiing in the north of Iran, in the center people enjoy hiking and camping in the desert, while some others go swimming in the Persian Gulf in the south of Iran. - Iran is one of the most aordable destinations for travelers. - Iranian cuisine speaks to dierent tastes and captures many hearts. Iranian dishes are a mix of rich nutrients, spices and colors that are impossible to resist. - Still wondering? Go through our Iran travel guide and collect all reasons you may need to see Iran. 1 What should I know about Iran? Asia Area and provinces: Iran spans over an area of 1,648,195 square kilometers in western Asia.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Notes Introduction 1. Hugh Seton-Watson, Nations and States (London, 1982), 5. 2. Ibid., 3. 3. Tom Nairn, The Break-up of Britain (London, 1977), 41–2. 4. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflection on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1983), 15. 5. Ibid., 20. 6. Ibid. 7. Miroslav Hroch, ‘From National Movement to the Fully Formed Nation,’ New Left Review 198 (March/April 1993), 3–20. 8. Ibid., 6–7. 9. Ibid., 18. 10. Seton-Watson, Nations and States, 147–8. 11. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 127. 12. Ibid., 86. 13. Ibid., 102. 14. In the case of Iran, the Belgian constitution was the model for the Iranian constitution with two major adaptations to suit the country’s conditions. There were numerous references to religion and the importance of religious leaders. The constitution also made a point of recognizing the existence of the provincial councils. Ervand Abrahamian, Iran between Two Revolutions (Princeton, NJ, 1982), 90. 15. Peter Laslett, ‘Face-to-Face Society,’ in P. Laslett (ed.), Philosophy, Politics and Society (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1967), 157–84. 16. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 122. 17. Arjun Appadurai, ‘Introduction, Commodities and the Politics of Value,’ in A. Appadurai (ed.), The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspec- tive (Cambridge, 1986), 3–63. 18. Ibid., 9. 19. Luca Anderlini and Hamid Sabourian, ‘Some Notes on the Economics of Barter, Money and Credit,’ in Caroline Humphrey and Stephen Hugh- Jones (eds), Barter, Exchange and Value (Cambridge, 1992), 75–106. 20. Ibid., 89. 21. The principal issue in the rise of Kurdish national awareness is the erosion in the fabric of the Kurdish ‘face-to-face’ society.
    [Show full text]
  • Armenian Involvement in the 1925-1946 Kurdish Rebellions in Republican Turkey: Trying to Map the Origins of “Hidden Armenians
    Armenian Involvement in the 1925-1946 Kurdish Rebellions in Republican Turkey: Trying to Map the Origins of “Hidden Armenians By: GARABET K MOUMDJIAN Abstract: The history of Armenian-Kurdish relations extends over centuries. In the 1800’s, Armenians were involved in the Kurdish rebellions in Kurdistan proper. The rebellions were crushed by Ottoman military might.1 After the Armenian Genocide of 1915, a new phase of Armenian involvement in yet a new episode of Kurdish rebellions ensued in Republican Turkey. This new collusion lasted all the way to the late 1930s. The aim of the ARF (Armenian Revolutionary Federation, AKA Tashnagtsutyune) at the time was twofold: Dispersion into the Middle East was considered to be a temporary sojourn and the ARF was adamant in its thinking that Armenians should repatriate to their historic homeland. The ARF attempted such an adventurous plan due to its knowledge that many pockets of Armenians—ergo, what would later become known as “Hidden Armenians”—existed in the Eastern Provinces of the newly established Turkish Republic. Toward the end of World War II there was some optimism that the Soviet Union could reoccupy some of the historical Western Armenian lands and incorporate them into the Soviet Armenian Republic. The ARF, regardless of its ideological opposition to the Soviet Union at the time, agreed to a détente with its arch-enemy for such a nascent purpose. Having access to archival material from republican Turkey, the Soviet Union, Armenia, France, Britain, as well as the memoirs and letters of some prominent ARF leaders involved in the Kurdish rebellions of the time creates a unique opportunity to present a more detailed account about the period under.
    [Show full text]
  • 5. Kurdish Tribes
    Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Blood feuds Version 1.0 August 2017 Preface This note provides country of origin information (COI) and policy guidance to Home Office decision makers on handling particular types of protection and human rights claims. This includes whether claims are likely to justify the granting of asylum, humanitarian protection or discretionary leave and whether – in the event of a claim being refused – it is likely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under s94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must consider claims on an individual basis, taking into account the case specific facts and all relevant evidence, including: the policy guidance contained with this note; the available COI; any applicable caselaw; and the Home Office casework guidance in relation to relevant policies. Country Information COI in this note has been researched in accordance with principles set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI) and the European Asylum Support Office’s research guidelines, Country of Origin Information report methodology, namely taking into account its relevance, reliability, accuracy, objectivity, currency, transparency and traceability. All information is carefully selected from generally reliable, publicly accessible sources or is information that can be made publicly available. Full publication details of supporting documentation are provided in footnotes. Multiple sourcing is normally used to ensure that the information is accurate, balanced and corroborated, and that a comprehensive and up-to-date picture at the time of publication is provided. Information is compared and contrasted, whenever possible, to provide a range of views and opinions.
    [Show full text]
  • Kirkuk and Its Arabization: Historical Background and Ongoing Issues In
    Abstract The Arabization of the Kurdistan region in Iraq Since the establishment of the Iraqi state, the ruling Arab regimes forcibly displaced native Kurds and repopulated the area with Arab tribes. The change of demography,known as “Arabization,” existed in both Kurdish majority agriculture and urban lands. These policies were part of a larger Iraqi campaign to erase the Kurdish identity, occupy Kurdistan, and control its wealth. The Iraqi government’s campaign against the Kurds amounted to genocide and eventually destroyed Kurdish communities and the social fabric of Kurdistan. The areas affected by the Arabization stretch from eastern to northwestern Iraq , incorporating major cities,towns, and hundreds of villages. After the fall of Saddam Hussien’s dictatorship, these areas became referred to as “Disputed Territories'' in Iraq’s newly adopted constitution of 2005. Article 140 of Iraq’s constitution called for the normalization of the “Disputed Territories,” which was never implemented by the federal government of Iraq. 1 www.dckurd.org Kirkuk province, Khanagin city of Diyala province, Tuz Khurmatu District of Saladin Province, and Shingal (Sinjar) in Nineveh province are the main areas that continue to suffer from Arabization policies implemented in 1975. KIRKUK A key feature of Kirkuk is its diversity – Kurds, Arabs, Turkmens, Shiites, Sunnis, and Christians (Chaldeans and Assyrians) all co-exist in Kirkuk, and the province is even home to a small Armenian Christian population. GEOGRAPHY The province of Kirkuk has a population of more than 1.4 million, the overwhelming majority of whom live in Kirkuk city. Kirkuk city is 160 miles north of Baghdad and just 60 miles from Erbil, the capital of the Iraqi Kurdistan region.
    [Show full text]
  • Kurdish Political and Civil Movements in Syria and the Question of Representation Dr Mohamad Hasan December 2020
    Kurdish Political and Civil Movements in Syria and the Question of Representation Dr Mohamad Hasan December 2020 KurdishLegitimacy Political and and Citizenship Civil Movements in inthe Syria Arab World This publication is also available in Arabic under the title: ُ ف الحركات السياسية والمدنية الكردية ي� سوريا وإشكالية التمثيل This publication was made possible by a grant from Carnegie Corporation of New York. The statements made and views expressed are solely the responsibility of the author. For questions and communication please email: [email protected] Cover photo: A group of Syrian Kurds celebrate Newroz 2007 in Afrin, source: www.tirejafrin.com The views and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author and the LSE Conflict Research Programme should be credited, with the name and date of the publication. All rights reserved © LSE 2020. About Legitimacy and Citizenship in the Arab World Legitimacy and Citizenship in the Arab World is a project within the Civil Society and Conflict Research Unit at the London School of Economics. The project looks into the gap in understanding legitimacy between external policy-makers, who are more likely to hold a procedural notion of legitimacy, and local citizens who have a more substantive conception, based on their lived experiences. Moreover, external policymakers often assume that conflicts in the Arab world are caused by deep- seated divisions usually expressed in terms of exclusive identities.
    [Show full text]