Structuralism and Myth in Minoan Studies

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Structuralism and Myth in Minoan Studies ANTIQUITY, LVIII 1984 PLATES III & IV Structuralism and myth in Minoan studies JOHN L. BINTLIFF John Bintliff writes to us: 'If we archaeologists cannot honestlv support the conscious rôle of social pedagogue, perhaps more fruitfully we may turn to the competing subjectivities of archaeological interpretation to seek insights into ourselves and our own age. ' This article is an attempt to analyse archaeological interpretations of the bronze age Minoan society for such insights. Dr Bintliff is a Lecturer in the School of Archaeological Sciences, Bradford University, Yorkshire. He further asserts that this article is 'a very long gestation from your [the Editor's] own courses at Cambridge, 1968-71, in the history of archaeology!' Nick Humphrey, of King's College, Cambridge, in Ian Hodder, as the acknowledged leader of a recent broadcast on Human Evolution, made the 'Structuralist Archaeology', has recently raised the following comments (slightly paraphrased from my stimulating issue of the neglect by archaeologists of notes of the radio broadcast) : 'Man, in comparison this symbolic filter in their interpretation of past to the chimp is a forgetful ape. Chimps in societies. For example, a collection of animal bones experiments have a remarkable visual memory, of a particular species from an archaeological site, recalling for example 25 complex patterns. Some need not represent valid evidence for its local humans can do the same, but rarely, and often dominance in the economy, since the culture where there is a brain malfunction as with epilepsy concerned may utilize the differential disposal of or damage to the parietal lobes. In effect it is bones from separate species to emphasize certain characteristically pathological. Why was this facil- belief structures shared by the community. ity suppressed? In order to replace this means of Whilst pointing out that I do support the general storing knowledge with a new way of thought. Not principle of seeking to identify the symbolic filter in one of counting objects or observations as parti- activity debris and physical structures uncovered cular, but instead ordering such data into general by the archaeologist, we must also take account, models of things and situations, as with the Platonic first and foremost, of the constraints on our overall Ideal forms. This was the birth of symbolic interpretations imposed by the nature of the thought.' archaeological record: namely, that we have at any I would now like to develop this theme further. one point in time a highly biased palimpsest of the In this shift from empirical accumulation to con- past. Of course we are continually pushing back our trolled comparison and cataloguing, the goal of the knowledge in matters of detail, and the advent of symbolizing mind to reduce novelty to order must hypothesis-testing as a principle (though hardly yet lead inevitably to oversimplification. Moreover, the in practice!) will doubtless improve the consistency desire for a smooth functioning of everyday social of our performance in shedding light on aspects of and emotional life tends to call forth a set of basic the past previously considered unapproachable by categories to define other people, one's relationship archaeology. Nonetheless I don't think I am to them, and to define activities and aims. It is here preaching to the unconverted when I claim that that the more specific sense of Structuralism there will almost certainly always be a gap in our appears, where the vast mass of experience that one knowledge, preventing us from drawing definitive meets is conquered by the operation of a set of conclusions as to the nature of past ideologies, cataloguing principles, whereby one can coordinate political authority, social interactions of other one's path amidst the world and its infinite units of kinds, and further complex aspects of early societ- animate and inanimate objects. ies. 33 34 ANTIQUITY For the still unconverted may I offer a chastening tal advance. The study of Gordon Childe's illustration of this truism. Recently an award for archaeological theories in the context of his Socialist Amateur Archaeology in Britain was given to a beliefs has demonstrated very important interac- study of World War II invasion defences or tions between a personal stance and the interpreta- 'pillboxes' (Wills, 1979). The amateur archaeolo- tion of ambiguous pre-historic data, as Peter gist concerned was worried that so many were being Gathercole has shown (Gathercole, 1971). destroyed, and wished to record them for posterity. To stand Structuralist Archaeology on its head, it You might think that a series of standing monu- may be necessary therefore not only to investigate ments of the 19405 would best be approached via patterning in the archaeological record, with a view official records. But it soon became apparent that to obtaining evidence of symbolic structures in past only the most general directive survives ordering behaviour, but also to study the patterns inferred by local authorities to see to their defences. At a the archaeologist in terms of the symbols and district level civil defence groups set to work, in structures he wishes to identify in the rarely ways unrecorded in official files, erecting a system clear-cut archaeological record. When I hear, for of these concrete keeps and their associated lines of instance, that a Structuralist study has been con- anti-tank pyramids. The essential task of the ceived, in order to compare and contrast the King's archaeologist was to plan all surviving units of such and the Queen's Apartments in Minoan palaces, I systems in each area, with the assistance of a host of am very conscious that the initial structure of 'King' present-day local informants, then to interpret for versus 'Queen' is a hypothetical distinction from himself, on the basis of detailed local maps and mute groundplans, originating primarily in a set of locational inferences, what specific strategy had semi-myths about Minoan society—a wished-for been intended for the defence of each segment of structure imposed long ago upon the excavated landscape. The same general point has been data. The raw truth about the strength of the stressed in recent discussions of the art of drama- evidence identifying Minoan rulers can be revealed tized reconstructions of history ('faction') in the by quoting from Gerald Cadogan: 'I am much less media, such as the BBC television series on the life certain that the rulers of Minoan Crete until 1450 of Charles Darwin, where the deficiencies of the were men, whether kings, priests or gods, or any or sources required imaginative leaps to complete a all combined, rather than women.' He also suggests coherent narrative, even for this well-documented that the key Priest-King Fresco might be a woman period and career (Railing, 1980). and a priestess! (Cadogan, 1976, 9 and 54). As archaeologists then, we shall have to continue Let us take this approach and apply it in a brief in the foreseeable future, as in the past, to bridge discussion of the social and historical context of that gap between what the data permit us to infer Minoan archaeology. as strict scientists, and what we would like to be able In terms of the general history of Archaeology we to pronounce on as historians or 'social analysts'. can broadly categorize the nineteenth century as an We do this by the use of Models or generalizations era of 'stages'. Human development as revealed by about what we think is going on. These models tend the nascent discipline was to be set into the however to become somewhat rigid from scholar to framework of the consecutive great ages of Stone scholar. It is my belief and experience that it is not and Metal, and their detailed subdivisions, which only worthwhile, but indeed necessary, to view the were correlated in their turn with distinct forms of major theories and interpretations of scholars social structure that had been derived from a hazy producing general syntheses from archaeological ethnography and a mixture of historical and data, in the context of their authors' social and mythical sources. The broad belief in the primacy educational background, and philosophical and of the tracing of 'stages' reflected the optimistic emotional stances—for possible elucidation of repe- mood of 'Progress' towards the affluent industrial titive themes in their work. To take an obvious society of Victorian Western Europe, a path which example, scholars of my generation have frequently imperialism was meant to hasten and history to drawn attention to a potential PhD topic in underline. By the end of the century the individual comparing the political speeches and known sympa- features of local cultures were being recognized, thies of Professor Colin Renfrew, with the stress in allowing distinct culture histories to be written, and his archaeological writings on competitive elites and setting the broad approach for much of this century private-enterprise entrepreneurs as stimuli to socie- (i.e. that of Culture History, as described and STRUCTURALISM AND MYTH IN MINOAN STUDIES 35 condemned by Lewis Binford, 1968). The History Arthur Evans in Crete, and thereby of our domi- and Classics training of most archaeological nant images of ancient Mmoan society. For as his 'synthesizers' within this tradition has combined half-sister Joan comments appositely: 'He was a with personal belief structures to influence the kind romantic who needed escape from the present.' She of historical events and forms of society which they further states, that by 1904: 'He had set out to find a have claimed to recognize in the archaeological script; he had found four and could read none of data. Details of how societies worked and what them. But Time and Chance had made him the ideologies were held have been obtained from discoverer of a new civilization, and he had to make analogy with other, better-documented societies it intelligible to other men.
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