ANTIQUITY, LVIII 1984 PLATES III & IV

Structuralism and myth in Minoan studies

JOHN L. BINTLIFF

John Bintliff writes to us: 'If we archaeologists cannot honestlv support the conscious rôle of social pedagogue, perhaps more fruitfully we may turn to the competing subjectivities of archaeological interpretation to seek insights into ourselves and our own age. ' This article is an attempt to analyse archaeological interpretations of the bronze age Minoan society for such insights. Dr Bintliff is a Lecturer in the School of Archaeological Sciences, Bradford University, Yorkshire. He further asserts that this article is 'a very long gestation from your [the Editor's] own courses at Cambridge, 1968-71, in the history of archaeology!'

Nick Humphrey, of King's College, Cambridge, in Ian Hodder, as the acknowledged leader of a recent broadcast on Human Evolution, made the 'Structuralist Archaeology', has recently raised the following comments (slightly paraphrased from my stimulating issue of the neglect by archaeologists of notes of the radio broadcast) : 'Man, in comparison this symbolic filter in their interpretation of past to the chimp is a forgetful ape. Chimps in societies. For example, a collection of animal bones experiments have a remarkable visual memory, of a particular species from an archaeological site, recalling for example 25 complex patterns. Some need not represent valid evidence for its local humans can do the same, but rarely, and often dominance in the economy, since the culture where there is a brain malfunction as with epilepsy concerned may utilize the differential disposal of or damage to the parietal lobes. In effect it is bones from separate species to emphasize certain characteristically pathological. Why was this facil- belief structures shared by the community. ity suppressed? In order to replace this means of Whilst pointing out that I do support the general storing knowledge with a new way of thought. Not principle of seeking to identify the symbolic filter in one of counting objects or observations as parti- activity debris and physical structures uncovered cular, but instead ordering such data into general by the archaeologist, we must also take account, models of things and situations, as with the Platonic first and foremost, of the constraints on our overall Ideal forms. This was the birth of symbolic interpretations imposed by the nature of the thought.' archaeological record: namely, that we have at any I would now like to develop this theme further. one point in time a highly biased palimpsest of the In this shift from empirical accumulation to con- past. Of course we are continually pushing back our trolled comparison and cataloguing, the goal of the knowledge in matters of detail, and the advent of symbolizing mind to reduce novelty to order must hypothesis-testing as a principle (though hardly yet lead inevitably to oversimplification. Moreover, the in practice!) will doubtless improve the consistency desire for a smooth functioning of everyday social of our performance in shedding light on aspects of and emotional life tends to call forth a set of basic the past previously considered unapproachable by categories to define other people, one's relationship archaeology. Nonetheless I don't think I am to them, and to define activities and aims. It is here preaching to the unconverted when I claim that that the more specific sense of Structuralism there will almost certainly always be a gap in our appears, where the vast mass of experience that one knowledge, preventing us from drawing definitive meets is conquered by the operation of a set of conclusions as to the nature of past ideologies, cataloguing principles, whereby one can coordinate political authority, social interactions of other one's path amidst the world and its infinite units of kinds, and further complex aspects of early societ- animate and inanimate objects. ies.

33 34 ANTIQUITY For the still unconverted may I offer a chastening tal advance. The study of Gordon Childe's illustration of this truism. Recently an award for archaeological theories in the context of his Socialist Amateur Archaeology in Britain was given to a beliefs has demonstrated very important interac- study of World War II invasion defences or tions between a personal stance and the interpreta- 'pillboxes' (Wills, 1979). The amateur archaeolo- tion of ambiguous pre-historic data, as Peter gist concerned was worried that so many were being Gathercole has shown (Gathercole, 1971). destroyed, and wished to record them for posterity. To stand Structuralist Archaeology on its head, it You might think that a series of standing monu- may be necessary therefore not only to investigate ments of the 19405 would best be approached via patterning in the archaeological record, with a view official records. But it soon became apparent that to obtaining evidence of symbolic structures in past only the most general directive survives ordering behaviour, but also to study the patterns inferred by local authorities to see to their defences. At a the archaeologist in terms of the symbols and district level civil defence groups set to work, in structures he wishes to identify in the rarely ways unrecorded in official files, erecting a system clear-cut archaeological record. When I hear, for of these concrete keeps and their associated lines of instance, that a Structuralist study has been con- anti-tank pyramids. The essential task of the ceived, in order to compare and contrast the King's archaeologist was to plan all surviving units of such and the Queen's Apartments in Minoan palaces, I systems in each area, with the assistance of a host of am very conscious that the initial structure of 'King' present-day local informants, then to interpret for versus 'Queen' is a hypothetical distinction from himself, on the basis of detailed local maps and mute groundplans, originating primarily in a set of locational inferences, what specific strategy had semi-myths about Minoan society—a wished-for been intended for the defence of each segment of structure imposed long ago upon the excavated landscape. The same general point has been data. The raw truth about the strength of the stressed in recent discussions of the art of drama- evidence identifying Minoan rulers can be revealed tized reconstructions of history ('faction') in the by quoting from Gerald Cadogan: 'I am much less media, such as the BBC television series on the life certain that the rulers of Minoan until 1450 of Charles Darwin, where the deficiencies of the were men, whether kings, priests or gods, or any or sources required imaginative leaps to complete a all combined, rather than women.' He also suggests coherent narrative, even for this well-documented that the key Priest-King Fresco might be a woman period and career (Railing, 1980). and a priestess! (Cadogan, 1976, 9 and 54). As archaeologists then, we shall have to continue Let us take this approach and apply it in a brief in the foreseeable future, as in the past, to bridge discussion of the social and historical context of that gap between what the data permit us to infer Minoan archaeology. as strict scientists, and what we would like to be able In terms of the general history of Archaeology we to pronounce on as historians or 'social analysts'. can broadly categorize the nineteenth century as an We do this by the use of Models or generalizations era of 'stages'. Human development as revealed by about what we think is going on. These models tend the nascent discipline was to be set into the however to become somewhat rigid from scholar to framework of the consecutive great ages of Stone scholar. It is my belief and experience that it is not and Metal, and their detailed subdivisions, which only worthwhile, but indeed necessary, to view the were correlated in their turn with distinct forms of major theories and interpretations of scholars social structure that had been derived from a hazy producing general syntheses from archaeological ethnography and a mixture of historical and data, in the context of their authors' social and mythical sources. The broad belief in the primacy educational background, and philosophical and of the tracing of 'stages' reflected the optimistic emotional stances—for possible elucidation of repe- mood of 'Progress' towards the affluent industrial titive themes in their work. To take an obvious society of Victorian Western Europe, a path which example, scholars of my generation have frequently imperialism was meant to hasten and history to drawn attention to a potential PhD topic in underline. By the end of the century the individual comparing the political speeches and known sympa- features of local cultures were being recognized, thies of Professor Colin Renfrew, with the stress in allowing distinct culture histories to be written, and his archaeological writings on competitive elites and setting the broad approach for much of this century private-enterprise entrepreneurs as stimuli to socie- (i.e. that of Culture History, as described and STRUCTURALISM AND MYTH IN MINOAN STUDIES 35 condemned by Lewis Binford, 1968). The History Arthur Evans in Crete, and thereby of our domi- and Classics training of most archaeological nant images of ancient Mmoan society. For as his 'synthesizers' within this tradition has combined half-sister Joan comments appositely: 'He was a with personal belief structures to influence the kind romantic who needed escape from the present.' She of historical events and forms of society which they further states, that by 1904: 'He had set out to find a have claimed to recognize in the archaeological script; he had found four and could read none of data. Details of how societies worked and what them. But Time and Chance had made him the ideologies were held have been obtained from discoverer of a new civilization, and he had to make analogy with other, better-documented societies it intelligible to other men. Fortunately it was and by the process of 'empathy' whereby one exactly to his taste: set in beautiful Mediterranean ponders on the data until an insight appears into the country, aristocratic and humane in feeling; creat- mind of early man (as Jacquetta Hawkes, 1981, has ing an art brilliant in colour and unique in form. . . recently described for us). It provided him with enigmas to solve and oracles to However, although 'stages' and 'Social Evolu- interpret, and opened a new world for eye and mind tion' have remained central to historical and to dwell in; a world which seemed to isolate him archaeological studies until quite recently, the from a world in which he had found no place' original associated dogma that political and techno- (Evans, 1943, 173, 350). (PL. ίνα). logical complexity was a direct reflexion of a Evans's revitalization of a wondrous world of desirable level of 'Progress' or 'Advancement' in a peaceful prosperity, stable divine autocrats and a society, experienced a sharp decline from the latter benevolent aristocracy, owes a great deal to the part of the last century. This mirrored a growing general political, social and emotional 'Angst' in awareness within intellectual life as a whole of the Europe of his time. He succeeded brilliantly in social and spiritual inadequacies of Western indus- conjuring up both a physical and imaginative world trial society (familiar to us today from the novels of of the lost civilization that dominates our vision of the Realist School, and the penetrating art of the Minoans even today. Hogarth complained that, Degas, Toulouse-Lautrec, and the later Post- 'Restorations like the Throne Room are not a Impressionists). In literary and artistic life an question of methods, but of the gratifying of a attempt to flee from these disturbing realities is desire to reconstruct tangibly what must otherwise seen in the sunset gaiety of the end of the century only be imagined' (letter to Evans, reproduced in with its escapist overtones (as with the literally and Cottrell, 1961, 137), and Leonard Cottrell adds spiritually superficial art of the Impressionists and with insight: 'But physical restoration of the walls, Art Nouveau, or the literary atmosphere of the floors, columns and porticoes, satisfied only a part 'Naughty Nineties'), and especially in attempts of Evans's nature. It was more difficult, and such as that of Gauguin to flee to a supposed therefore more attractive, to discuss the moral and pre-Industrial paradise, in order to recapture the spiritual basis of the ' (idem, Earth's lost youth and innocence. J. H. Plumb has 154). Even in the authoritative Palace of Minos, written of the early decades of the present century: Vol. 3, Evans permits himself the famous incanta- 'If the belief of a man of [H. G.] Wells's passionate tion to that lost wonderworld, in his vision on the and intelligent humanism could be so battered and Grand Staircase: undermined, it is notr surprising that lesser men 'It revives as no other part of the building, the remote were unable to withstand the climate of despair that past. It was indeed, my own lot to experience its strange engulfed the Western world . . The disillusion of power of imaginative suggestion, even at a time when the these years is apparent in painting, in music, in work of reconstitution had not attained its present literature, everywhere in the Western world we are completeness. During an attack of fever. . . and tempted brought up sharply by an expression of anguish, by in the warm moonlight to look down the staircase well, the whole place seemed to awake awhile to life and move- the flight from social and historical reality into a ment. Such was the force of the illusion that the Priest frightened, self-absorbed world of personal feeling King with his plumed crown, great ladies, tightly girdled, and expression. Intellectual life, outside science, flounced and corseted, long-stoled priests, and after them has pursued much the same course as artistic life' a retinue of elegant and sinewy youths—as if the (Plumb, 1971, xii-xiv). Cup-Bearer and his fellows had stepped down from the Into this context I believe it appropriate to set the walls—passed and repassed on the flights below' (Evans, voyage of intellectual discovery charted by Sir ill, 301). ANTIQUITY

In the same vein there is the merging by The picture of the Minoan palace civilization as Pendlebury of that vision of the ancient Minoan one of happy social equilibrium with lords and paradise with his own escapist, rustic paradise of peasants all cheerfully occupying their respective early modern Crete, seen for example in his places (PL. ivb), is neatly brought out in this delightful identification of the Minoan 'stock' in heart-warming vision of Gerald Cadogan's on the present-day Cretans: 'Many a village boy might be Minoan elite: 'The inhabitants of the country the direct descendant of the Cup-Bearer of the houses will have helped social cohesion by taking Priest-King, and who can deny the possibility that certain responsibilities from the peasants and he may be? Minoan too, is the sense of style which mediating between them and the central authori- your modern Cretan has above all other Greeks' ties' (Cadogan 1971). Likewise Paul Halstead (Pendlebury, 1971, 267). And read his commentary (1981) offers us a Minoan Welfare State, with the on the representation of the so-called 'Great Mother palaces as regional centres of Supplementary Benef- Goddess and her boy-god son': 'He is one of those its and Spiritual Healing. soulless, fawn-like, heartless boys whom you meet Before the palaces, we have the even happier in the wilder parts of Crete today' (idem, 273). vision of completely egalitarian communities of the Evans saw the Minoans as the source of all future Early Minoan and neolithic periods. Todd White- Greek civilization, ignoring any original Mycenae- law (1983) hovers in his acceptance of such a society an contribution: 'Can it be doubted that the artistic for the pre-palatial era. Bintliff's (1977) study of genius of the later Hellenes was largely the outcome Minoan social change also envisaged an early of that inherent in the earlier race in which they had egalitarian society of hamlets scattered over the been merged?' (Evans, 1912, 278). The Myce- Cretan landscape, united by the Palace Period naeans were 'only a provincial variant' (op. cit., under a centralized theocracy. This integration was 282), 'a mainland plantation' of the Minoan (op. achieved through the medium of a national cult, cit., 281), and even the Homeric myths were whose creation was marked by the establishment of revamped Minoan tales (op. cit., 288). Wace a hierarchy of peak sanctuaries and ceremonial however replied that 'the Minoan domination over centres (Bintliff, 19773, Pt. I ch. 7, Pt. II ch. 8; the Mainland has been grossly overestimated. It has' I977b; Blackman and Branigan, 1977). been pointed out that if we lacked all historical It may seem surprising that this romantic and documents we should, if we used similar argu- idealistic vision of an innocent, strifeless, fair ments, maintain that there was an Athenian domi- society, survived to form a controlling model for my nation of Etruria in later days' (cf. Pendlebury, generation, but we have to recall the 19603 rejection 1971, 229). Worse was to come, with the suggestion of the Materialist, Consumer ethos of the 19505, that the Mycenaeans had taken over the Minoan symbolized by Flower Power and the fascination civilization in the period of its height—i.e. concur- with alternative worlds such as Eastern Mysticism, rent with the Palace Style, which Evans described the Commune, Pot, and Lewis Binford. The as 'the magnificent style of vase-painting prevalent collapse of this igoos to early '705 renewed optim- at in the great days of the Palace' (cf. ism in the perfectability or regeneration of modern Evans, 1901, 51), but which good Minoanists are society, is reflected in the surge of archaeological now quick to interpret as degenerate. research from the 19705 into the origins of inequal- The rude assaults of the Mycenaeanists, so it ity, the rise of elites and modes of coercion, the seemed to Evans, seemed to parallel the same 'punch behind the priest' and so on. There has postulated attack of their Mycenaeans on his island been, as Bob Chapman recently commented paradise, and both he vigorously resisted. To this (1979), an unnoticed shift in the most recent day a resistance movement fights alongside the archaeological theory towards a Materialist Marxist ancient Minoans: if Mycenaeans came by LMII, concern with stages of human evolution characteri- their styles are degenerate, their achievements of zed by their individual modes of exploitation. little note—but to many even this admission is One of the first major blows to the rosy- insupportable. And clearly if anything praise- spectacled archaeologist came, in fact, with a worthy is to be attributed to the Mycenaean reinterpretation of the Maya civilization, a mysteri- civilization as a whole, a Minoanist will look, as ous and complex culture once flourishing in the Evans did, to the Minoan source for the whole tropical rain forests of Central America. Here great process—just as Peter Warren has done (1977). temples towering above numerous other important L_ STRUCTURALISM AND MYTH IN MINOAN STUDIES 37 buildings within ceremonial centres, had long been gery raised. It is perhaps appropriate for us to pause seen as the residences of a priestly elite, who awhile before the floodgates burst and note how provided religious integration for a dense surround- much of this could have been, and sometimes was, ing rural peasantry, in return for a tithe—another anticipated long ago. theocracy. By the 19705 however the decipherment Evans, for example, on the bull cult, compared it of the Maya glyphs and close study of wall with that nasty Mediterranean tradition of the paintings, together with a contemporary shift in amphitheatre and bull-ring: 'It may well be that, cultural ethos for the archaeologists, led to a new long before the days when enslaved barbarians were image for the Maya—one of ruthless, regional "butchered to make a Roman holiday", captives, elites, preoccupied with dynastic succession and the perhaps of gentle blood, shared the same fate within liquidation of their neighbours. Study of burials sight of the "House of Minos'" (Evans, 1901, 95—6). suggested that the elites were well-nourished up till Likewise, our ethnographic and historical know- the catastrophic collapse of the civilization, while ledge should have long ago led us to question peasants became increasingly undernourished and whether any farming society can exist for thousands diseased (cf. Coe, 1962; 1966; McAdams, 1972, of years, as the Cretan Neolithic did, with the with Culbert, 1973). Likewise, Bob Adams's classic accompanying rise of communities as large as 19605 survey of the rise of Mesopotamian civiliza- Knossos, without internal social differentiation; tion, with a key role being assigned to the temple and whether that social division, continuing via ideology and economy, and communal consensus, 1,000 years of Early Bronze Age into the clearly has yielded in the 19703 to a pronounced stress stratified Palace society of almost a further 1,000 among Mesopotamian theorists on the rise of years life, could be plausibly maintained by com- classes, social strife, and minority economic priv- munal consensus or involved a significant degree of ileges, a scenario in which the temples now serve as conflict, suppression and exploitation. The Haghia a convenient ideological cover for these shifts of Triadha Chieftain Cup, with its captain and troops, power and privilege (cf. McAdams, 1965; 1972, need not illustrate 'toy' soldiers. The Knossos with Fried, 1978). faience plaques and miniature fresco fragments of In prehistoric Europe and the Aegean, Colin Middle Minoan date, showing house and shrine Renfrew has led the vanguard of anti- façades, are a further object-lesson in controlling sentimentalists, producing 'Big Men' and Chief- models. Sinclair Hood repeats the sound case that tains everywhere in European prehistory—ego- the former are part of a Siege-Mosaic (Hood, 1971, centric, pushy individuals stirring up the sluggish 118 and PI. 22), but earlier writers were happier to peasants towards civilization. At his extreme, for see in it merely a 'Town Mosaic' (Hutchinson, example in his recent Orkney volume, the possible 1962, 173). More remarkable is the interpretation religious significance of megalithic tombs and stone of the miniature fresco scene, as a 'fête champêtre'. circles is ignored in favour of seeing these as Hutchinson writes unabashed : 'another fragment. . markers for competitive territorial groups and . shows an enthusiastic group of men waving spears prestige monuments for chieftains—despite the . . . not, I think, in any hostile gesture, but rather, ironic parallel Renfrew draws with the medieval as Pendlebury remarks "like a cheering football cathedral of St Magnus in the centre of the island crowd'" (idem, 181). These peaceable interpreta- group (Renfrew, 1979). tions are the preferred popular reconstructions (PL. In Minoan archaeology we can surely detect the me). same hints of an ensuing collapse of that primitive Furthermore, I suspect that when we have begun paradise. The new stress on the blood lust and to recover a realistic fraction of the Cretan neolithic sacrifice elements in the bull-leaping activity (Pin- settlement pattern, and its burials, and when the sent, 1983) is in contrast to the generally cheery Early Minoan larger sites are better understood and interpretation reflected in PL. ma. Then there are the accompanying burials analysed for status dis- the dark inferences being drawn from Peter War- tinctions, we shall find ourselves in a strongly- ren s Late Minoan cannibalism (Warren, 1981), stratified society well before the end of the Neoli- and the great fuss that is being created by the claims thic. This will include the suggestion of individual for dirty deeds at Arkhanes (Sakellarakis & and group conflict, and will be linked in with a new Sapouna-Sakellaraki, 1981). Before long we shall approach to the Minoans, who as a whole will now nave, I suspect, many further instances of skulldug- be studied into the foreseeable future in terms of ANTIQUITY landlords and tenants, the haves and the have-nots dominant dialectic exists between shifts in contem- (perhaps with dietary studies in support), rather porary philosophies and world views, and the than with the old view of a perfect but increasingly changing interpretations of the archaeological hierarchical society. Again, I will repeat the point record. Certainly new finds make it difficult to that the data may already be partially available for avoid reinterpretations, but overall I suspect that a such revaluation, thinking for instance of the more important factor is the outlook of the variation in gifts in Early Minoan burials, or the archaeologist on his own world, subsequently reflec- implication of seals and signets for Early Minoan ted in the messages of reinforcement he seeks and private property. claims to recover from the world of the Past. What this article is suggesting, in effect, is that a

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PLATE III: STRUCTURALISM AND MYTH IN MINOAN STUDIES (a) From 'Searchlight of archaeology', p. 9, by .-l. C. Jenkins, (b) From 'Looking at Ancient History', p. 47, by R.J. Unstead

See pp. 33-8 Photos: a. Blackie if Son, dlasgozi;; b. A. ^ <\ liitick, Ijtmlon A i^iiniHiii harvest procession

PLATE IV. STRUCTURALISM AND MYTH IN MINOAN STUDIES (a) From 'The Ancient \\Oiid', p. 48, by R. Ogih-ie. (b) From 'Invoking at Ancient History', p. 49, by R. J. ( 'nstead See />/>. JJ-ti I'lifilus: ti. O.Î "./'. hnuluH; h. λ. if ('. lihick, lutl