To the Victors Belong the Spoils: How the United States and Cuban Elites
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McNair Scholars Journal Volume 20 | Issue 1 Article 10 2016 To the Victors Belong the Spoils: How the United States and Cuban Elites Undermined the Ideals of the Raceles Nation and Cuba Libre (1898-1913) Daylin Pujol Lopez Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/mcnair Recommended Citation Pujol Lopez, Daylin (2016) "To the Victors Belong the Spoils: How the United States and Cuban Elites Undermined the Ideals of the Raceles Nation and Cuba Libre (1898-1913)," McNair Scholars Journal: Vol. 20 : Iss. 1 , Article 10. Available at: https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/mcnair/vol20/iss1/10 Copyright © 2016 by the authors. McNair Scholars Journal is reproduced electronically by ScholarWorks@GVSU. https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/ mcnair?utm_source=scholarworks.gvsu.edu%2Fmcnair%2Fvol20%2Fiss1%2F10&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages To the Victors Belong the Spoils: How the United States and Cuban Elites Undermined the Ideals of the Raceles Nation and Cuba Libre (1898-1913) In Cuba there is no fear of a war of racial categorization in the United States. A races. Man is more than white, more two-tier racial system existed in Cuba, where than mulatto, more than Negro. On the blacks, mulattos and whites were separated battlefields of Cuba, white and blacks by visible characteristics, instead of the have died and their souls risen together one-drop rule that existed in the U.S.6 Thus, to heaven. In the daily life of defense, of in Cuba race was a fluid concept, whereas loyalty, of brotherhood, of cunning, besides in the U.S. race was a binary construct each white man, there was always a Negro. and an individual was categorized either as “black” or white. How did the occupation - José Martí, “My Race.” of Cuba by a nation whose rigid color ideals Writing in 1893, José Martí described encouraged racial segregation impact the Cuba as a raceless nation, devoid of racial emerging social unity and raceless rhetoric in prejudices or racial tensions. Martí asserted the island? My research examines the impact that Cubans had overcome their racial of the U.S. occupation (1898-1902) on differences, joining together to fight a ideas of patria (motherland) and Cubanidad, common enemy. He adopted the ideals of (what it meant to be Cuban) by analyzing the raceless nation, rejected Spanish rule how notions of race in Cuba changed Daylin Pujol Lopez and associated colonialism with slavery, during the U.S. occupation and intervention McNair Scholar adopting the ideals of (free Cuba) in an (1906-1909). This study is guided by three effort to combat the disunity that had questions: how did the U.S. occupation divided insurgents in the Ten Years’ War inform notions of race and nationhood; how (1868-1878), and the Guerra Chiquita or did the U.S. imperialist ideas shape what it Little War (1879-80).1 The ideals of Cuba meant to be Cuban; and did the American Libre also figured prominently in Marti’s racial rhetoric result in increased repression vision for the nation; one in which Cuba of Afro-Cubans and contribute to the racial was free from Spanish rule, dependence backlash of the 1912 Race War? upon United States economic interests, and Cuban sovereignty depended upon the the dominance of the planter class. nation’s ability to prove itself civilized Support for Cuba Libre emerged prior and capable of protecting foreign to the Second War of Independence property. However, the American Military (1895-1898) as a reaction to Spain’s Government (administering the island manipulation of racial fears to undermine from 1898-1902) viewed most Cubans, prior independence movements. The particularly Afro-Cubans, as backward and raceless nation signified different things to promoted white interests. This allowed diverse sectors of Cuban society. Varying white Cuban elites to utilize the U.S. imaginings of what Cuban meant emerged, occupation and intervention in pursuit David Stark all justified by the rhetoric of Martí’s of their particular vision of Cubanidad Faculty Mentor raceless nation.2 Insurgent victory appeared in which they would occupy positions certain in 1898 despite rebels’ revolutionary of power. They adopted American post-independence vision. The United racial rhetoric to justify their notions States, alarmed at the prospect of losing of Cubanidad, which ensured the social Cuba to the insurgents, intervened in hierarchy remained intact, undermining 1898, frustrating the Cuban independence the ideals of the raceless nation. Cuban movement once again. elites opposed all manifestations of the raceless nation and suppressed “barbaric” The racial rhetoric that unfolded during the traditions (Afro-Cuban cultural practices), liberation movements was distinct from the while seeking American support for their racial ideas held by the intervention forces.3 vision of modernity. The exclusion of Afro- Cuban intellectuals attempted to overcome Cubans from positions of power during racial intolerance whereas in the U.S. the the initial years following independence “color line” became more rigid.4 Jim Crow lead to armed protest in 1912. In turn, the Laws prevailed in the U.S at the same time 1912 Race War was met with repression Martí claimed that “In Cuba there is no and violence from the Cuban army as the fear of a war of races” and that a “man has U.S. stood by and did nothing. American no particular rights because he happens approval of white Cuban elites’ actions to belong to a particular race.”5 Racial further marginalized Afro-Cubans who classification in Cuba also differed from were denied access to positions of power in 23 Volume 20, 2016 order to demonstrate that the nation was regime and less inclination to support the such a large proportion of Afro-Cubans, the capable of governing itself. The exclusion insurgency. Guerra Chiquita lacked the support of many of Afro-Cubans served two purposes; it white veterans who had fought in the Ten prevented lower class Cubans from coming Afro-Cubans embraced the insurgency Years’ War. to power and it protected the planter and some like Antonio Maceo emerged as class, which Cuba Libre was intent on leaders in the independence movement. In Spain utilized the insurgents’ “blackness” destroying. Elite attempts at excluding doing so, they began to view the movement to argue that the movement’s goals were blacks were derived from the fear that if differently - as one not just to achieve not to create a sovereign nation but to the lower classes came to power they would independence, but also to abolish slavery. transform Cuba into a black republic - one The Spanish government called attention whose very existence threatened Cuban implement Marti’s vision of Cuba Libre, 20 which threatened the survival of the planter to the prominence of black leaders as proof society. These fears played a part in the class as well as U.S. interests. Therefore, that an independent Cuba would become movement’s leader Calixto Garcia’s decision Cuba Libre simultaneously threatened the another black republic, like Haiti. Afro- to appoint a white leader instead of Maceo, planter class and the United States. Cuban participation in the Liberation Army who had previously led the rebel forces in increased, augmenting white fears of a Oriente province. The appointment of a The Independence Movements black movement that threatened the social white leader was a way not to “give credit order of Cuba.14 For these reasons, Afro- to [Spanish] assumptions” that it was a race The Ten Years’ War was led by a small Cuban leaders like Maceo were suspected of war.21 Nonetheless, the Spanish government group of eastern creoles who, frustrated at attempting to create a black republic when sought to shape the composition of the lack of Spanish political and economic he requested 500 men to invade the western the rebellion by “remo[ving] the white reforms, invited their slaves to join them in 7 region of the island. The invasion never element” from the rebellion and pressuring seeking political independence. The Grito occurred because insurgent leaders feared white leaders to surrender.22 In this way, de Yara, proclaimed by Carlos Manuel de that Cuba would “share the fate of Haiti the insurgency became more black and Céspedes, liberated slaves and invited them and Santo Domingo.”15 Thus, racial fear Spanish claims appeared more plausible.23 to “conquer liberty and independence for 8 confined the independence movement to the Spanish propaganda divided insurgents Cuba.” A manifesto from October 10, eastern region of the island. by highlighting the fragmentation of the 1868 suggests that insurgent leaders did rebellion, and manipulated racial fears not support abolition in the early phases of Tension amongst insurgents, low morale by depicting Afro-Cuban rebels as “men the war. Rather, the manifesto declared that after years of fighting, economic hardships exempt from any sense of honor and all men were equal, but did not incorporate and white fear of Afro-Cuban participation humanity.”24 Afro-Cuban rebels were abolition into the formal objectives of in the insurgency further fractured the 9 portrayed as criminals and murderers the movement. Such contradictions were liberation movement. On February seeking to massacre whites and rape attributed to the need to attract the support 8, 1877, rebel leaders accepted the women.25 Such claims brought racial fears of Afro-Cubans, who were crucial for the conditions of the Pact of Zanjón. However, to the forefront and prompted whites to war, and slaveholders, whose support