McNair Scholars Journal
Volume 20 | Issue 1 Article 10
2016 To the Victors Belong the Spoils: How the United States and Cuban Elites Undermined the Ideals of the Raceles Nation and Cuba Libre (1898-1913) Daylin Pujol Lopez Grand Valley State University
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Recommended Citation Pujol Lopez, Daylin (2016) "To the Victors Belong the Spoils: How the United States and Cuban Elites Undermined the Ideals of the Raceles Nation and Cuba Libre (1898-1913)," McNair Scholars Journal: Vol. 20 : Iss. 1 , Article 10. Available at: https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/mcnair/vol20/iss1/10
Copyright © 2016 by the authors. McNair Scholars Journal is reproduced electronically by ScholarWorks@GVSU. https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/ mcnair?utm_source=scholarworks.gvsu.edu%2Fmcnair%2Fvol20%2Fiss1%2F10&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages To the Victors Belong the Spoils: How the United States and Cuban Elites Undermined the Ideals of the Raceles Nation and Cuba Libre (1898-1913)
In Cuba there is no fear of a war of racial categorization in the United States. A races. Man is more than white, more two-tier racial system existed in Cuba, where than mulatto, more than Negro. On the blacks, mulattos and whites were separated battlefields of Cuba, white and blacks by visible characteristics, instead of the have died and their souls risen together one-drop rule that existed in the U.S.6 Thus, to heaven. In the daily life of defense, of in Cuba race was a fluid concept, whereas loyalty, of brotherhood, of cunning, besides in the U.S. race was a binary construct each white man, there was always a Negro. and an individual was categorized either as “black” or white. How did the occupation - José Martí, “My Race.” of Cuba by a nation whose rigid color ideals Writing in 1893, José Martí described encouraged racial segregation impact the Cuba as a raceless nation, devoid of racial emerging social unity and raceless rhetoric in prejudices or racial tensions. Martí asserted the island? My research examines the impact that Cubans had overcome their racial of the U.S. occupation (1898-1902) on differences, joining together to fight a ideas of patria (motherland) and Cubanidad, common enemy. He adopted the ideals of (what it meant to be Cuban) by analyzing the raceless nation, rejected Spanish rule how notions of race in Cuba changed Daylin Pujol Lopez and associated colonialism with slavery, during the U.S. occupation and intervention McNair Scholar adopting the ideals of (free Cuba) in an (1906-1909). This study is guided by three effort to combat the disunity that had questions: how did the U.S. occupation divided insurgents in the Ten Years’ War inform notions of race and nationhood; how (1868-1878), and the Guerra Chiquita or did the U.S. imperialist ideas shape what it Little War (1879-80).1 The ideals ofCuba meant to be Cuban; and did the American Libre also figured prominently in Marti’s racial rhetoric result in increased repression vision for the nation; one in which Cuba of Afro-Cubans and contribute to the racial was free from Spanish rule, dependence backlash of the 1912 Race War? upon United States economic interests, and Cuban sovereignty depended upon the the dominance of the planter class. nation’s ability to prove itself civilized Support for Cuba Libre emerged prior and capable of protecting foreign to the Second War of Independence property. However, the American Military (1895-1898) as a reaction to Spain’s Government (administering the island manipulation of racial fears to undermine from 1898-1902) viewed most Cubans, prior independence movements. The particularly Afro-Cubans, as backward and raceless nation signified different things to promoted white interests. This allowed diverse sectors of Cuban society. Varying white Cuban elites to utilize the U.S. imaginings of what Cuban meant emerged, occupation and intervention in pursuit David Stark all justified by the rhetoric of Martí’s of their particular vision of Cubanidad Faculty Mentor raceless nation.2 Insurgent victory appeared in which they would occupy positions certain in 1898 despite rebels’ revolutionary of power. They adopted American post-independence vision. The United racial rhetoric to justify their notions States, alarmed at the prospect of losing of Cubanidad, which ensured the social Cuba to the insurgents, intervened in hierarchy remained intact, undermining 1898, frustrating the Cuban independence the ideals of the raceless nation. Cuban movement once again. elites opposed all manifestations of the raceless nation and suppressed “barbaric” The racial rhetoric that unfolded during the traditions (Afro-Cuban cultural practices), liberation movements was distinct from the while seeking American support for their racial ideas held by the intervention forces.3 vision of modernity. The exclusion of Afro- Cuban intellectuals attempted to overcome Cubans from positions of power during racial intolerance whereas in the U.S. the the initial years following independence “color line” became more rigid.4 Jim Crow lead to armed protest in 1912. In turn, the Laws prevailed in the U.S at the same time 1912 Race War was met with repression Martí claimed that “In Cuba there is no and violence from the Cuban army as the fear of a war of races” and that a “man has U.S. stood by and did nothing. American no particular rights because he happens approval of white Cuban elites’ actions to belong to a particular race.”5 Racial further marginalized Afro-Cubans who classification in Cuba also differed from were denied access to positions of power in
23 Volume 20, 2016 order to demonstrate that the nation was regime and less inclination to support the such a large proportion of Afro-Cubans, the capable of governing itself. The exclusion insurgency. Guerra Chiquita lacked the support of many of Afro-Cubans served two purposes; it white veterans who had fought in the Ten prevented lower class Cubans from coming Afro-Cubans embraced the insurgency Years’ War. to power and it protected the planter and some like Antonio Maceo emerged as class, which Cuba Libre was intent on leaders in the independence movement. In Spain utilized the insurgents’ “blackness” destroying. Elite attempts at excluding doing so, they began to view the movement to argue that the movement’s goals were blacks were derived from the fear that if differently - as one not just to achieve not to create a sovereign nation but to the lower classes came to power they would independence, but also to abolish slavery. transform Cuba into a black republic - one The Spanish government called attention whose very existence threatened Cuban implement Marti’s vision of Cuba Libre, 20 which threatened the survival of the planter to the prominence of black leaders as proof society. These fears played a part in the class as well as U.S. interests. Therefore, that an independent Cuba would become movement’s leader Calixto Garcia’s decision Cuba Libre simultaneously threatened the another black republic, like Haiti. Afro- to appoint a white leader instead of Maceo, planter class and the United States. Cuban participation in the Liberation Army who had previously led the rebel forces in increased, augmenting white fears of a Oriente province. The appointment of a The Independence Movements black movement that threatened the social white leader was a way not to “give credit order of Cuba.14 For these reasons, Afro- to [Spanish] assumptions” that it was a race The Ten Years’ War was led by a small Cuban leaders like Maceo were suspected of war.21 Nonetheless, the Spanish government group of eastern creoles who, frustrated at attempting to create a black republic when sought to shape the composition of the lack of Spanish political and economic he requested 500 men to invade the western the rebellion by “remo[ving] the white reforms, invited their slaves to join them in 7 region of the island. The invasion never element” from the rebellion and pressuring seeking political independence. TheGrito occurred because insurgent leaders feared white leaders to surrender.22 In this way, de Yara, proclaimed by Carlos Manuel de that Cuba would “share the fate of Haiti the insurgency became more black and Céspedes, liberated slaves and invited them and Santo Domingo.”15 Thus, racial fear Spanish claims appeared more plausible.23 to “conquer liberty and independence for 8 confined the independence movement to the Spanish propaganda divided insurgents Cuba.” A manifesto from October 10, eastern region of the island. by highlighting the fragmentation of the 1868 suggests that insurgent leaders did rebellion, and manipulated racial fears not support abolition in the early phases of Tension amongst insurgents, low morale by depicting Afro-Cuban rebels as “men the war. Rather, the manifesto declared that after years of fighting, economic hardships exempt from any sense of honor and all men were equal, but did not incorporate and white fear of Afro-Cuban participation humanity.”24 Afro-Cuban rebels were abolition into the formal objectives of in the insurgency further fractured the 9 portrayed as criminals and murderers the movement. Such contradictions were liberation movement. On February seeking to massacre whites and rape attributed to the need to attract the support 8, 1877, rebel leaders accepted the women.25 Such claims brought racial fears of Afro-Cubans, who were crucial for the conditions of the Pact of Zanjón. However, to the forefront and prompted whites to war, and slaveholders, whose support was insurgents, many of them Afro-Cuban, 10 reject the insurgency precisely because it essential to fund the insurgency. The continued to fight forCuba Libre in the was predominantly black. abolition policy adopted by white leaders eastern provinces under the leadership was limited, albeit it “rai[sed] the issue of of Antonio Maceo, who denounced the the social question and arou[sed] with their committee’s actions as “shameful,” and conduct the spirit of people of color.”11 refused to acknowledge the pact without independence and the abolition for all Economic and political dissatisfaction was slaves.16 Afro-Cubans continued to wage manifested differently in the eastern and war against the Spanish until May, when western regions of the island. There was Maceo surrendered and left the island – the greater variety in the agricultural economy Ten Years’ War finally came to an end. in the east, with sugar estates existing alongside tobacco and coffee farms.12 Planters cultivated smaller plots of land, Peace on the island was disrupted once relied less upon slave labor, and were more again on August 24, 1879, when dissatisfied likely to be affected by fluctuations in the patriots from the Ten Years’ War led a economy than their counterparts in western new independence movement, the Guerra Cuba. Consequently, there was greater Chiquita or the Little War. It appealed to support for the insurgency in eastern slaves who had not taken up arms in the Ten Cuba. Expansion in the nineteenth century Years’ War and who viewed independence promoted the growth of the sugar industry as a means to abolish slavery.17 Afro-Cubans and ingenios (sugar mills) expanded across constituted a large proportion of the rebel the western provinces.13 There was greater forces since many “former insurgents and fear of black rebellion in the west because slaves” joined the new movement, making planters’ livelihoods were tied to slave labor. the new insurgency “blacker” than the first.18 A large portion of the plantation workforce At the same time, many white separatists Figure 1 in the western provinces was comprised from the first war condemned the new (Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y of slaves and planters feared a slave revolt. rebellion, declaring that they opposed any Deporte) 26 This resulted in stronger ties to the colonial “threat to liberty.”19 Because it attracted
24 GVSU McNair Scholars Journal To achieve political independence Cuba economic and political interests; therefore, had to address the racial tensions that the U.S. administration sought ways to had divided her during the preceding stall the Cuban triumph. According to U.S independence movements. For this officials, “Cuba was far too important to reason, the rhetoric of the raceless nation be turned over to the Cubans.”38 In March targeted the stereotypical depictions 1898, the U.S. minister to Spain declared of Afro-Cubans used to create panic that the insurgency was “confined almost amongst white Cubans. For example, entirely of negroes,” then warned that Spanish newspapers portrayed the typical Cuban independence would result in a insurgents as apes (Figure 1), suggesting “second Santo Domingo.”39 In April 1898, that rebels were predominately black as President McKinley requested permission well as primitive and uncivilized. These from Congress to intervene and stop depictions of Afro-Cubans during the hostilities between Spain and Cuba.40 The Ten Years’ War exploited white fears of United States went to war in May and by a race war, discouraging whites from December 1898, Spain had surrendered joining the insurgency. In this way, the to the United States after ceding Cuba to struggle for independence evoked the U.S. troops. threat of Cuba becoming a black nation. A successful independence movement The image of the Cuban rebel and of needed to refute claims of racial strife and Cubans changed after the intervention, articulate a new rhetoric that unified the from the valiant oppressed insurgent to one “absolutely devoid of honor or island by advocating for the inclusion of 41 all Cubans. Intellectuals, among them José gratitude.” Before the intervention, newspapers and magazines in the Martí, emphasized that blacks were not a Figure 2 racial threat because they were “grateful U.S. portrayed Cuban insurgents as 27 (University of Miami Library) 32 (typically white) heroes fighting against recipients of white generosity.” The new 42 rhetoric asserted that whites had redeemed an oppressive Spain. In 1898, a Los appealed to blacks and many of the popular themselves for enslaving blacks and that Angeles newspaper The Herald described classes who joined the movement in the Afro-Cubans had overcome the legacy of the Cuban insurgent as “the type of hopes of achieving these goals. Unity this enslavement because “racial equality southern gentleman before the war- brave, would be paramount in the Second War of [was] the foundation of the new Cuban courteous… proud of pure Spanish blood Independence, which began on February nation.”28 Claims such as “I am white, in their veins” and who was now growing 24, 1895. Its success hinged upon a but before that…I am a Cuban who loves “impatient of restraint, to gain the fullest successful island wide revolt. In the east, 43 la patria [the motherland]” appeared in freedom.” After the intervention, Cuban the insurrection quickly spread, meanwhile the Cuban newspaper La Prensa.29 The insurgents were described by U.S. military rebels targeted the western provinces where rhetoric of the raceless nation argued that officers as “turbulent and illiterate negroes the previous revolts had failed.34 By 1896, racial identity was not a crucial component needing the government of a stronger the Liberation Army advanced on Havana 44 of Cubanidad.30 Rather, to highlight a race.” The well-known Afro-Cuban and threatened the survival of the planter particular racial group was unpatriotic insurgent leader, Antonio Maceo, was class. The support from different sectors of because, according to José Martí, to be described by The Herald as the “only one Cuban society strengthened the nationalist Cuban meant being “more than white, of the Cuban generals who had negro movement allowing the Liberation Army to more than mulatto, more than Negro.”31 blood in his veins,” but emphasized take control over much of the island.35 By that he was “well educated and quite a Not only did Martí affirm that Cuba was spring 1898, the rebels were on the verge scholar.”45 A new narrative of the Cuban a raceless nation, but he also articulated of victory. independence wars was needed to justify a vision for an independent Cuba, one in continued U.S. occupation of the island, The United States Intervention which Cuba would be free from Spanish one that highlighted Cubans’ inherent political control and the United States’ With victory in sight, the ideals of Cuba racial shortcomings. economic influence as well as free from Libre loomed in the horizon. Aware that racial discrimination. Martí’s vision of a Spain was “too feeble to hold them,” as an Cuba Libre united black and white Cubans editorial cartoon in the The Washington Post against a common Spanish enemy. Cuba declared in 1896, and not willing to allow Libre came to mean not just independence, the island to become sovereign, President but also social justice and as well as a William McKinley began negotiations with 33 “means of redemption.” In this way, Spain to acquire the island.36 However, independence was described as “breaking Spain had no intention of transferring the colonial chains” (Figure 2). The new Cuba to the United States and it soon rhetoric implied that Afro-Cubans had became clear that the island was in danger been oppressed in the same manner that of falling into Afro-Cuban hands. There the Cuban nation was subjugated to Spain. were two options: U.S. intervention or Political freedom meant both political Cuban independence.37 Figure 3: liberty and an end to racial discrimination for all Cubans. The promise of freedom A free Cuba challenged American (Library of Congress) 46 25 Volume 20, 2016 Before the U.S. intervention, Cubans were the U.S. had liberated Cuba was further many Cubans was in the hands of U.S. depicted as honorable (white) men, and proof that Americans should take control officials and Cubans of the “better classes” after, as ungrateful blacks who needed of the island. After all, to the victor belong were in no position to advocate for Afro- better qualified men to govern the island. the spoils. Cuban interests.60 U.S. policies benefited In part, this was because insurgents were Cuban elites politically and economically; much darker than the U.S. had anticipated therefore, elite Cubans who may have the U.S. sought ways to minimize their advocated for Afro-Cubans’ interests did role in the war. Their ragged appearance not do so. It was not in the best interest and their support for Cuba Libre justified for white Cubans to support Afro-Cubans’ the marginalization of the Liberation demands for racial equality or to support Army’s rank and file (Afro-Cuban) soldiers. the ideals of the raceless nation.61 The prevalent belief was that blacks were uncivilized barbarians who should not Undermining the Raceless Nation participate in, much less govern, Cuba. The independence wars did not culminate For this reason, the U.S. troops prevented in an “independent, socially egalitarian, and rebel soldiers from entering Santiago racially inclusive” Cuba as many Cubans after the surrender of the city, since they Figure 4: had hoped.62 Instead, members of the could not be trusted not to attack whites 47 55 Liberation Army were dismissed with only or to “plunder” and “pillage” the city. (Library of Congress) seventy-five pesos to travel back to their The army was accused of not “[appearing Cuba’s racial dynamics became a homes, and whites who had supported even capable of helping themselves when the Spanish government continued to others try to help them” as well as of determining factor in the island’s independence, since the U.S. perceived be employed in the same positions they having a “native character” marked by had occupied prior to independence. “innate duplicity.”48 After the intervention, Cubans to be unable to protect U.S. interests. Afro-Cubans could not be trusted After the war, some Afro-Cubans accused propaganda depicting Cuba as a white white elites of “[taking] over the business, woman begging Uncle Sam to rescue her to govern the nation and protect U.S. interests, thus Cuba’s sovereignty was not factories, and public jobs, that [blacks] had from the “famine,” “war,” and “revolt” 63 recognized by the U.S. administration just brought to independence.” Afro- disappeared (Figure 3). Instead, U.S. 56 Cubans insinuated that they had the right newspapers began to emphasize how Cuba’s after the Second War of Independence. The U.S. first needed to pacify the island to these positons because they had taken racial composition made it suitable for arms in the name of racial equality. U.S. political independence. and second assure that the right Cubans were elected into office before they would interests were also protected by giving 64 Intervention was justified in terms of leave. Cuba required saving not only from property rights to foreigners. The military ensuring the triumph of Cuba Libre, “Spanish misrule” but also from anarchy government implemented discriminatory whereas before it had been necessary as a (Figure 4). This idea that Cuba needed policies targeting Afro-Cubans at a time way to stop the Spanish from oppressing protection from herself, particularly from when they had the opportunity to attack its black population, from Spanish tyranny, the racial inequalities inherent in post- Cubans. In this context, the U.S. 65 occupation “became a selfless service for the and from bad government guided U.S. independence Cuba. cause of humanity,” and Cuban insurgents policies on the island. American authorities The American occupation undermined the should be grateful of the sacrifices made hoped to promote a political atmosphere 49 ideals of the raceless nation by favoring by the U.S. forces to liberate them. in which real Cubans (white elite pro- white Cubans in employment and politics. Insurgent leaders received the occupation American Cubans) would take leading 57 U.S. policies openly discriminated against forces with “distrust and doubt” rather roles in the new republic. According to Afro-Cubans, and the most prestigious than the enthusiasm Americans had Governor General Leonard Wood, “only 66 50 jobs were closed to non-whites. For expected. Stephen Crane remarked the ‘ignorant masses,’ the ‘unruly rabble,’ example, only 7 percent of jobs in central, “The American soldier thinks of himself and ‘trouble makers,’” advocated for 58 provincial and municipal administrations as a disinterested benefactor…he does independence and opposed intervention. were given to Afro-Cubans. Likewise, of not want to be thanked, and yet the total Real Cubans had not articulated their the 8,238 policemen registered 21 percent absence of anything like gratitude makes visions for the Cuban nation; when they were Afro-Cuban, of 5,964 teachers, 439 him furious.”51 Cubans were portrayed as did so, they would support American 59 were Afro-Cuban and of 205 government “shirkers and slackers” and the rebels as annexation. The U.S. concluded that it officials, 9 were Afro-Cuban.67 Blacks also ungrateful for the help provided in securing was their duty to restrain the masses from faced discrimination by the adoption of independence, which Cubans had been participating in the government, ensuring 52 suffrage laws requiring voters be literate, unable to achieve on their own. The that “real Cubans” could implement their own property worth $250 or more, or have liberation movement was accused of “being vision for the nation. served in the Liberation Army. As a result, possessed but with one idea- the idea that only 19 percent of Afro- Cuban males voted we [Americans] had come to Cuba to free U.S. officials supported white Cubans’ position at the apex of the political in 1901 despite making up 37 percent them and to feed them. They had therefore, of the male citizens.68 Secretary of War nothing else to do.”53 American soldiers hierarchy, which gave elite Cubans access to the structures of power. At the same Elihu Root explained that the suffrage laws asserted that a minority of rebel soldiers were to exclude the “mass of ignorant and fought valiantly alongside the U.S. troops time, the independence wars resulted in economic ruin for many planters in Cuba. incompetent” so that a “conservative and but that most Cuban insurgents “[did] as thoughtful control of Cuba by Cubans” may little fighting as they could.”54 The idea that The economic and political standing of 26 GVSU McNair Scholars Journal be promoted. Candidates running for the in the liberation movement had given the appearance of a Haitian general” was municipal elections that had been endorsed Afro-Cubans new expectations derived out to “overwhelm the pure white race.”81 by the U.S. were not elected, which was from the rhetoric of the raceless nation The specter of the threatening Afro-Cuban, seen as a demonstration of Cubans’ flawed and Cuba Libre.73 The expectations were and the prospect of a black republic was judgement in that they could not be trusted unrealized but Afro-Cubans were unwilling once again brought forth to instill fear in to choose “the best men.”69 to demand their rights because to do so white Cubans. Moreover, the threat posed would result in accusations of undermining by Afro-Cubans also justified a second Cuban cultural traditions were also under the ideals the raceless nation. There was intervention, since the Platt Amendment U.S. scrutiny during the intervention little improvement in education or job gave the U.S. rights to intervene to protect and occupation of the island. Cultural opportunities for Afro-Cubans after U.S. property and businesses. To quiet the expressions, particularly Afro-Cuban independence. Only 26 percent of Afro- masses, the provisional government gave traditions that appeared “barbaric Cubans over the age of 10 could read in white veterans public jobs and General or uncivilized” such as cockfighting 1899, as opposed to 44 percent of whites.74 José Miguel Gómez promised that Afro- or dancing el danzón, attested to the Some teachers prevented Afro-Cubans from Cubans would be favored if he were elected “characteristic” and “degenerate” nature of 82 71 entering their classrooms despite official president. Afro-Cuban culture. Suppressing Cuban integration of the educational system and cultural practices that appeared backward universities did not allow black students It was clear by 1906 that the Liberal were necessary so that the military to enroll.75 Darker-skinned Cubans lacked party would not fulfil their promises to government would deem that Cubans were the educational foundation to participate Afro-Cubans. The idea of a black party educated, modern “citizens” who were also advocating for Afro-Cuban representation 72 in more prestigious or remunerative “deserving of their own government.” occupations. These inequalities were gained momentum by 1907, since Liberals This understanding of civilized behavior evident in that, for example, the same had “betrayed” Afro-Cubans during vilified Afro-Cuban cultural expressions. percent of Afro-Cuban women worked the second intervention by failing to Cubans were depicted in newspapers as in low-skilled jobs such as laundresses, recommend blacks for public jobs as they black children forced to abandon their had promised, and by telling U.S. officials servants, peasants, and dressmakers in 1907 83 uncivilized ways (Figure 5 shows how as in 1899.76 Discontent increased amongst that Afro-Cubans were “extreme radicals.” Americans imposed modernization through Afro-Cubans over the discrepancy between Afro-Cubans turned their attention to the forceful disinfecting of the nation). the claims of the raceless nation and gaining access to public jobs through the Those who engaged in these primitive reality. Cuban elites were oblivious to the creation of a black political party. This behaviors risked showing the occupation plight of Afro-Cubans and used the U.S. resulted in Evaristo Estenoz and Gregorio forces that Cuba was not ready to take her occupation as a way to silence their protests Surín forming the Partido Independiente place among other modern nations. Thus, against the inequalities that persisted after de Color, or Independent Party of Color Cuban elites utilized the U.S. fear of a independence. Afro-Cubans who lost their (PIC) on August 7, 1908. Although the separate Afro-Cuban movement to curb jobs embraced the white-led rebellion that PIC demanded equal political rights for their demands for the implementation occurred as a result of the Moderate party’s blacks and their integration into society, of the rights implicit in the ideals of the 77 it also appealed to mulattos and a small antics in 1906. By September 1906, as 84 raceess nation. many as 25,000 Afro-Cuban veterans had segment of whites. In an effort to quell joined the Liberal’s movement, known whites’ anxiety over black mobilization, as the August Revolution, in trying to Previsión, the party’s newspaper, addressed overthrow the Moderate party from the most common fears − the creation power.78 of another Haiti, and the depiction of Afro-Cubans as uncivilized.85 Previsíon The August Revolution prompted the refuted the claims that Afro-Cubans were second U.S. intervention (1906-1909). attempting to construct a black republic American journals and magazines portrayed by highlighting the need for a black party. blacks in the insurgency as a threat to According to the party platform, blacks the future of the nation. In 1906, the needed representation because Cuba was Minneapolis Journal declared that the discriminating against blacks in the same rebellion was made up of men “whose way the United States did.86 The PIC trade is revolution. Stable government asserted that political parties attempted to does not satisfy them” and therefore “the “[discredit] the black masses” by depicting preservation of Cuban independence even Afro-Cubans as uncivilized in the eyes of if a temporary occupation of the island the provisional government.87 They also by American troops is necessary.”79 The insisted that Afro-Cuban stigmatization Washington Times suggested that insurgency was meant to serve as encouragement was unavoidable since “patriots denied for anti-black policies from the U.S. Figure 5 there was any danger of a race question” provisional government.88 but “secretly they realized an impending (cited in Aline Helg, Our Rightful Share)70 evil, an inexplicable danger from the black Independientes (PIC supporters), promoted 80 a positive Afro-Cuban racial consciousness Dissatisfaction was high among Afro- man.” It also warned that the “black by encouraging black pride. While this did Cubans, especially among those who man” entering the capital “in a startling not directly challenge the rhetoric of the had fought in the war. Participation military uniform of his own creation, lacking only the white plumes to give him raceless nation, it did encourage blacks to 27 Volume 20, 2016 celebrate cultural and political expressions Amendment argued that the PIC promoted The Cuban government adopted a three- that were exclusively Afro-Cuban.89 The the interests of Afro-Cubans and that it step strategy to undermine the PIC PIC modified Martí’s raceless nation by marginalized whites. Nonetheless, Estenoz and Afro-Cuban demands for greater going beyond the idea that the island continued to refute allegations by claiming political participation. The provincial was “for whites and blacks” and claiming to be driven by “concern for peace and governors in Cuba were directed to that to be Cuban could also mean being equality” for all Cubans.98 question independientes partaking in any black.90 Letters written to Previsión thanked “unusual movements.”107 In April 1912, Estenoz for creating a newspaper solely for The Cuban government accused PIC the government dispatched troops to Santa Afro-Cubans, something that was “ours, members of organizing against whites in an Clara and Oriente because these provinces without mixing or blending with foreign effort to disband the party and to weaken were allegedly at higher risk of rebellion.108 bodies,” while other letters claimed it was their support. Yet, no substantial proof Afro-Cubans suspected of being PIC “time that you show what you are as a black was presented in the trials of PIC members members were arrested at the end of April and Cuban woman.”91 For these Afro- in 1910 and the witnesses questioned did and beginning of May.109 These actions not admit to hearing any conspiracies Cubans, Cubanidad meant taking pride in 99 gave credence to the rumors circulating being black and taking part in the republic against white Cubans. The threat of black of blacks attacking whites and heightened as a Cuban citizen who had earned equal mobilization led by the PIC served several whites’ fears. Meanwhile, newspapers rights. purposes, one of which was to create alarm claimed that Cuba was becoming a black in Washington and subsequently prompt nation. The PIC also renounced claims that Cuba another U.S. intervention.100 Some Cubans had achieved racial equality after the privately complained to U.S. officials The party remained outlawed despite wars of independence as a way to attract about the ineffectiveness of the Cuban independientes’ efforts to revoke the Morúa supporters and defend the party’s goals and government and warned of possible threats Amendment in time for the November demands. The Party’s newspaper challenged to U.S. interests on the island.101 Such 1912 elections.110 Independientes warned the depiction of the “typical” Cuban threats to American property obligated the that they would take action if the Cuban (represented by the cartoon character Cuban government to take action or risk Congress or the United States did not Liborio) by creating a black cartoon another intervention.102 recognize the PIC by April 22, 1912.111 character (José Rosario) who refuted the In the last weeks of May, PIC supporters claims of Liborio.92 José Rosario described Cuban newspapers played a crucial role in threatened foreign interests on the island, how Liborio betrayed the pact the two how the PIC was perceived by other Cubans and on May 31 and June 1 they protested had sworn when Liborio, out of fear of the and the United States. Panic spread across by burning buildings.112 Newspapers other man, allied with the United States at the island in 1910 as newspapers depicted claimed independientes’ actions were part the end of the war.93 The cartoon illustrated rural towns and white women as susceptible of a race war allegedly carried out by the to “warlike mobilization” by both the PIC how white Cubans betrayed the promises 103 PIC. According to the Cuban newspaper made during the independence wars and and Afro-Cubans. Newspapers printed El Dia, it was “an uprising of blacks, in how as a result racial equality did not exist stories in which dangerous blacks roamed other words, an enormous danger and a after independence. Therefore, Afro- the countryside targeting whites, much common danger” that would result in “the Cubans had the right to mobilize and assert like the Spanish had depicted the black free and beautiful America defending herself their interests through the PIC. rebel insurgents during the Ten Years’ War. against a clawing scratch from Africa.”113 The By 1912, headlines such as “The Racist protest preyed upon preconceived racial Afro-Cuban participation in the August Revolution” and the “Racist Uprising” fears of blacks as barbarians whose goal Revolution, combined with the PIC were being printed by major newspapers 104 was to control the island. Fear of another demands for equal rights for Afro-Cubans on the island. This state of panic gave the Haitian Revolution, this time in Cuba, threatened the political equilibrium on government the opportunity to mobilize also gave credence to claims that the PIC’s the island. Cuban elites responded to this popular opinion against the Partido armed protest was in fact a race war.114 danger by adopting a series of measures Independiente de Color and to discredit Some American newspapers even claimed to undermine Afro-Cuban mobilization, Afro-Cuban demands for positions in the that Haitians and Jamaicans were active which included labeling the PIC a racist government. The government targeted the 94 participants in the armed protest, basing movement. They spread rumors that party and used racial stereotypes to instill their allegations on the foreign sounding the Partido Independiente de Color was greater fear in the population, expediting names of some PIC leaders.115 Newspapers anti-white, anti-Cuban, and unpatriotic whites’ fear of a black-led rebellion.105 At 95 in the U.S. described Evaristo Estenoz as as a way to undermine the party. The the same time, U.S. newspapers warned “the same vainglorious negro” who had PIC was a threat to the ideals of the that “Cuba [was] still on trial before the led the earlier insurrection and whose raceless nation because it advocated for the world…If it convicts itself of incapacity for followers were “extorting tribute from interest of a single racial group. A Cuban self-rule once more and compels against its peaceful merchants and traders.”116 The pamphlet described the August Revolution fate hereafter should independence be finally 106 PIC was denounced as racist by Cuban and as having been started by the “butchers be taken away from it.” The exaggerated American newspapers for taking action and of Africa” who hoped to take revenge on stories printed by the press swayed public 96 demanding that the ideals of the raceless whites. Afro-Cubans were accused in The opinion against the PIC , whereas in the nation be implemented. Washington Post of “[looking] upon the U.S. the PIC and claims of a race war were white man as his natural enemy.97 Based on tantamount to Cuba’s inability to maintain Many of the troops dispatched to Oriente these accusations the Liberal party drafted a a stable government without foreign in response to the fear spreading across proposal in congress to disband the PIC on intervention. the island were white.117 The Cuban the grounds that it was racist. The Morúa
28 GVSU McNair Scholars Journal government encouraged the formation warned that many of the stories in the Pedro Ivonnet, were killed for allegedly of voluntary militias (voluntarios), who Cuban press were over-exaggerated. The attempting to escape arrest.139 Other blacks along with the Army, persecuted Afro- Nation denied that the uprising was racially were accused of “conspiring against the Cubans in Oriente, and often “[did not] motivated, instead affirming that it was republic” and were transported to Havana respect at all the people of color and “mainly political, the negroes desiring to for trial.140 Approximately 5,000 to 6,000 threaten them insolently without thinking form a party of their own, and to run an rebels were killed in 1912, although reliable of the serious conflict that their behavior independent candidate for the presidency.” numbers are not available. In contrast, a could produce.”118 Afro-Cubans with no Blacks were “persuaded” to protest because total of 16 members of the Cuban armed affiliation to the PIC were targeted because they have “not been sufficiently considered forces were killed.141 Thousands of Afro- of their skin color when voluntarios, the in the distribution of offices.”130 The Cubans were murdered during the 1912 Cuban army, and U.S. officials did not newspaper also informed readers that the Race War for claiming the rights they were distinguish between Afro-Cubans and uprising was led by Haitian and Jamaican entitled to in the raceless nation. independientes.119 Such an incident occurred immigrant workers taking advantage of in May 31 when General Carlos Mendieta labor shortages on the island.131 Most people on the island were aware of attacked a group of Afro-Cubans living in the atrocities committed against Afro- Military personnel in Cuba believed Cubans in 1912, yet did nothing to stop La Maya, killing 150 Cuban peasants with 142 120 all Afro-Cubans to be potential PIC innocent blacks from being targeted. no ties to the PIC. Independientes burned 132 houses, the post office and the railway supporters. For this reason, Afro-Cubans For many Cubans, the indiscriminate station in La Maya in reprisal.121 Rumors were treated without mercy regardless of killings and repression against blacks were whether there was proof of their affiliations far removed events that did not affect spread that PIC supporters had burned 133 down the entire area and repression against with independientes. The U.S. consul their everyday life. Some U.S. citizens all blacks increased.122 admitted that in Santiago “many innocent living in Cuba were not only aware of and defenseless negroes in the country the repression, but also approved of the Rumors of black mobilization and the [were] being butchered.”134 Moreover, repressive tactics used. A U.S. citizen possibility that Afro-Cubans might attack the French consul accused voluntarios in Oriente declared that “the army and U.S. property reached the American and the Cuban army of arbitrarily killing the volunteers have lopped the heads of government in June.123 Approximately blacks not because they were suspects probably some six thousand negroes in the 1,000 Marines were sent to protect U.S. but because “they want a war. They want province and the rest as whole have had property and mines, and three more targets,” and they will massacre “poor very the fear of God drilled into their souls. warships joined the three ships already peaceful wretches whose only crime will I believe the remedy was necessary and anchored in Santiago and Guantánamo to be not being born white.”135 Newspapers effective.”143 While another admitted that protect railroads and foreign property.124 described corpses being left in the open “some innocent heads may have fallen, in The presence of U.S. military personnel and rebels being “bound hand and foot the main there have been few sacrificed contributed to the violence that spread and tied together with a big rope” before at a loss to the country-and the effect has across the region by allowing voluntarios being taken by the police.136 In response to been salutary.”144 Newspapers criticized the and the Army to focus on repressing the the brutality, PIC supporters attempted to Cuban government’s use of the rebellion to PIC members, rather than protecting U.S. garner U.S. support by contacting officials further political goals, but none objected to lives and property.125 It also pressured the and denouncing the slaughter of innocent the massacre of Afro-Cubans.145 Cuban government to take additional Afro-Cubans. For example, Evaristo measures asserting control of the situation. Estenoz demanded that the U.S. send The U.S. administration also received This was necessary to ensure another representatives to the region who could reports from the consul in Santiago intervention would not occur. Greater directly report the atrocities committed by describing the events that occurred in the repression against Afro-Cubans was the Cuban army against innocent people region. Descriptions of the “race war” sent justifiedbecause of the perceived threat to of color.137 His message was ignored by the by the U.S. consul communicated that U.S. lives and property.”126 A New York U.S., despite the protection of “property, Afro-Cubans were being targeted because of their skin color and not because newspaper, The Sun, for example, stated life and liberty” guaranteed by the Platt 146 “if the young republic does not rapidly Amendment. they were mobilizing against whites. put down the negro insurrection… and The problem of the independientes was demonstrates that the lives and property The Cuban government augmented the best solved by the death of PIC leaders of Americans and other foreigners are safe fear of blacks and slaughtered innocent and their supporters, despite the U.S. throughout the island, Uncle Sam will do Afro- Cubans. The New York Times stated consul acknowledging that PIC goals it for her.”127 The possibility of Afro-Cuban that on July 2, 1912 a “special cable” was were not to “take up arms against the mobilization justifiedthe U.S. involvement sent to the newspaper assuring Americans government” but “to secure a redress and served as an opportunity for the Cuban that “the negro uprising [was] definitely of their grievances or repeal of the government to eliminate the PIC. put down” and guaranteeing that the rural Morúa Law through concerted action guards and guerillas would continue to seek in demonstration of revolutionary Newspapers in the U.S. had assured readers insurgents until the “last rebel hiding in the character.”147 The Day Book commented that no intervention was forthcoming mountains was either captured or killed.”138 in regard to the 1912 rebellion that “unless a state of anarchy is threatened” Any Afro-Cuban could be accused of “Cuba’s got to be a conservative republic on the island.128 By June, rumors of blacks being a “rebel” because it was difficult to even if we have to shoot her full of radial threatening property and “sugar mills… distinguish between PIC members and holes.”148 Newspapers and magazines in flaming in eastern Cuba” ran rampant in innocent Afro-Cubans. Leaders of the the U.S. and Cuba openly discussed the the U.S. and Cuba.129 Yet, some newspapers rebellion, amongst them Estenoz, and atrocities committed against Afro-Cubans
29 Volume 20, 2016 establishing that the U.S. government was allowed the Spanish government to portray the U.S. administration to discredit the aware of the repression occurring in the it as a threat to Cuban society and to the independence movement since a large island. entire nation. This made it possible for proportion of the rebels were black. Afro- the Spanish government to suppress the Cuban rebels would not be allowed to take Cubans had come together to fight for a insurgency in less than a year. control of the island and Cubans, who were raceless nation, but were divided by the backwards, uncivilized and whose blood policies implemented after independence. Independence leaders fashioned a was intermixed with blacks, needed U.S. The U.S. occupation and intervention new image for black insurgents prior help in governing the nation. failed to bring about the implementation to the outbreak of the Second War of of Cuba Libre. Afro-Cubans, acting Independence in 1895. Afro-Cubans were Policies implemented by the U.S. military upon the rights presumably they had portrayed as submissive and beholden to government assisted white Cubans in earned during the liberation movement, whites for granting them their freedom. securing political power and ensured protested their lack of political rights. In formulating the concept of the raceless that Afro-Cubans were denied positions Having risen up in armed rebellion, they nation, Cuban independence leaders were of power. Suffrage laws, Afro-Cuban made themselves vulnerable to racial counteracting the racial tensions exploited cultural repression, and U.S. endorsement accusations. The fear of blacks attacking by the Spanish government in the Ten of white Cubans safeguarded the social whites was augmented by political pressure Years’ War by reassuring white Cubans hierarchy the raceless nation claimed from the U.S, who threatened another that blacks posed no threat. According to have been fighting against. Afro- intervention to ensure the protection of to José Martí, racial integration had been Cuban cultural traditions, deemed too foreign property. White Cubans, urged achieved in the Ten Years’ War when blacks uncivilized for modern times, were also by self-interest, further increased fear of and whites, fighting together, had died dismissed as unpatriotic. The Second blacks in 1912 to justify the repression of for Cuban independence. By 1898, many War of Independence did not culminate a black-only political party. This allowed sectors of society supported the ideal that in a nation free from racial segregation them to eliminate political competition Cubans, regardless of their racial or social or foreign interest. Instead, racial and to undermine Afro-Cuban demands class, could cooperate with one another to inequalities persisted in educational and job to positions of power. create a nation free of foreign influence and opportunities. Frustrations increased at the racial injustice. lack of opportunities for Afro-Cubans who Racial Inequality and the U.S. had fought in the liberation movement, yet Intervention This rhetoric alarmed the U.S. and had earned few rights after independence. the Cuban planter class because the In 1905, Afro-Cubans joined whites in the The elite eastern planters who led the implementation of Cuba Libre threatened Ten Years’ War in 1868 promised slaves August Revolution, protesting the loss of Cuban elites as well as U.S. hegemony. public jobs and political power at the hand equality and insinuated that they would Therefore, the United States followed the be emancipated if they took up arms in of the Moderate party. This new insurgency near triumph of the liberation movement triggered the second U.S. intervention support of a free Cuba. Afro-Cubans who in Cuba with alarm. Spain’s inability to fought in the Ten Years’ War adopted the from 1906 to 1909. U.S newspapers control the insurgency, her refusal to described the revolution as a race war and claim that Cubans were equal, regardless allow the U.S. to purchase Cuba, and of race, to demand emancipation as Afro-Cubans as threats to the island. Once the imminent triumph of Cuba Libre again, blacks were depicted as a menace to one of the movement’s goals. Although left the U.S. administration with two vaguely promised, the prospect of eventual the nation and as standing in the way of choices: intervention or independence. progress. emancipation drew large numbers of Afro- However, American involvement needed Cubans into the Liberation Army, giving to be justified. Intervention was deemed It was clear by 1905 that Afro-Cubans rise to the perception that the insurgency necessary so that Americans could aid the would not be awarded the rights the was predominantly black. Anxiety over unjustly oppressed (white) Cubans. independence movement claimed they blacks taking part in an armed protest, had achieved, despite claims asserting particularly in western regions of the island The racial composition of the Liberation otherwise. Therefore, they formed the where a large percent of the work force was Army was not what the U.S. forces Partido Independiente de Color (PIC) enslaved, spread amongst white Cubans. had expected. American soldiers were as a way to organize and demanded The Spanish government was able to utilize confronted by ragged Afro-Cuban improved educational opportunities for the fear of a black republic and the threat insurgents, rather than the army of Afro-Cubans and better access to jobs in posed by Afro-Cubans to undermine white Cubans they had imagined. Afro- the government - rights the raceless nation the rebels’ objectives. Division amongst Cubans were deemed incapable or unable declared they had earned. Rumors spread black and white insurgents resulted in of governing an independent Cuba, across the island that the movement was negotiations with Spain in 1878 to end necessitating the construction of a new racist and unpatriotic since it attempted to the war, but Afro-Cubans in the eastern narrative – the ungrateful and incompetent divide Cubans by skin color. Newspapers regions continued to fight forCuba Libre. Cuban soldier incapable of achieving accused PIC supporters of mobilizing Dissatisfied patriots from the Ten Years’ independence without outside assistance. against whites, and the Cuban government War also led a new rebellion in 1879. Cubans were no longer depicted as heroic outlawed the party on the basis that it was Afro-Cuban participation in the Guerra men and women, but as lazy blacks devoid racist. The party remained outlawed despite Chiquita surpassed that of whites, since of honor and incapable of self-government. independientes’ efforts to revoke the Morúa many white veterans failed to support the Their racial identity was linked to American Law. As a result, PIC supporters gave the Little War. Therefore, the insurgency was preconceptions of African-Americans. The Cuban government until April 22, 1912 blacker than the Ten Years’ War, which racialized portrayal of Cubans allowed to allow the PIC to participate in politics
30 GVSU McNair Scholars Journal on the island. Independientes threatened accusing them of racial discrimination U.S. interests in Cuba and burned several and by depicting blacks as a threat to the buildings when their ultimatum was raceless nation. ignored, which led to newspapers accusing blacks of commencing a race war targeting The United States intervention provided whites. The Cuban government, acting elite Cubans with the opportunity to upon the fear of black insurgents running undermine the ideals of the raceless nation through the countryside assaulting whites, and Cuba Libre by adopting U.S. racial dispatched troops to Oriente. Violence rhetoric to marginalize Afro-Cubans. White against blacks escalated from then on, since Cubans could argue that Afro-Cubans the Cuban army and voluntarios treated all should silence their demands for the sake of Afro-Cubans as potential PIC supporters. not extending the U.S. intervention. They also prevented Afro-Cubans and lower-class Rumors and allegations of blacks targeting Cubans from taking positions of power foreign property reached the U.S. in as a way to forestall the implementation June, resulting in the dispatch of the of Martí’s vision for Cuba. Anyone who Marines to ensure American economic subscribed to the notion of the raceless interests were protected. The presence of nation was a potential threat to U.S. American forces in Cuba pressured the interests and the elite planter class. For this Cuban administration to take more drastic reason, Afro-Cubans were marginalized and measures. For this reason, the repression their demands for equality undermined. of the Afro-Cuban revolt was crucial to The U.S. intervention provided Cuban expedite the U.S. departure from the elites with the opportunity to solidify island. Intervention and the threat of a their position at the top of the political third occupation triggered even more hierarchy. Black marginalization repression towards Afro-Cubans. What contributed to the claim that Cubans were commenced as the Liberal party’s plan to not worthy of independence because they impede blacks from participating in Cuban had not fought to liberate their own nation. politics culminated in U.S. involvement. Afro-Cubans had sacrificed little for their The repression against Afro-Cubans and nation, so it was not their place to demand the allegations against blacks, which were rights. Rather, U.S. forces alone had fought manipulated by the Cuban authorities to and died to give Cuba its independence. undermine the PIC’s claim to positions This justified the United States’ efforts to of power, concerned Americans. Thus, undermine the ideals of the raceless nation the suppression of Afro-Cuban demands and Cuba Libre; after all, to the victor acquired new meaning during 1912 since belong the spoils. Cuba now had to assure Americans that it could effectively repress the rebellion. Afro-Cubans were killed as American military personnel stood by protecting U.S. interests. U.S. officials were aware of the indiscriminate killings of Afro-Cubans, but they concluded that the simplest method of resolving the political and social tensions was to allow events to run their course. Therefore, the U.S. did not condemn the brutal massacre of approximately 5,000 to 6,000 Afro-Cubans. Blacks could not criticize the death of Afro-Cubans for fear that they too would be targeted because they had little political support from the government and were excluded from positions of power. When Afro- Cubans protested their lack of rights, they were depicted as unpatriotic. Cuban elites had government support as well as foreign aid, allowing them to subdue the black insurgency they claimed threatened Cubans. At the same time, white Cubans’ access to power was protected by U.S. support. Elite whites ensured darker-skin Cubans remained subjugated both by
31 Volume 20, 2016 NOTES
1. Ada Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba: Race, Nation, and Revolution, 1868-1898 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), 3. 2. Lillian Guerra, The Myth of José Marti: Conflicting Nationalisms in Early Twentieth-Century Cuba(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005), 3-6. 3. Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba, 4. 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid., 3-5; and Jose Martí, “My Race,” Patria, New York, April 16, 1893. 6. Aline Helg, Our Rightful Share: The Afro-Cuban Struggle for Equality, 1886-1912 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 7. 7. Guerra, The Myth, 9. 8. Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba, 15. 9. Ibid., 22-25. 10. Ibid., 23. 11. Ibid., 24. 12. Ibid., 17-19. 13. Ibid., 19-21. 14. Ibid., 59. 15. Ibid. 16. Ibid., 63-64. 17. Ibid., 73. 18. Rebecca J. Scott, Degrees of Freedom: Louisiana and Cuba After Slavery (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), 78; and Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba, 73. 19. Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba, 77. 20. Ibid., 79. 21. Ibid., 83. 22. Ibid., 78 23. Ibid., 88. 24. Ibid., 80. 25. Ibid., 121. 26. Biblioteca Pública del Estado en Girona.NUM00003069039. Courtesy of Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte, Gobierno de España. 27. Alejandro de la Fuente, A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001), 28. 28. Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba, 3. 29. de la Fuente, A Nation For All, 31. 30. Ibid., 36 31. Martí, “My Race.” 32. W.A. Rogers,“Cuba Libre,” in Harper’s Weekly, April 30, 1898, Cuban Print Collection, CHC0330, Box 7, Folder No 6: , Courtesy of the Cuban Heritage Collection, University of Miami Libraries, Coral Gables, Florida. http://www.library.miami.edu/chcMemory/ display.php?record_id=150 33.Louis A. Pérez, Cuba and the United States: Ties of Singular Intimacy (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997), 79-80. 34. Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba,143. 35. Ibid., 153. 36. Pughe, J. S. (1896)” She is Getting Too Feeble to Hold Them” / J.S. Pughe. N.Y.: Published by Keppler & Schwarzmann. [Image] Retrieved from the Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/item/2012648489/; Pérez, Cuba and the United States, 87-90. 37. Pérez, The War of 1898, 18. 38. Pérez, The War of 1898,10-13. 39. Ibid., 14.
32 GVSU McNair Scholars Journal 40. Ibid., 12-19. 41. Ibid., 29. 42. Ibid., 52, 96. 43. The Herald [Los Angeles, Calif], Chronicling America: Historical American Newspapers. Courtesy of the Library of Congress. 44.Helg, Our Rightful Share, 92. 45.The Herald. (Los Angeles [Calif.]), 15 May 1898. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Libary of Congress. http://< chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn85042461/1898-05-15/ed-1/seq-21/> 46. Pughe, J. S., Artist. “Looking forward” / J.S. Pughe. N.Y.: Published by Keppler & Schwarzmann, November 1, 1899. [Image]. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/item/2012647378/. (Accessed August 4, 2016. 47. Peréz, The War of 1898, 98. 48.FOOLISH CUBA. (1899, May 31). Chicago Daily Tribune (1872-1922), Proquest Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com. ezproxy.gvsu.edu/docview/172914119?accountid=39473 49. Peréz, The War of 1898, 39. 50. Ibid., 97. 51. Ibid. 52. Peréz, Cuba and the United States, 98. 53. Ibid; and CUBA LIBRE A CHIMERA. (1898, Aug 07). New York Times (1857-1922) Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com. ezproxy.gvsu.edu/docview/95640858?accountid=39473 54. Ibid. 55. Louis Dalrymple, Artist. “The Duty of the hour; - To save her not only from Spain, but from a worse fate,” Dalrymple. N.Y.: Published by Keppler & Schwarzmann, 1898. Image. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/item/2012647563/. 56. Peréz, Cuba and the United States, 96; and De la Fuente,A nation for All, 24. 57. Peréz, Cuba and the United States, 100-101. 58. Louis A. Perez, Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 139-140. 59. Peréz, Cuba and the United States, 101. 60. Ibid., 100-02. 61. Helg, Our Rightful Share, 123. 62. de la Fuente, A nation for All, 25. 63. Helg, Our Rightful Share, 118. 64. Ibid., 97. 65. Ibid. 66. Ibid., 97, 100. 67. Ibid., 102. 68. Ibid., 94-96. 69. Perez, Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution, 104-05. 70. Helg, Our Rightful Share, 43,52; and The Minneapolis Tribune, 1901, reprinted in The Literary Digest, “An Adverse view of Mr. Carnegie’s Gift to New York,” March 30, 1901, 372. 71. Marial Iglesias Utset, Russ Davidson, A Cultural History of Cuba During the U.S. Occupation, 1898-1902 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2011), 56. 72. Ibid., 51-52. 73. Helg, Our Rightful Share, 62, 119. 74. Ibid., 129-130. 75. Ibid., 97. 76. Ibid., 102. 77. Ibid. 78. Ibid.,137. 79. The Minneapolis Journal. (Minneapolis, Minn.), 29 Sept. 1906. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Lib. of Congress.
33 Volume 20, 2016 81. The Washington Times. (Washington [D.C.]), 25 Nov. 1906. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Lib. of Congress.
34 GVSU McNair Scholars Journal 126. Ibid., 219. 127. The Sun. (New York [N.Y.]), 02 June 1912. 128. CUBA. (1912, May 27). New York Times (1857-1922) Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.gvsu.edu/docview/97307 419?accountid=39473 129. The Sun. (New York [N.Y.]), 02 June 1912. 130. “The Negro Rising in Cuba.” Nation 11, no. 9 (Jun 01, 1912): 316. http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.gvsu.edu/docview/1302883 672?accountid=39473 131. Ibid. 132. Helg, Our Rightful Share, 220. 133. Ibid., 221. 134. Ibid. 135. Ibid. 136. Ibid., 222. 137. Ibid., 223-224. 138. “Special Cable to The New York Times.” (1912, Jul 11). CUBA PACIFIED. New York Times (1857-1922) Retrieved from http:// search.proquest.com.ezproxy.gvsu.edu/docview/97352081?accountid=39473 139. Helg, Our Rightful Share, 224. 140. Ibid., 225. 141. Ibid. 142. Ibid., 228. 143. Ibid., 231. 144. Ibid., 231. 145. Ibid., 228-231. 146. Ibid. 147. Ibid., 230. 148. The Day Book. (Chicago, Ill.), 22 Jan. 1912. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Lib. of Congress.
35 Volume 20, 2016