To-Morrow in Cuba

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To-Morrow in Cuba %, ^ %. ^ '^o tS <js % r- '^ fU. \? ?°« a\> </\ ,,: - ^> <£ % #'% <-* * \*\ ' "W ^ ^° <?* <£ - % -^ "3-" V cf> ,<^ *^v ^ r^ *V V^ ^ ^ Oo .0 % ^ *y ** c^M- OO 1 - ^ x . \ % ? %/ i«* .%• 8 4 "^ -5° ,0© "%. : ^ <**«. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from The Library of Congress http://www.archive.org/details/tomorrowincubaOOpepp To -Morrow in Cuba BY CHARLES M. PEPPER NEW YORK AND LONDON HARPER & BROTHERS PUBLISHERS 1899 TWO COPIES RECEIVED, ossicr KGif : i> \m SECOND COPY, Copyright, 1899, by Harper & Brothers, All rights reserved. JDe&fcatfom TO THE MEMOBY OF MY FATHEK, THE REVEREND GEORGE W. PEPPER. PREFACE My profession as a newspaper correspondent took me to Cuba in the spring of 1897. With the exception of a short intermission passed with the American army and navy outside the island, it kept me there in the midst of the events shaping the destiny of the Antilles. Impressions of these events as they appeared to me were published in various journals. They were record- ed from time to time as they were caught up at the moment. In the new responsibilities that have come to the American people in the border tropics, exact informa- tion is above all things desirable. At the end of more than two years it has seemed to me possible to give information with perhaps more confidence than in the beginning. What is set forth in these pages is not for the purpose of supporting preconceived opinions or of defending any special policy. While the author's views are stated, it has been his aim to set forth the facts on which these views are based. Some persons, doubtless, will reach different conclusions. Whatever opinions may be developed, it is important to know that the problems of Cuba cannot be settled from without. On the surface are the political questions ; but deeper than these lie the social and economic problems. It has PEEFACE seemed to me that if the American people could feel themselves more at home in the surroundings in which all these problems must be worked out, they would be better equipped for the task. As the majority of them cannot see for themselves, I have sought to make them see through other eyes, with the belief that they will be the better able to discriminate between the fretting cir- cumstances which are transitory and the underlying conditions which are permanent. To do this it is nec- essary to know something of the past, and it has been my aim to exhibit the revolutionary movements of the island in their true perspective. In conclusion, the utterance of an Italian statesman may be paraphrased, "Cuba is made, but who shall make the Cubans?" and the answer be given, "Them- selves." But under what conditions? Perhaps these pages may aid those who seek an answer for the good of Cuba and for the proper discharge of the responsibilities of the United States. C. M. P. Washington, D. C. CONTENTS. PAGE CHAPTEK I. Prologue to Autonomy, . .3 CHAPTEK II. The Western Invasion, . .23 CHAPTER III. Campos and Weyler, ........ 47 CHAPTER IV. Wooing the Lost Colony, 65 CHAPTER V. Epilogue to Autonomy, ........ 84 CHAPTER VI. Transition to Local Home Rule, 107 CHAPTER VII. Provinces as a Federal Framework, 124 CHAPTER VIII. The Race or Color, ........ 141 CHAPTER IX. The Spanish Colony, 159 CHAPTER X. Immigration and Colonization, ...... 175 CHAPTER XL Sugar and Tobacco—Other Products, 192 vii — TO-MOEEOW IN CUBA. PAGE CHAPTER XII. Trade and Taxation—Railways and Internal, Develop- ment, .......... 214 CHAPTER XIII. Religion as a Withered Branch, . 235 CHAPTER XIV. Cuban Priests the Living Branch, ..... 253 CHAPTER XV. Manners and Morals, . 273 CHAPTER XVI. American Military Control, 291 CHAPTER XVII. Political Aptitudes, ........ 309 CHAPTER XVIII. To-Day, . .328 Appendix A Bibliography, 350 Appendix B Trade Prospects, 356 PART I CHAPTERS FROM YESTERDAY — TO-MORROW IN CUBA CHAPTER I Prologue to Autonomy Record of an Experiment—The Pact of El Zanjtfn—Concessions Which Were Not Autonomy—Grouping into Political Parties Programme of the Liberals—Loyalists the Union Constitutionals —Echo of European Democratic Movement—Points of Agree- ment—Disappointment of Autonomists—Promulgation of Con- stitution—Growth of Autonomist Movement—Alarm of the Privileged Classes—Farce of Cuban Representation in the Cortes—Birth of Reformist Party—Its Members Opportunists- Parties Engulfed in the Waves of Revolution—Influence of Reciprocity Repeal and the Sugar Market. Autonomy was instituted in Cuba on New Year's Day, 1898. Twelve months later to a day Spanish sovereignty was yielded in trust to the United States. The developments of the intervening year were swift. So rapidly had they moved that the chapter with which they began was forgotten. In the broader field of world domain that has opened to the United States as a con- sequence of the war with Spain, the brief existence of this colonial experiment has almost passed from mind. Yet it was the first attempt of Spain in four centuries to give her colonies a system of self-government. Short as was the period, the story of the experiment is worthy of record. 3 TO-MORROW IN CUBA When the system was decreed in Cuba, the fondness of the Latin intellect for historical sequences caused much philosophical and reflective writing, which traced the series of events precedent as the prologue to a national drama. The real prologue to autonomy in the Spanish Antilles was the Ten-Years' War, which raged from 1868 to 1878. The machete and the torch then gained what peaceful agitation had not been able to achieve. The pact of El Zanjon which brought that insurrection to an end was arranged by Martinez Cam- pos and Maximo Gomez. It affirmed forgetfulness of the past and gave pledges for the future. It was based on j)romises to Cuba which were to insure to the rebel- lious island, once more become faithful, distinct politi- cal rights. Radical changes were to be made in the organic laws and in the administrative system. Cubans were to be recognized and to share in the government of Cuba. They were to have representation in the Cortes of Spain the same as Puerto Rico. Spain carried out the letter of the pact of El Zanjon. The organic laws were changed. The restrictive stat- utes of printing, of public meetings, and of associations or societies were modified and liberalized. A sup- posedly popular basis of Cuban representation in the Cortes was provided, and the electoral law was passed in conformity with that provision. In the administra- tive system the statute changes were many. They were carried into effect to the extent of a nominal compliance with the new laws. Mediaeval absolutism yielded some of its cherished and hereditary privileges. Tet neither the spirit nor the letter of the legislation enacted in 1878, and in subsequent years, was autono- A R I B B B a 5x<i TO-MOBKOW IN CUBA mous. It was as if one of the provinces of the penin- sula which had been under a discriminating system of laws and administration had succeeded in getting itself placed on the same plane as the other provinces. For a colony beyond seas requiring a definite measure of independence there was no recognition. A critical study of the statutes and the administrative reforms enacted by the Spanish Government after the peace of El Zan- jon produces a plain deduction. A Cuban citizen as a Spanish subject could engage in political agitation with less danger of coming under the charge of conspir- acy than formerly. Theoretically, also, his right to a share in the local administration was conceded. With a sincere and honest purpose on the part of the supe- rior authorities a reasonable degree of local and insular government might have been put in force. But the analysis of the legislation and of the decrees of 1878 and subsequent years shows that in essence there was little dilution of what had always been the cardinal principle of Spanish colonial government. This was military rule. The paths were sometimes crooked, the passages wound into labyrinths of cedulas, decrees, orders, edicts, circulars, and bandos. They brought up at the same barrier. The beginning and the end was the Gov- ernor-General exercising his military functions as Cap- tain-General. After 1878, Cuba had good, bad, and indifferent Captain-Generals. Their character was re- flected in the administration of the island. It would be an unnecessary task to set forth more in detail wherein the legislation and the administrative acts following the compact of El Zanjon were not autonomous. A comparison with the actual regime of autonomy TO-MOEEOW IN CUBA when established twenty years later is sufficient to demonstrate it. Though the conception of colonial home rule for Cuba was non-existent among the Spanish statesmen of that day, the perception of it was clear on the part of the thinking people of the island. They had felt it when, three years before raising the cry of Yarain 1868, they signed a petition thanking the Duke de la Torre for his motion in the Senate that political rights be granted Cuba. All those things and many more, they said in this document, foreshadowed that within a few years there would be a change in policy, and Cubans would be allowed some voice in the government of their own island. The educated and wealthy Cubans who in 1865 formed themselves into a national party and urged administrative and economic changes upon Madrid felt the lack of understanding among Spanish statesmen. The concessions asked were not a broad ap- plication of civil liberties. When their programme was rejected in its entirety they ceased to ask favors.
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