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Andre Malraux's Devotion to Caesarism Erik Meddles Regis University
Regis University ePublications at Regis University All Regis University Theses Spring 2010 Partisan of Greatness: Andre Malraux's Devotion to Caesarism Erik Meddles Regis University Follow this and additional works at: https://epublications.regis.edu/theses Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation Meddles, Erik, "Partisan of Greatness: Andre Malraux's Devotion to Caesarism" (2010). All Regis University Theses. 544. https://epublications.regis.edu/theses/544 This Thesis - Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by ePublications at Regis University. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Regis University Theses by an authorized administrator of ePublications at Regis University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Regis University Regis College Honors Theses Disclaimer Use of the materials available in the Regis University Thesis Collection (“Collection”) is limited and restricted to those users who agree to comply with the following terms of use. Regis University reserves the right to deny access to the Collection to any person who violates these terms of use or who seeks to or does alter, avoid or supersede the functional conditions, restrictions and limitations of the Collection. The site may be used only for lawful purposes. The user is solely responsible for knowing and adhering to any and all applicable laws, rules, and regulations relating or pertaining to use of the Collection. All content in this Collection is owned by and subject to the exclusive control of Regis University and the authors of the materials. It is available only for research purposes and may not be used in violation of copyright laws or for unlawful purposes. -
The Dutch Internationalist Communists and the Events in Spain (1936–7)
chapter 9 The Dutch Internationalist Communists and the Events in Spain (1936–7) While the civil war in Spain did not cause a crisis in the gic, it nonetheless had a profound importance in the group’s history. It was the test-bed of the Dutch group’s revolutionary theory, confronted with a civil war which was to prepare the Second World-War, in the midst of revolutionary convulsions and an atmosphere of ‘anti-fascist’ popular fronts. Although often identified with anarchism, Dutch ‘councilism’ vigorously set itself apart from this current and denounced not its weaknesses, but its ‘passage into the camp of the bourgeoisie’. The gic defended a political analysis of the ‘Spanish revolution’ close to that of the Italian communist left. Finally, the events in Spain gave rise to the gic’s last attempt before 1939 to confront the revolutionary political milieu to the left of Trotskyism in Europe. This attempt was not without confusion, and even political ambiguity. Following the creation of the Republic, the internationalist Dutch commun- ists followed the evolution of the Spanish situation with great care. In 1931, the gic denounced not only the Republican bourgeoisie, which supported the Socialist Party of Largo Caballero, but also the anarchist movement. The cnt abandoned its old ‘principle’ of hostility to electoralism, and had its adherents vote en masse for Republican candidates. Far from seeing the cnt as a compon- ent of the workers’ movement, the gic insisted that anarcho-syndicalism had crossed the Rubicon with its ‘collaboration with bourgeois order’. The cnt had become ‘the ally of the bourgeoisie’.As an anarcho-syndicalist current, and thus a partisan of trade-unionism, the political action of the cnt could only lead to a strengthening of capitalism. -
Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 - 2003
Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 - 2003 Based on information by the National Focal Points of the RAXEN Information Network Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 – 2003 Based on information by the National Focal Points of the EUMC - RAXEN Information Network EUMC - Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 - 2003 2 EUMC – Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 – 2003 Foreword Following concerns from many quarters over what seemed to be a serious increase in acts of antisemitism in some parts of Europe, especially in March/April 2002, the EUMC asked the 15 National Focal Points of its Racism and Xenophobia Network (RAXEN) to direct a special focus on antisemitism in its data collection activities. This comprehensive report is one of the outcomes of that initiative. It represents the first time in the EU that data on antisemitism has been collected systematically, using common guidelines for each Member State. The national reports delivered by the RAXEN network provide an overview of incidents of antisemitism, the political, academic and media reactions to it, information from public opinion polls and attitude surveys, and examples of good practice to combat antisemitism, from information available in the years 2002 – 2003. On receipt of these national reports, the EUMC then asked an independent scholar, Dr Alexander Pollak, to make an evaluation of the quality and availability of this data on antisemitism in each country, and identify problem areas and gaps. The country-by-country information provided by the 15 National Focal Points, and the analysis by Dr Pollak, form Chapter 1 and Chapter 2 of this report respectively. -
The New Popular Front in France
THE NEW POPULAR FRONT IN FRANCE by George Ross The 1978 General Elections may well bring the French Left (and the Communist Party) to power in France. The Right Centre coalition which has ruled France for twenty years has repeatedly demonstrated its inability to deal with the present economic crisis-high inflation, unemployment, low growth-which it has played a major role in creating. As a result it has been rapidly losing support while simultaneously splitting into warring factions. The Union de la Gauche (Communists, Socialists and Left Radicals) has, meanwhile, become an electoral majority in the country (a fact demonstrated both in opinion polls and in the results of the March 1977 municipal elections). Its leaders, Fran~oisMitterrand and the PS (Parti Socialiste) and Georges Marchais of the PCF (Parti Communiste Francais) are now seen as genuine statesmen and as plausible Ministers of France, by a majority of Frenchmen. Its 'Common Programme for a Government of Left Union' is received as a credible platform for resolving the economic crisis and bringing needed change to French society. Rumour has it in Paris that high civil servants have already begun preparing for the arrival of new men in power. The stock exchange has begun to vibrate with fear-and with the beginnings of an investment strike against the Left (a strike which, because it has started so far in advance of the actual election date, has had the effect of undermining the existing regime even further). The Gaullist fraction of the ruling majority has already begun a barrage of anti-Left hysteria against the 'socialo- communist enemy' with its 'Marxist programme' to remove France from the 'camp of liberty'. -
The Popular Front: Roadblock to Revolution
Internationalist Group League for th,e Fourth International The Popular Front: Roadblock to Revolution Volunteers from the anarcho-syndicalist CNT and POUM militias head to the front against Franco's forces in Spanish Civil War, Barcelona, September 1936. The bourgeois Popular Front government defended capitalist property, dissolved workers' militias and blocked the road to revolution. Internationalist Group Class Readings May 2007 $2 ® <f$l~ 1162-M Introduction The question of the popular front is one of the defining issues in our epoch that sharply counterpose the revolution ary Marxism of Leon Trotsky to the opportunist maneuverings of the Stalinists and social democrats. Consequently, study of the popular front is indispensable for all those who seek to play a role in sweeping away capitalism - a system that has brought with it untold poverty, racial, ethnic, national and sexual oppression and endless war - and opening the road to a socialist future. "In sum, the People's Front is a bloc of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat," Trotsky wrote in December 1937 in re sponse to questions from the French magazine Marianne. Trotsky noted: "When two forces tend in opposite directions, the diagonal of the parallelogram approaches zero. This is exactly the graphic formula of a People's Front govern ment." As a bloc, a political coalition, the popular (or people's) front is not merely a matter of policy, but of organization. Opportunists regularly pursue class-collaborationist policies, tailing after one or another bourgeois or petty-bourgeois force. But it is in moments of crisis or acute struggle that they find it necessary to organizationally chain the working class and other oppressed groups to the class enemy (or a sector of it). -
Antiracism Without Races
Antlraasrn without Races 49 recurring tensions in this policy area.6 Others have explored the relationship between immigration, race, dtbmship, and nation from various theoretical pe~speaives.~There have also been studies of immigrant integration,8 thh Far ANTIRACISMWLTHOUT RACES Right,9 urban politics and ghettoes.'0 immigrant social movements," Islam in Politics and Policy in a "Color-Blind" State France,Iz and racism and antiracism.'3 Without doubt, this research has contributed greatly to OUI understanding of what may be called the politics of identity in France. Yet, when it comes to Erik Bleich 1 the question of nmm, it is apparent that Mavlly all of these studies share a Middlebury College common set of assumptions. Most take for granted that racism and immigra- tion are intimately intertwined, or that immigration policy is the prinaple form of raasm in France." Because immigrants and foreigners are deemed the targets of raasm, few scholars take seriously the analytical category of "race." Even using the word "tace" in France often makes people shudder; this effect has carried over into the world of scientific enquiry and has eliminated most efforts to use the term (or even the term "ethniciy")as a variable in studying ince the end of the Second World War, millions of immigrants have atrived racism. Moreover, this "race-neutral" or "color-blind" approach to the world is Son French shores.' Although such an influx of foreigners has not been frequently presented as deeply embedded in French political dture since at unusual in French history,' the origin of the postwar migrants was of a differ- least the Revolution, except of course dudng the catastrophic Yichy era." ent character than that of previous eras. -
NEVER AGAIN Association
Genocide Against The Tutsis: ‘Mr. French President, It Is Time To Speak The Truth!’ Benjamin Abtan Published on April 6, 2019 Mr. President, It has been 25 years since the genocide against the Tutsis has been perpetrated in Rwanda. Over the course of three months, more than one million people were exterminated by extremists coming together as the Hutu Power movement, with a massive participation of the population. The consequences of this genocide are still felt today. This past, particularly for France, does not pass. Since your election, you have sent signals of hope that the time has come to put an end to the French position characterized by silence and denial since the genocide took place. After 25 years, it is finally time to take the necessary steps in order to shed light on the truth and pursue justice. Mr. President, next April 7th your place is in Kigali, amongst the highest representatives of the international community. By the side of the survivors. France has cancelled its participation at the 20th commemoration of the genocide; your presence this year would repair this disgrace. What survivors, youth, French civil society, Rwanda, and Europe are expecting from you first and foremost is that truth be told. Even though genocide denial persists in its attempt to manipulate History, you must state the obvious : in 1994, in Rwanda, a genocide has been perpetrated against the Tutsi people. You must further explain the words spoken in Kigali in 2010 from your predecessor, former President of the French Republic Nicolas Sarkozy, who recognized that “errors of judgement and political errors have been made here and have produced absolutely dramatic consequences”. -
Reclaiming Syndicalism: from Spain to South Africa to Global Labour Today
Global Issues Reclaiming Syndicalism: From Spain to South Africa to global labour today Lucien van der Walt, Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa Union politics remain central to the new century. It remains central because of the ongoing importance of unions as mass movements, internationally, and because unions, like other popular movements, are confronted with the very real challenge of articulating an alternative, transformative vision. There is much to be learned from the historic and current tradition of anarcho- and revolutionary syndicalism. This is a tradition with a surprisingly substantial and impressive history, including in the former colonial world; a tradition that envisages anti-bureaucratic and bottom-up trade unions as key means of educating and mobilising workers, and of championing the economic, social and political struggles of the broad working class, independent of parliamentary politics and party tutelage; and that aims, ultimately, at transforming society through union-led workplace occupations that will institute self-management and participatory economic planning, abolishing markets, hierarchies and states. This contribution seeks, firstly, to contribute to the recovery of the historical memory of the working class by drawing attention to its multiple traditions and rich history; secondly, to make a contribution to current debates on the struggles, direction and options for the working class movement (including unions) in a period of flux in which the fixed patterns of the last forty years are slowly melting away; thirdly, it argues that many current union approaches – among them, business unionism, social movement unionism, and political unionism – have substantial failings and limitations; and finally, it points to the need for labour studies and industrial sociology to pay greater attention to labour traditions besides business unionism, social movement unionism, and political unionism. -
The Popular Fronts and the Civil War in Spain Tim Rees
10 The Popular Fronts and the Civil War in Spain tim rees Our desire is that all the organizations of the Popular Front be strengthened. Our desire is that all anti-fascist forces be consolidated, wherever they are to be found. Although I know that this can lead to criticism of our position, of our actions, never, never, can it be said that a single member, not a one, has been attracted to the party by the promise of advancement or the lure of personal 1 gain. These words were spoken as part of a rousing closing speech made by Jesús Hernández, a leading figure in the Spanish Communist Party (PCE), at a party plenum held in March 1937. At the time Spain was nine months into its brutal civil war which raged on until the final defeat of the republican side at the hands of General Franco’s Nationalists in April 1939.Theplenum was held partly to publicize the growing strength of the communist party but its central theme, echoed by all the speakers present, was to extol support for the Popular Front as an alliance of all the political parties and trade unions that supported the republic. In evoking the idea of the Popular Front, and the language of anti-fascism which accompanied it, the PCE was following policies common to the international communist movement. In the context of the war in Spain, Hernández hammered home the message that cooperation was the key to ultimate victory and that the PCE was providing a selfless example in working toward that common goal, all of which was reflected in the title of his speech: “Everything Within the Popular Front.” This plenum, and another held in November 1937, presented the PCE as not just at the heart of the conflict in Spain but as part of a worldwide struggle being led by the international communist movement against the threat of 1 Partido Comunista de España, Todo dentro del Frente Popular (Valencia: Ediciones del Partido Comunista de España, 1937). -
The Appeals of Communism in France 7
CHAPTER TWO THE APPEALSOF COMMUNISMIN FRANCE As the importance of French communism to Moscow rests in part upon the widespread appeal of the PCF within France , it is important to understand that appeal . To do so we must return to the PCF 's origins . For if the Communist Party of France in 1966 seemed to have lost much in common with the party born in December 1920 at the Congress of Tours , it nevertheless retained the marks of its ancestry . In her extensive study , Les origin es du communisme franr ;ais (1914 - 1920 ); the historian Annie Kriegel , an old Communist militant notable for her " activity among the intellectuals ," has described in great detail the period between the Congress of Tours and the beginning of the First World War . She concluded that the adherence of the overwhelming majority of the Socialist Party to the Third International in 1920 can be explained only by the con - currence of certain specific circumstances in the French labor movement - that is, the Socialist defeat in the election of November 1919 , followed by the failure of the Syndicalist attempt at " total revolution " (the rail workers ' strike ), which was harshly suppressed in May 1920 . Seeing their hopes shattered , the French Socialists could not but " discover " bolshevism , which had just overcome civil war and foreign intervention in Russia . Adherence to the Third International , and thus the establishment of a link with the victorious Russian Revolution , made it possible to capture the dynamism and revolutionary energy of victorious bolshev - ism and inject it into French and European socialism , without absorbing everything which made bolshevism a specifically Russian product .2 In sum , for the French Socialists , adherence to the twenty -one conditions of the Communist International was to remain a formality . -
Book Review: the Extreme Right in the French Resistance: Members of the Cagoule and Corvignolles in the Second World War by Valerie Deacon Eric Martone
International Social Science Review Volume 94 | Issue 1 Article 8 Book Review: The Extreme Right in the French Resistance: Members of the Cagoule and Corvignolles in the Second World War by Valerie Deacon Eric Martone Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/issr Part of the Anthropology Commons, Communication Commons, Economics Commons, Geography Commons, International and Area Studies Commons, Political Science Commons, and the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Martone, Eric () "Book Review: The Extreme Right in the French Resistance: Members of the Cagoule and Corvignolles in the Second World War by Valerie Deacon," International Social Science Review: Vol. 94 : Iss. 1 , Article 8. Available at: https://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/issr/vol94/iss1/8 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by Nighthawks Open Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Social Science Review by an authorized editor of Nighthawks Open Institutional Repository. Martone: Book Review: The Extreme Right in the French Resistance Deacon, Valerie. The Extreme Right in the French Resistance: Members of the Cagoule and Corvignolles in the Second World War. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2016. x + 230 pages. Hardcover, $45.00. The French Third Republic, established following defeat in the Franco-Prussian War (1870-1871), launched an era of change for the French political right, which emerged as a loose collection of movements, individuals, and ideas (including protest, xenophobia, anti-Semitism, anti-socialism/communism, anti-parliamentarianism, a stronger central government, and often anti-German sentiments). Several fascist or fascist-like organizations developed, and the rise of leagues, like the Ligue des Patriotes, became common. -
Anti-Fascism and Democracy in the 1930S
02_EHQ 32/1 articles 20/11/01 10:48 am Page 39 Tom Buchanan Anti-fascism and Democracy in the 1930s In November 1936 Konni Zilliacus wrote to John Strachey, a leading British left-wing intellectual and a prime mover in the recently founded Left Book Club, inviting him to ponder ‘the problem of class-war strategy and tactics in a democracy’. Zilliacus, a press officer with the League of Nations and subse- quently a Labour Party MP, was particularly worried about the failure of the Communist Party and the Comintern to offer a clear justification for their decision to support the Popular Front and collective security. ‘There is no doubt’, Zilliacus wrote, ‘that those who are on the side of unity are woefully short of a convincing come-back when the Right-Wing put up the story about Com- munist support of democracy etc. being merely tactical camou- flage.’1 Zilliacus’s comment raises very clearly the issue that lies at the heart of this article. For it is well known that the rise of fascism in the 1930s appeared to produce a striking affirmation of sup- port for democracy, most notably in the 1936 election victories of the Spanish and French Popular Fronts. Here, and elsewhere, anti-fascism was able to unite broad political coalitions rang- ing from liberals and conservatives to socialists, communists and anarchists. But were these coalitions united more by a fear of fascism than by a love of democracy — were they, in effect, marriages of convenience? Historians have long disagreed on this issue. Some have emphasized the prior loyalty of Communist supporters of the Popular Front to the Stalinist regime in the USSR, and have explained their new-found faith in democracy as, indeed, a mere ‘tactical camouflage’ (a view given retrospec- tive weight by the 1939 Nazi–Soviet Pact).