El Lobby Cubano En Estados Unidos De 1959 Hasta Nuestros Dias

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

El Lobby Cubano En Estados Unidos De 1959 Hasta Nuestros Dias EL LOBBY CUBANO EN ESTADOS UNIDOS DE 1959 HASTA NUESTROS DÍAS SALIM LAMRANI A los cinco prisioneros políticos cubanos condenados en Estados Unidos por haber cometido el crimen de defender su patria. AGRADECIMIENTOS Quisiera agradecer a Noam Chomsky por su ayuda, sus comentarios, sus rectificaciones hechas por correo electrónico y su precioso tiempo. Mis agradecimientos a Hernando Calvo Ospina por su apoyo y ayuda. Gracias a Edward S. Herman por su colaboración. Mis gracias especiales a Remy Herrera por sus preciosos consejos y a Yakelyn Fuentes Cabrera por su ojo corrector. 2 EL AUTOR ES EL UNICO RESPONSABLE DEL CONTENIDO Se puede encontrar una versión francesa de este estudio sobre el sitio de Cuba Solidarity Project: http://perso.club-internet.fr/vdedaj/cuba/lobby.html SUMARIO INTRODUCCIÓN.................................................................................................7 A. LA EMERGENCIA DEL LOBBY CUBANO............................................11 I. EL NACIMIENTO DEL LOBBY CUBANO..................................................12 1. Las leyes de “gravitación política”, la guerra de independencia de 1868- 1898 y la “colonia virtual”.........................................................................12 2. 1959: La Revolución cubana y la oligarquía............................................20 II. LOS PRIVILEGIOS DEL LOBBY CUBANO...............................................31 1. Estatuto especial de exiliado y Ley de Ajuste Cubano..................................................................................................31 2. Características de la comunidad cubana...............................................36 III. CREACIÓN DE LA FUNDACIÓN NACIONAL CUBANO AMERICANA.....................................................................................................43 1. Llegada de Reagan al poder..................................................................43 2. Guerra de telecomunicaciones: Radio y TV Martí...............................47 B. ACTIVIDADES Y FUNCIONAMIENTO..................................................53 3 I. ANTICOMUNISMO Y ANTICASTRISMO...................................................54 II. PENSAMIENTO ÚNICO EN FLORIDA......................................................67 1. Libertad de expresión inexistente y represión de todo punto de vista divergente de la línea anticastrista.............................................................67 2. Caso de los Cinco prisioneros cubanos.................................................72 III. UNA TOTAL IMPUNIDAD........................................................................81 1. Financiamiento de los ataques terroristas contra Cuba desde Estados Unidos..................................................................................................81 2. Actos terroristas en los Estados Unidos y en el mundo...................................................................................................87 3. Exportar la contrarrevolución: el ejemplo de Nicaragua......................91 C. IMPACTO DEL LOBBY CUBANO SOBRE LA POLÍTICA EXTRANJERA DE ESTADOS UNIDOS......................................................104 I. EL ESTABLISHMENT Y LA FNCA............................................................105 1. Los senadores, los representantes y el lobby cubano.................................................................................................105 2. La familia Bush y la FNCA................................................................110 II. 44 AÑOS DE PROPAGANDA CONTRA CUBA Y NI UNA PALABRA SOBRE SUS CONQUISTAS SOCIALES........................................................121 III. LA CABEZA DE CASTRO CUESTE LO QUE CUESTE.............................................................................................................133 1. El bloqueo...........................................................................................133 2. La Ley Torricelli.................................................................................142 3. La Ley Helms-Burton o Ley Barcardí................................................146 IV. EL FALLECIMIENTO DE MAS CANOSA Y EL CASO ELIÁN: DOS GIROS HACIA UNA FLEXIBILIZACIÓN DE LAS RELACIONES CON CUBA?...............................................................................................................157 CONCLUSIÓN..................................................................................................163 4 BIBLIOGRAFÍA................................................................................................167 ANEXOS............................................................................................................185 1. Entrevista con Edward S. Herman......................................................187 2. Entrevista con Joe García....................................................................189 3. Entrevista con Robert Ménard............................................................199 4. Entrevista con Eumelio Caballero Rodríguez.....................................209 “ Antes la mafia norte americana se encontraba en Cuba. Ahora la mafia cubana se encuentra en Miami”. Luis Felipe Bernaza 5 6 INTRODUCCIÓN La emigración de los cubanos hacia los Estados Unidos ha sido una constante desde 1868 – fecha del inicio de la primera guerra de independencia de Cuba contra el imperio español. En 1959, una nueva ola de migración hacia el vecino del Norte se derivó del triunfo de la Revolución cubana. La característica común entre esos dos movimientos migratorios es que se trata fundamentalmente de un exilio político. La única diferencia reside en el hecho que el exilio del siglo XIX era revolucionario y tenía como objetivo la liberación de Cuba mientras que el exilio de 1959 era constituido mayoritariamente de la oligarquía – habiendo perdido sus privilegios y su poder político – que quería conservar su posición dominante. Desde el derrocamiento de la dictadura batistiana, el número de cubanos que viven en Estados Unidos ha pasado de 40 000 a más de un millón.1 José Martí, el padre de la independencia cubana, vivió catorce años en Estados Unidos, preparó el movimiento independentista que desembocaría sobre la expulsión del yugo español en 1898. Fue por la misma ocasión un buen analista de la oligarquía estadounidense y criticó “las violencias, dicordias, immoralidades y desórdenes”. 2 En 1870, más de 100 000 cubanos vivían en exilio en Estados Unidos.3 A partir de 1873, la ciudad de Key West a la punta de la Florida era poblada mayoritariamente por cubanos que habían huido de la opresión española.4 Además, en esa época, el alcalde de Key West era un cubano, Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, que iba a desempeñar un papel importante en la segunda guerra de independencia a partir de 1895. Es conveniente subrayar que el primer presidente de la república de Cuba, Tomás Estrada Palma, era un exiliado que disponía de la nacionalidad estadounidense. Un destino que el líder anticastrista, Jorge Mas Canosa y presidente de la Fundación Nacional Cubano Americana, hubiera querido compartir y fue su obsesión hasta su fallecimiento en 1997. Después de la Revolución de 1959, la inmediata hostilidad de Estados Unidos hacia el nuevo gobierno favoreció el exodo de las élites cubanas. Recibieron un tratamiento especial con respecto a las otras minoridades étnicas del territorio estadounidense, particularmente con la adopción de la Ley de Ajuste Cubano en 1966 que favorecerá la emigración ilegal, y será, además, una eficaz herramienta de propaganda contra el gobierno cubano. 7 La llegada al poder de Reagan en 1981, que desea restituir a Estados Unidos su brillo de antaño, ensuciado, según los halcones republicanos, por la insípida administración de Carter, se acompañará con una política exterior todavía más agresiva.5 Considerado por unos como el “hombre de la situación” 6, y por otros como un “ engañoso manipulador” 7 “careciendo de ética” 8, será partidiario de un intervencionismo belicoso en los asuntos internos de terceros países, especialmente en América Latina y el Caribe. La creación de una poderosa máquina de lobbying y muy controvertida – por sus acciones afuera del marco del la ley – nacerá bajo el nombre de Fundación Nacional Cubano Americana y se convertirá en la organización cubano-americana teniendo un impacto significativo sobre las relaciones entre Cuba y la primera potencia del mundo, sobretodo en cuanto a las sanciones económicas. La derecha radical representada por la FNCA se ilustra mediante su vigoroso anticomunismo y su extremismo en la actitud intransigente que preconisa para con el gobierno cubano. Considerada por un antiguo miembro del Departamento de Estado como “una de los grupos terroristas más prolíficos del mundo” 9, no vacila en recurrir a la fuerza armada para desestabilizar la administración de Cuba. También se construyó un verdadero reino en Florida gracias a su éxito económico, donde la intimidación, la coerción y la represión de los puntos de vista divergentes están de moda, y “se define antetodo por su anticastrismo”. 10 Los dirigentes de la FNCA, íntimamente vinculados con numerosos senadores y representantes,particularmente con la familia Bush, tienen una substancial influencia en la vida política de Estados Unidos porque “el Estado de Florida, dirigido por la extrema derecha cubana, constituye un estado-clave en la carrera hacia la presidencia”.11 Las relaciones entre la derecha radical cubana y la familia Bush aparecieron claramente durante el escándalo de las elecciones del 2000 donde el recuento de votos
Recommended publications
  • The 1970S: Pluralization, Radicalization, and Homeland
    ch4.qxd 10/11/1999 10:10 AM Page 84 CHAPTER 4 The 1970s: Pluralization, Radicalization, and Homeland As hopes of returning to Cuba faded, Cuban exiles became more con- cerned with life in the United States. Exile-related struggles were put on the back burner as more immediate immigrant issues emerged, such as the search for better jobs, education, and housing. Class divisions sharpened, and advocacy groups seeking improved social services emerged, including, for example, the Cuban National Planning Council, a group of Miami social workers and businesspeople formed in the early 1970s. As an orga- nization that provided services to needy exiles, this group de‹ed the pre- vailing notion that all exiles had made it in the United States. Life in the United States created new needs and interests that could only be resolved, at least in part, by entering the domestic political arena. Although there had always been ideological diversity within the Cuban émigré community, it was not until the 1970s that the political spec- trum ‹nally began to re›ect this outwardly.1 Two sharply divided camps emerged: exile oriented (focused on overthrowing the Cuban revolution- ary government) and immigrant oriented (focused on improving life in the United States). Those groups that were not preoccupied with the Cuban revolution met with hostility from those that were. Exile leaders felt threat- ened by organized activities that could be interpreted as an abandonment of the exile cause. For example, in 1974 a group of Cuban exile researchers conducted an extensive needs assessment of Cubans in the United States and concluded that particular sectors, such as the elderly and newly arrived immigrants, were in need of special intervention.2 When their ‹ndings were publicized, they were accused of betraying the community because of their concern with immigrant problems rather than the over- throw of the revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • The Historical Cuba-Us Discordancy from the Theoretical Outlook of The
    European Scientific Journal December 2014 edition vol.10, No.34 ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 THE HISTORICAL CUBA-U.S. DISCORDANCY FROM THE THEORETICAL OUTLOOK OF THE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Dr. Onesimo Julian Moreira Seijos University of Quintana Roo Abstract This paper focuses on the main features of the relationship between Cuba and the United States (U.S.) since the nineteenth century to the present. The essay analyses the confrontation between these two countries from the theoretical view of International Relations (IR). The aim of the paper is to demonstrate that the nature of the Cuba-U.S. discrepancies during the Cold War is not confined to the ideological controversy of the East/West relations. Despite the changes that have taken place in world politics during the 1990s and the hopes which opened with the Obama administration, the design of U.S. policy towards Cuba has scarcely changed after the end of the Cold War. On the other hand, the revival of the Wilsonian ideas alleged in the mainstream IR literature does not take into account the special case of the Cuba-U.S relations. Regardless of the current trend to stress international institutions and to sort out conflict within the framework of international agreements, the Cuban problem remains as a national interest matter for the U.S. The historic sequence of the Cuban issue in American politics lend support to the argument that while within the academic discipline of International Relations there is a trend to consider the current period as a proof of the end of realism, the wires which lead the American political behaviour towards Cuba are still under the influence of old-fashioned national interest, the rational choice program and the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Documenting Cuban Exiles and the Cuban American Experience in South Florida Esperanza B
    Provenance, Journal of the Society of Georgia Archivists Volume 17 | Number 1 Article 6 January 1999 Documenting Cuban Exiles and the Cuban American Experience in South Florida Esperanza B. de Varona University of Miami Diana Gonzalez Kirby University of Miami Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/provenance Part of the Archival Science Commons Recommended Citation de Varona, Esperanza B. and Kirby, Diana Gonzalez, "Documenting Cuban Exiles and the Cuban American Experience in South Florida," Provenance, Journal of the Society of Georgia Archivists 17 no. 1 (1999) . Available at: https://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/provenance/vol17/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Provenance, Journal of the Society of Georgia Archivists by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 85 Documenting Cuban Exiles and the Cuban Ameri­ can Experience in South Florida Esperanza B. de Varona and Diana Gonzalez Kirby When Fidel Castro rose to power on 1January1959, Cu­ bans left their Caribbean island in a mass exodus with hopes of returning in the near future. Miami, Florida's geographic loca­ tion made it the logical point of entry into the United States. Today, forty-two years after the triumph of the Cuban revolution, Miami-Dade County contains the largest concentration of Cu­ bans living in exile, approximately seven hundred thousand. With Hispanics comprising 49 percent of Miami-Dade County's popu­ lation, Cubans by far outnumber all other Hispanics and are a majority across more than half the county's residential areas.' Along with demographic growth and occupational mobility, many members of the Cuban American community made the Hispanic presence evident in local politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Diaspora and Deadlock, Miami and Havana: Coming to Terms with Dreams and Dogmas Francisco Valdes University of Miami School of Law, [email protected]
    University of Miami Law School University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository Articles Faculty and Deans 2003 Diaspora and Deadlock, Miami and Havana: Coming to Terms With Dreams and Dogmas Francisco Valdes University of Miami School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.miami.edu/fac_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Francisco Valdes, Diaspora and Deadlock, Miami and Havana: Coming to Terms With Dreams and Dogmas, 55 Fla.L.Rev. 283 (2003). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty and Deans at University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DIASPORA AND DEADLOCK, MIAMI AND HAVANA: COMING TO TERMS WITH DREAMS AND DOGMAS Francisco Valdes* I. INTRODUCTION ............................. 283 A. Division and Corruption:Dueling Elites, the Battle of the Straits ...................................... 287 B. Arrogation and Class Distinctions: The Politics of Tyranny and Money ................................. 297 C. Global Circus, Domestic Division: Cubans as Sport and Spectacle ...................................... 300 D. Time and Imagination: Toward the Denied .............. 305 E. Broken Promisesand Bottom Lines: Human Rights, Cuban Rights ...................................... 310 F. Reconciliationand Reconstruction: Five LatCrit Exhortations ...................................... 313 II. CONCLUSION .......................................... 317 I. INTRODUCTION The low-key arrival of Elian Gonzalez in Miami on Thanksgiving Day 1999,1 and the custody-immigration controversy that then ensued shortly afterward,2 transfixed not only Miami and Havana but also the entire * Professor of Law and Co-Director, Center for Hispanic & Caribbean Legal Studies, University of Miami.
    [Show full text]
  • Case 1:20-Cv-24328-MGC Document 1 Entered on FLSD Docket 10/21/2020 Page 1 of 40
    Case 1:20-cv-24328-MGC Document 1 Entered on FLSD Docket 10/21/2020 Page 1 of 40 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF FLORIDA CASE NO. ANA MARGARITA MARTINEZ, Plaintiff, v. NETFLIX, INC., ORANGE STUDIOS, S.A., and OLIVIER ASSAYAS Defendants. / COMPLAINT AND DEMAND FOR JURY TRIAL Plaintiff, ANA MARGARITA MARTINEZ (“Plaintiff” or “Ms. Martinez”), by and through undersigned counsel, hereby sues Defendants, NETFLIX, INC., ORANGE STUDIOS, S.A. and OLIVIER ASSAYAS, (collectively, “Defendants”) and alleges as follows: NATURE OF ACTION 1) This defamation action arises from Defendant Netflix, Inc.’s (“Netflix”) release of the film The Wasp Network (the “Film”) to its worldwide streaming service on June 19, 2020. Since then, the Film has been accessed by, and remains accessible to, more than 192 million Netflix subscribers and viewers.1 2) The Film romanticizes, or glorifies, the criminal activity conducted by agents of Cuba’s Ministry of the Interior, i.e., the “Cuban Five,” whose espionage work was responsible for the death of four Americans in 1996, as being based on “True Events.” 1 https://www.netflixinvestor.com/financials/sec-filings/default.aspx Case 1:20-cv-24328-MGC Document 1 Entered on FLSD Docket 10/21/2020 Page 2 of 40 Martinez v. Netflix, et al. 3) In doing so, the Film attempts to rewrite history in a dishonest and irresponsible way by legitimizing and justifying the communist Cuban government’s crimes of espionage against the United States; crimes of fraud, sexual battery, and rape against Ms. Martinez; and acts of terrorism in shooting down two unarmed civilian planes operated by Hermanos al Rescate (“Brothers to the Rescue”) on Saturday, February 24, 1996 during a humanitarian mission to search for and aid Cuban refugees fleeing on rafts in the Straits of Florida.
    [Show full text]
  • University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan
    68- 13,598 AGUILAR, Luis Enrique, 1926- CUBA 1933: THE FRUSTRATED REVOLUTION. The American University, Ph.D., 1968 History, modem University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan (c) Luis Enrique Aguilar 1968 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED CUBA 1933; THE FRUSTRATED REVOLUTION By Luis Enrique Aguilar Submitted to the Faculty of the School of International Service of The American University in Partial Fulfillment of The Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Signature of Committee Date: Dean of the AMERICAN UNIVERSITY Date: A*? LIBRARY M A Y 1 4 1968 WASHINGTON. 0. C 37s i TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION....................................... PART I. ANTECEDENTS CHAPTER I. THE CREATION OF THE REPUBLIC, 1895-1902.......................................................... a) The Efforts for Independence b) American Intervention and the Platt Amendment c) The First Steps of the Republic, 1902-1906 CHAPTER II. THE FAILURE OF THE REPUBLIC, 1906-1925......................... a) The Second American Intervention and Its Consequences b) Political Developments, 1909-1925 c) Economic and Social Developments, 1909-1925 PART II. WINDS OF CHANGE CHAPTER III. THE ELECTIONS OF 1924.............. CHAPTER IV. MACHADO THE PRESIDENT, 1925-1927................................................... CHAPTER V. PROROGUE OF POWERS AND RE-ELECTION, 1927-1928.......................................................... CHAPTER VI. WINDS OF CHANGE..................... PART III. THE FIGHT AGAINST MACHADO, 1929-1933 CHAPTER VII. THE SITUATION IN 1929.............. CHAPTER VIII. DEPRESSION AND GENERAL OPPOSITION, 1930-1933....................... CHAPTER IX. CONSPIRACY AND REBELLION 98 a) The Army as a Political Factor b) The Last Effort of the Old Guard PART IV. THE REVOLUTION, 1932-1933 CHAPTER X. NEW TACTICS AND NEW PROGRAMS.................... 110 CHAPTER XI. THE MEDIATION OF SUMNER WELLES, MAY-AUGUST, 1933 ..........................
    [Show full text]
  • Thesis US Cuba.Pdf
    BEING SUCCESSFULLY NASTY: THE UNITED STATES, CUBA AND STATE SPONSORED TERRORISM, 1959-1976 by ROBERT G. DOUGLAS B.A., University of Victoria, 2005 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History © Robert Grant Douglas, 2008 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. BEING SUCCESSFULLY NASTY: THE UNITED STATES, CUBA AND STATE SPONSORED TERRORISM, 1959-1976 by ROBERT G. DOUGLAS B.A., University of Victoria, 2005 Supervisory Committee Dr. Jason Colby (Department of History) Supervisor Dr. Perry Biddiscombe (Department of History) Departmental Member Dr. Jordan Stanger-Ross (Department of History) Departmental Member Dr. Michelle Bonner (Department of Political Science) Outside Member ii Supervisory Committee Dr. Jason Colby (Department of History) Supervisor Dr. Perry Biddiscombe (Department of History) Departmental Member Dr. Jordan Stanger-Ross (Department of History) Departmental Member Dr. Michelle Bonner (Department of Political Science) Outside Member Abstract Despite being the global leader in the “war on terror,” the United States has been accused of sponsoring terrorism against Cuba. The following study assesses these charges. After establishing a definition of terrorism, it examines U.S.-Cuban relations from 1808 to 1958, arguing that the United States has historically employed violence in its efforts to control Cuba. U.S. leaders maintained this approach even after the Cuban Revolution: months after Fidel Castro‟s guerrilla army took power, Washington began organizing Cuban exiles to carry out terrorist attacks against the island, and continued to support and tolerate such activities until the 1970s, culminating in what was the hemisphere‟s most lethal act of airline terrorism before 9/11.
    [Show full text]
  • The Viceroyalty of Miami: Colonial Nostalgia and the Making of An
    Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 7-1-2016 The iceV royalty of Miami: Colonial Nostalgia and the Making of an Imperial City John K. Babb Florida International University, [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FIDC000725 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Part of the Cultural History Commons, Latin American History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Babb, John K., "The icV eroyalty of Miami: Colonial Nostalgia and the Making of an Imperial City" (2016). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 2598. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2598 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida THE VICEROYALTY OF MIAMI: COLONIAL NOSTALGIA AND THE MAKING OF AN IMPERIAL CITY A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in HISTORY by John K. Babb 2016 To: Dean John Stack Green School of International and Public Affairs This dissertation, written by John K. Babb, and entitled The Viceroyalty of Miami: Colonial Nostalgia and the Making of an Imperial City, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this dissertation and recommend that it be approved. ____________________________________ Victor Uribe-Uran ____________________________________ Alex Stepick ____________________________________ April Merleaux ____________________________________ Bianca Premo, Major Professor Date of Defense: July 1, 2016.
    [Show full text]
  • Growing up in Neverland: an Assessment of the Long-Term Physical and Cognitive
    Palenzuela, 1 Growing Up in Neverland: An assessment of the long-term physical and cognitive correlates of the Operation Pedro Pan exodus Deanna Palenzuela Advisor: Dr. James McPartland PSYC 493 Pages: 28 1 credit Palenzuela, 2 Abstract Between December 1960 and October 1962, over 14,000 Cuban youths arrived in the United States through Operation Pedro Pan and were sent to Catholic Welfare Group Homes, foster homes, and family members throughout the country as they awaited their parents. No prior studies have explored the long-term physical and cognitive correlates of the developmental disturbance of being an unaccompanied minor in the now adult Pedro Pan population. This study aimed to investigate whether the Pedro Pan population exhibits persistent differences in their physical health, mental health, and attachment secondary to childhood separation from their family, as compared to a control sample. The control group consisted of comparably-aged Cuban immigrants who immigrated to the United States with their families at the same time as the Pedro Pan participants. We hypothesized that, for the Pedro Pan cohort, physical health, mental health, and attachment insecurity would correlate with the adversity of their immigration experience, as quantified through online questionnaires. Questionnaires were divided into three main categories: demographics, Pedro Pan experience, and standardized assessments of attachment style. Results indicated anxious and avoidant attachment styles were associated with poorer mental and physical health outcomes, as well as weaker parental relationships in childhood. Insecure attachment was correlated with younger age of arrival in the United States in the Pedro Pan group, but with older age of immigration in controls, highlighting the effect of parental separation on younger unaccompanied minors.
    [Show full text]
  • NY-Times-Magazine-1-4-1981.Pdf
    FIGHTING CASTRO FROM EXILE By R. Bruce McColm and Francis X. Maier New York Times (1923-Current file); Jan 4, 1981; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times (1851-2009) pg. SM7 By R. Bruce McColm and Francis X. Maier ast September, FtHix Garcia Rodriguez, an attache to the Cuban Mission to the United Nations, was killed by a sniper while driving in rush·hour traffic through the Woodside section of Queens. Credit for his murder, the first assassi· nation of a United Nations diplomat in the U.N.'s 35-year history, was immedi· ately claimed by the Cuban exile terror· ist group Omega 7. The killing of Rodriguez was not an isolated act 01 terror. Since 1976. Omega 7 has carried out more than 40 bombings of Cuban airline offices. diplo­ matic missions, press agencies and businesses. The group has been linked by law-enforcement officials to at least 10 murders since 1973. Last year, Omega 7 made repeated attempts to bomb the Cuban Mission to the United Nations. On March 25, 1980, after an abortive plot to plant plastic explosives in the Iimou· sine of Raul Roo, the chief Cuban delegate to the United Nations, the group vowed, In a letter to The Hudson Dispatch, to continue Its assassination ef· forts until It succeeded. Omega 7 is the most extreme element in a clandes­ tine war being waged by small groups of anti·Castro exiles. This war takes many forms, from the bomb­ ing of Cuban embassies and the murder of alleged Cuban intelligence agents both here and abroad.
    [Show full text]
  • Dential. Habaaa, Cuba, " March 87, 1940. Dear Breckt Wo Are
    Personal and Confi­ dential. Habaaa, Cuba, " March 87, 1940. Dear Breckt Wo are beginning to get fairly comfortably settled at the house and X em getting somewhat more oriented 1A ay work la the Chancery. The weather here has been delightful avar since we case and Marian's difficulty with her knee is the only fly ** *BO ointment. J somehow hare the feeling that the treatment that she is following will be helpful and there has been some improvement within the last few days. By the time this letter reaches you, Sumner Welles will most likely have returned and X as sure he will have a most interesting report to make* Of course, only a few iff you in Washington Will know anything about it and that would be best. In any event, his report should be very helpful to the President and to the Secretary and to you all. One of the things which has concerned me in the press reports regarding his trip is the constant recurrence of the mention that Hitler and Ribbentrop took up with his the ques­ tion of our sending an Ambassador to Berlin* Of course, the newspapers save been reading into the trip Whatever they chose, Just as they did before the trip actually started. X haven't the least notion what Hitler and Bibbentrop may have said to Sumner, but of flaw 'tiling X am sure, and that is that if they didn't mention it, they had very much in mind this question of trying to urge us to send an Ambassador to Berlin.
    [Show full text]
  • Carroll College from Havana to Helena
    CARROLL COLLEGE FROM HAVANA TO HELENA: CASTRO, COMMUNISM, AND CUBAN REFUGEE CHILDREN IN THE WESTERN DIOCESE OF HELENA, MONTANA, 1961-1966 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR GRADUATION HONORS DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY BY CLINT ATTEBERY HELENA, MONTANA APRIL 2005 SIGNATURE PAGE ii CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.............................................................................. v INTRODUCTION........................................................................................... 1 Chapter 1. FIDEL CASTRO AND THE ORIGINS OF OPERATION PEDRO PAN.................................................... 3 2. AMERICAN COLD WAR MEDIA AND CUBAN CHILDREN...... 20 3. RELIGIOUS COMMITMENT TO THE IMPERFECT PROGRAM OF CUBAN REFUGEE CHILDREN IN THE DIOCESE OF HELENA.............................................................................. 35 4. REFUGEE STATUS AND DISTINCT SOCIALPRIVILEGES FOR CUBAN CHILDREN AND ADULTS.................................................................59 CONCLUSION........................................................................................................72 BIBLIOGRAPHY.................................................... 75 iii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1. Political Cartoon ........ 27 2. Cuban Students Arrive in Helena ...... 29 3. Monsignor Harrington and Cuban Children .... 37 4. Ana Plasencia ........ 39 5. Cuban Boys Playing Baseball ...... 44 6. Cuban Boys on Bikes ....... 44 7. Family With Cuban Students ..... 46 IV ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would have never known this
    [Show full text]