Gluttony & Sloth: the Moral Politics of Obesity Discourse
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LAW REFORM and the ADOPTION ACT 1955: a HISTORY of MISFORTUNE Research Paper for LAWS 526: Law Reform and Policy
ISLA MIRREN DOIDGE LAW REFORM AND THE ADOPTION ACT 1955: A HISTORY OF MISFORTUNE Research Paper for LAWS 526: Law Reform and Policy Submitted for the LLB (Honours) Degree Faculty of Law Victoria University of Wellington 2016 2 Law Reform and the Adoption Act 1955: A History of Misfortune Law Reform and the Adoption Act 1955: A History of Misfortune The Adoption Act 1955 is now 61 years old and has been passed over for reform on multiple occasions. This paper analyses the failed history of law reform beginning in the year 2000 when a Law Commission Report was issued. This paper identifies why successive attempts by both Labour and National governments failed in reforming adoption over a sixteen year period. Despite multiple attempts at reform, this paper argues that law reform has failed due to a combination of other important governmental priorities, the controversial issues involved in adoption, the ability of the courts to reinterpret the legislation, and the small impact of reform. This paper concludes by using adoption reform as a case study to draw out three main general principles about law reform. The first is the necessity of reform; this paper argues when law reform involves a controversial human rights problem it becomes simultaneously difficult to progress due to political risk, but once that controversy is resolved the reform is no longer considered as necessary. The second is the opportunity to reform; when law reform is seen as less necessary because other agencies are able fix problems within the legislation, other more critical projects will displace a reform project on the hierarchy of political priorities. -
Annual Report 2010
nd 22 Annual Conference Annual Report 2010 The major challenge since the 21st Annual Conference in December 2009 has been the national DHB MECA negotiations. Other challenges include promoting clinical leadership and engagement in DHBs consistent with the Time for Quality agreement and the In Good Hands policy statement, and the Government’s proposed amendments to the Employment Relations Act. The members of the National Executive are: President Jeff Brown (MidCentral) Vice President David Jones (Capital & Coast) Region 1 Judy Bent (Auckland) Himadri Seth (Waitemata) Region 2 John Bonning (Waikato) Paul Wilson (Bay of Plenty) Region 3 Hein Stander (Tairawhiti) - since June following the resignation of Torben Iversen in May Tim Frendin (Hawke’s Bay) Region 4 Brian Craig (Canterbury) John MacDonald (Canterbury) In May Torben Iversen resigned to take up a specialist position in Victoria (although still working one week every four in Tairawhiti). While technically eligible to continue on the National Executive practical considerations meant that he chose to resign. The Association is appreciative of the important contribution Dr Iversen made while on the Executive including bringing to the fore the position of members in smaller provincial DHBs, and for his role as Association representative in Tairawhiti. In June Hein Stander was elected unopposed in a by-election. The National Executive has met on four occasions in Wellington since the last Annual Conference, with a fifth meeting to be held immediately preceding this Conference. On 17-18 February the National Executive held its annual two day meeting to discuss strategic directions, the first day being informal. The informal day included: • Preparing for the national DHB MECA negotiations, including strategic direction and the draft claim. -
Simon Lusk's Plan
CHAPTER 5 SIMON LUSK’S PLAN Simon Lusk had been watching US Republican politics for years and looking for ideas that were applicable to New Zealand. Gradually he put together a plan to move the country’s politics to the right. He laid this out in conver- sations with his close political allies and in a three-page strategy paper that was never intended to be made public. The plan was practical and methodical. The idea was to target candidate selection processes in safe National seats, installing a rump of hard right candi- dates who would influence politics for many years to come. Suitable candidates could also be found and trained for local government elections. At the same time, a pool of younger people would be identified, cultivated and guided into right-wing politics. Each of these groups would be managed and supported by professional strategy advisers, notably Lusk himself. Such figures were familiar in US politics but not in New Zealand. Lusk was also well aware, from his American observations, that the single greatest advantage of right-wing parties and candidates was their ability to greatly outspend their opponents with support from wealthy and corporate donors. Fundraising was central to the plan. Next, the right could dominate the media by the dominance of right-wing blogs: ‘the right currently controls the blogosphere,’ he wrote, ‘and political journalists repeat much of what appears on blogs.’ The blogs were part of the second track of politics available for ‘black ops’ and nega- tive campaigning. Finally, his plan involved ‘weakening the power of those who believe in big government’, meaning deliberate strategies and tactics to margin- alise anyone, even within the National Party itself, who did not hold hard right views. -
Memorandum of Understanding Between the New Zealand National Party and the Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand
Memorandum of Understanding Between The New Zealand National Party and The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand Purpose The National Party and the Green Party wish to work together to develop policy and legislation in areas of common interest. The purpose of this MoU is to establish a framework within which the Parties can engage in such areas as are identified from time to time. Principles The following principles underpin this working relationship: • Both Parties are fully independent and retain their rights to vote and speak on all issues as they see fit • The intent of both Parties is to establish a good faith working relationship • This agreement is not based on any prerequisite policy commitments Framework To facilitate a working relationship in identified policy areas, the National Party agrees to provide the Green Party: • Access to Ministers and appropriate departmental officials for briefings and advice • Input into the Ministerial decision making process, including Cabinet papers The Green Party agrees: • To consider facilitating government legislation via procedural support on a case by case basis Both Parties agree: • To keep the details of working discussions confidential until negotiations are concluded, whether the result ends in agreement or not • To facilitate this joint working relationship, the leadership of both Parties will meet at least quarterly to monitor progress, assess the overall relationship and to agree areas where joint work will occur • To review this MoU yearly to assess its effectiveness and determine whether it should continue John Key Jeanette Fitzsimons Russel Norman Leader Co-Leader Co-Leader Memorandum of Understanding Signed 8 April 2009 1 Appendix Areas of agreed work will include: 1. -
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Mike Reid The Problem with Defining Core Services One of the fundamental challenges faced by those who design governance systems involves determining at which level of government public decisions should be made, and whether the decisions are overwhelmingly political, managerial, technical, or should be left for citizens to make themselves. When designing democratic systems one of the critical considerations is ensuring that decision-making power is well distributed to avoid risks to citizens’ liberty. These questions are currently on the minds of people involved with local government. Since its election in 2008 the current government has initiated Act 2002, the minister of local government, Rodney Hide, a number of policy debates that directly broach the question stated that councils should focus on core services, which in of who should be making decisions about the nature and his view meant: role of local government. While the question of Auckland while there is no definition of core services for local governance (see Reid, 2009) has been in the headlines, the government, I would expect there to be general acceptance debate has recently been extended by the addition of two that it includes transport services (roading, footpaths and further issues: who should determine what councils do and public transport); water services (water supply, sewage how should this occur? It is an issue which burst into life treatment, stormwater and flood protection) and public with the release of a Cabinet paper entitled ‘Improving health and safety services (refuse collection and regulation Local Government Transparency, Accountability and Fiscal of nuisances). (Cabinet Office, 2009, p.4) Management’ (TAFM) (Cabinet Office, 2009). -
The Legitimacy of Private Actors Wielding State Coercive Power in New Zealand
ANUSHA WIJEWICKRAMA THE LEGITIMACY OF PRIVATE ACTORS WIELDING STATE COERCIVE POWER IN NEW ZEALAND Submitted for the LLB (Honours) Degree Faculty of Law Victoria University of Wellington 2017 1 Contents I Introduction……………………………………………………………………………...2 II State Coercive Power: Key Themes…………………………………………………..4 III Examples of State Coercive Power in New Zealand………………………………..7 IV Accountability…………………………………………………………………………..12 V Transparency……………………………………………………………………………31 VI Effectiveness…………………………………………………………………………….34 VII Conclusion……………………………………………………………………...39 2 States are increasingly conferring power upon private actors to perform traditionally public services. In New Zealand, this extends to private actors wielding state coercive power. This paper explores the accountability of private actors wielding coercive power, and therefore how legitimate devolution of power is to them. Transparency and effectiveness are also, more briefly, examined. Analysis reveals that if a private actor does not share key goals and values with its public sector counterpart, or with the instrument establishing the coercive power, moral hazard may develop as the actor seeks to pursue its own agenda at the expense of its obligations. Loss of legitimacy can result, particularly if actors appear to be morally culpable for ineffective use of state coercive power. Ultimately, interim, ongoing accountability mechanisms and robust transparency measures must be properly implemented, if legitimacy of the devolution of power to private actors is to be sustained. Key -
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© Kelvin L Lynn, Adrian L Buttimore, Peter J Hatfield, Martin R Wallace Published 2018 by Kelvin L Lynn, Adrian L Buttimore, Peter J Hatfield, Martin R Wallace National Library of New Zealand Cataloguing-Publication Data Title: The Treatment of Kidney Failure in New Zealand Authors: Kelvin L Lynn, Adrian L Buttimore, Peter J Hatfield, Martin R Wallace Publisher: Kelvin L Lynn, Adrian L Buttimore, Peter J Hatfield, Martin R Wallace Address: 1 Weston Road, Christchurch 8052, New Zealand ISBN PDF - 978-0-473-45293-3 A catalogue record for this book is available from the National Library of New Zealand Front cover design by Simon Van der Sluijs The Tom Scott cartoon on page 90 is reproduced with the kind permission of the artist and Stuff. The New Zealand Women's Weekly are thanked for permission to use the photo on page 26. All rights reserved 2 Acknowledgements The editors would like to thank Kidney Health New Zealand for hosting this publication on their website and providing support for design and editing. In the Beginning, the history of the Medical Unit at Auckland Hospital, provided valuable information about the early days of nephrology at Auckland Hospital. Ian Dittmer, Laurie Williams and Prue Fieldes provided access to archival material from the Department of Renal Medicine at Auckland Hospital. The Australia and New Zealand Dialysis and Transplant Registry provided invaluable statistics regarding patients treated for kidney failure in New Zealand. Marg Walker of Canterbury Medical Library, University of Otago, Christchurch and Alister Argyle provided advice on online publishing. We are indebted to the following for writing chapters: Max Morris, William Wong and John Collins. -
Parliamentary Scrutiny of Human Rights in New Zealand (Report)
PARLIAMENTARY SCRUTINY OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN NEW ZEALAND: GLASS HALF FULL? Prof. Judy McGregor and Prof. Margaret Wilson AUT UNIVERSITY | UNIVERSITY OF WAIKATO RESEARCH FUNDED BY THE NEW ZEALAND LAW FOUNDATION Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 2 Recent Scholarship ..................................................................................................................... 3 Methodology ............................................................................................................................ 22 Select committee controversy ................................................................................................. 28 Rights-infringing legislation. .................................................................................................... 32 Criminal Records (Expungement of Convictions for Historical Homosexual Offences) Bill. ... 45 Domestic Violence-Victims’ Protection Bill ............................................................................. 60 The Electoral (Integrity) Amendment Bill ................................................................................ 75 Parliamentary scrutiny of human rights in New Zealand: Summary report. .......................... 89 1 Introduction This research is a focused project on one aspect of the parliamentary process. It provides a contextualised account of select committees and their scrutiny of human rights with a particular -
The Mixed Member Proportional Representation System and Minority Representation
The Mixed Member Proportional Representation System and Minority Representation: A Case Study of Women and Māori in New Zealand (1996-2011) by Tracy-Ann Johnson-Myers MSc. Government (University of the West Indies) 2008 B.A. History and Political Science (University of the West Indies) 2006 A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Interdisciplinary Studies In the Graduate Academic Unit of the School of Graduate Studies Supervisor: Joanna Everitt, PhD, Dept. of History and Politics Examining Board: Emery Hyslop-Margison, PhD, Faculty of Education, Chair Paul Howe, PhD, Dept. of Political Science Lee Chalmers, PhD, Dept. of Sociology External Examiner: Karen Bird, PhD, Dept. of Political Science McMaster University This dissertation is accepted by the Dean of Graduate Studies THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW BRUNSWICK April, 2013 © Tracy-Ann Johnson-Myers, 2013 ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the relationship between women and Māori descriptive and substantive representation in New Zealand’s House of Representatives as a result of the Mixed Member Proportional electoral system. The Mixed Member Proportional electoral system was adopted in New Zealand in 1996 to change the homogenous nature of the New Zealand legislative assembly. As a proportional representation system, MMP ensures that voters’ preferences are proportionally reflected in the party composition of Parliament. Since 1996, women and Māori (and other minority and underrepresented groups) have been experiencing significant increases in their numbers in parliament. Despite these increases, there remains the question of whether or not representatives who ‘stand for’ these two groups due to shared characteristics will subsequently ‘act for’ them through their political behaviour and attitudes. -
The Ministry of Public Input
The Ministry of Public Input: Report and Recommendations for Practice By Associate Professor Jennifer Lees-Marshment The University of Auckland, New Zealand August 2014 www.lees-marshment.org [email protected] Executive Summary Political leadership is undergoing a profound evolution that changes the role that politicians and the public play in decision making in democracy. Rather than simply waiting for voters to exercise their judgement in elections, political elites now use an increasingly varied range of public input mechanisms including consultation, deliberation, informal meetings, travels out in the field, visits to the frontline and market research to obtain feedback before and after they are elected. Whilst politicians have always solicited public opinion in one form or another, the nature, scale, and purpose of mechanisms that seek citizen involvement in policy making are becoming more diversified and extensive. Government ministers collect different forms of public input at all levels of government, across departments and through their own offices at all stages of the policy process. This expansion and diversification of public input informs and influences our leaders’ decisions, and thus has the potential to strengthen citizen voices within the political system, improve policy outcomes and enhance democracy. However current practice wastes both resources and the hope that public input can enrich democracy. If all the individual public input activities government currently engages in were collated and added up it would demonstrate that a vast amount of money and resources is already spent seeking views from outside government. But it often goes unseen, is uncoordinated, dispersed and unchecked. We need to find a way to ensure this money is spent much more effectively within the realities of government and leadership. -
Political Management: Starting the Conversation to Scope the Theory and Practice of Managing Government and Politics
Political Management: starting the conversation to scope the theory and practice of managing government and politics By Jennifer Lees-Marshment, Auckland University, New Zealand Email [email protected] www.lees-marshment.org Paper as of May 9 2016to be presented at the 2016 Canadian Political Science Association conference May 31 at the University of Calgary, Canada. If cited, please used this reference for citation: Lees-Marshment, Jennifer (2016) ‘Political Management: starting the conversation to scope the theory and practice of managing government and politics’ Paper prepared May 9 for presentation at the 2016 Canadian Political Science Association conference at the University of Calgary, May 31. Abstract Political management is very important – it affects the ability of political organisations and governments to achieve their goals and get things done. However there is a substantial and significant lack of research in the area, just as there is little or no training for those doing the managing in politics. Although political marketing scholarship is now well established, there is a dearth of work on political management, despite the two graduate schools in this area in Canada and the US adopting the management rather than the marketing focus as their title. Business concepts of management have potential relevance to help us understand how our political organisations are run in reality and reflect on the implications for governance, participation and democracy. This paper sets out initials ideas from a new research project, arguing that political management involves planning, organising, HR, leading and reviewing of resources to achieve goals effectively. The paper also suggests there are 5 core areas of activity: Planning: Vision, goals, plans; Organising: structure, culture and communication; Political HR: recruitment, promotion, training; Leading: power, influence, adaptation and Reviewing: reflection and correction: see below. -
Inequality and the 2014 New Zealand General Election
A BARK BUT NO BITE INEQUALITY AND THE 2014 NEW ZEALAND GENERAL ELECTION A BARK BUT NO BITE INEQUALITY AND THE 2014 NEW ZEALAND GENERAL ELECTION JACK VOWLES, HILDE COFFÉ AND JENNIFER CURTIN Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Vowles, Jack, 1950- author. Title: A bark but no bite : inequality and the 2014 New Zealand general election / Jack Vowles, Hilde Coffé, Jennifer Curtin. ISBN: 9781760461355 (paperback) 9781760461362 (ebook) Subjects: New Zealand. Parliament--Elections, 2014. Elections--New Zealand. New Zealand--Politics and government--21st century. Other Creators/Contributors: Coffé, Hilde, author. Curtin, Jennifer C, author. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press This edition © 2017 ANU Press Contents List of figures . vii List of tables . xiii List of acronyms . xvii Preface and acknowledgements . .. xix 1 . The 2014 New Zealand election in perspective . .. 1 2. The fall and rise of inequality in New Zealand . 25 3 . Electoral behaviour and inequality . 49 4. The social foundations of voting behaviour and party funding . 65 5. The winner! The National Party, performance and coalition politics . 95 6 . Still in Labour . 117 7 . Greening the inequality debate . 143 8 . Conservatives compared: New Zealand First, ACT and the Conservatives .