Why Had the Weimar Republic Survived by 1923?
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Germany Key Words
Germany Key Words Anti–Semitism Hatred of the Jews. Article 48 Part of the Weimar Constitution, giving the President special powers to rule in a crisis. Used By Chancellors to rule when they had no majority in the Reichstag – and therefore an undemocratic precedent for Hitler. Aryan Someone who Belongs to the European type race. To the Nazis this meant especially non– Jewish and they looked for the ideal characteristics of fair hair, Blue eyes... Autobahn Motorway – showpieces of the Nazi joB creation schemes Bartering Buying goods with other goods rather than money. (As happened in the inflation crisis of 1923) Bavaria Large state in the South of Germany. Hitler & Nazis’ original Base. Capital – Munich Beerhall Putsch Failed attempt to seize power By Hitler in NovemBer 1923. Hitler jailed for five years – in fact released Dec 1924 Brown Shirts The name given to the S.A. Centre Party Party representing Roman Catholics – one of the Weimar coalition parties. Dissolves itself July 1933. Chancellor Like the Prime Minister – the man who is the chief figure in the government, Coalition A government made up of a number of parties working together, Because of the election system under Weimar, all its governments were coalitions. They are widely seen as weak governments. Conscription Compulsory military service – introduced by Hitler April1935 in his drive to build up Germany’s military strength (against the terms of the Versailles Treaty) Conservatives In those who want to ‘conserve’ or resist change. In Weimar Germany it means those whose support for the RepuBlic was either weak or non–existent as they wanted a return to Germany’s more ordered past. -
Republic of Violence: the German Army and Politics, 1918-1923
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies The Vault: Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2015-09-11 Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 Bucholtz, Matthew N Bucholtz, M. N. (2015). Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/27638 http://hdl.handle.net/11023/2451 doctoral thesis University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 By Matthew N. Bucholtz A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN HISTORY CALGARY, ALBERTA SEPTEMBER, 2015 © Matthew Bucholtz 2015 Abstract November 1918 did not bring peace to Germany. Although the First World War was over, Germany began a new and violent chapter as an outbreak of civil war threatened to tear the country apart. The birth of the Weimar Republic, Germany’s first democratic government, did not begin smoothly as republican institutions failed to re-establish centralized political and military authority in the wake of the collapse of the imperial regime. Coupled with painful aftershocks from defeat in the Great War, the immediate postwar era had only one consistent force shaping and guiding political and cultural life: violence. -
The Kapp Putsch and the Ruhr Insurrection
Chapter 12 - The Kapp Putsch and the Ruhr insurrection The Coup d’État and the First Instances of “Workers Government” and “Anti- Fascism” The Kapp Putsch (May 13-17, 1920) was an attempt on the part of reactionary elements in the Army to take the first steps towards building a strong right-wing government. The German Army (Reichswehr) was reestablished by the constituent assembly: by June 1919 it had 100,000 men, the maximum allowed by the postwar treaties. Including the Freikorps, however, by the beginning of 1920 the Army had 400,000 men, which provoked the protests of the victorious powers. The Freikorps arose during the period of military demobilization and State disintegration, and their only purpose was to serve as an instrument of the counterrevolution in Germany and Russia. They were paid by the State. As the situation appeared to have stabilized, the government solved part of its problem in September 1919 by prohibiting the creation of local militias, while directly transforming numerous Freikorps units into Reichswehr detachments. But it could not integrate all of them, as it wanted to provide the army with a republican “varnish”. The majority of the troops who would participate in the Kapp Putsch were from Freikorps units which had returned from Russia after having participated in the foreign intervention. They feared they would be discharged due to the terms of the Versailles Treaty. A right-wing faction, encouraged by Kapp, a senior Prussian official, established contacts with their commanders in order to carry out a political operation. Discovering that 6,000 men under the command of Lüttwitz (one of Noske’s direct subordinates in January 1919) were going to occupy Berlin on March 13, the socialist government fled to Dresden and then to Stuttgart. -
University of Bradford Ethesis
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Bradford Scholars University of Bradford eThesis This thesis is hosted in Bradford Scholars – The University of Bradford Open Access repository. Visit the repository for full metadata or to contact the repository team © University of Bradford. This work is licenced for reuse under a Creative Commons Licence. THE WHITE INTERNATIONAL: ANATOMY OF A TRANSNATIONAL RADICAL REVISIONIST PLOT IN CENTRAL EUROPE AFTER WORLD WAR I Nicholas Alforde Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Social and International Studies University of Bradford 2013 Principal Supervisor: Gábor Bátonyi, DPhil Abstract Nicholas Alforde The White International: Anatomy of a Transnational Radical Revisionist Plot in Central Europe after World War I Keywords: Bauer, Gömbös, Horthy, Ludendorff, Orgesch, paramilitary, Prónay, revision, Versailles, von Kahr The denial of defeat, the harsh Versailles Treaty and unsuccessful attempts by paramilitary units to recover losses in the Baltic produced in post-war Germany an anti- Bolshevik, anti-Entente, radical right-wing cabal of officers with General Ludendorff and Colonel Bauer at its core. Mistakenly citing a lack of breadth as one of the reason for the failure of their amateurishly executed Hohenzollern restoration and Kapp Putsch schemes, Bauer and co-conspirator Ignatius Trebitsch-Lincoln devised the highly ambitious White International plot. It sought to form a transnational league of Bavaria, Austria and Hungary to force the annulment of the Paris Treaties by the coordinated use of paramilitary units from the war vanquished nations. It set as its goals the destruction of Bolshevism in all its guises throughout Europe, the restoration of the monarchy in Russia, the systematic elimination of all Entente-sponsored Successor States and the declaration of war on the Entente. -
Review of Economic Conditions, 1924-1933
This PDF is a selection from an out-of-print volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: German Business Cycles, 1924-1933 Volume Author/Editor: Carl T. Schmidt Volume Publisher: NBER Volume ISBN: 0-87014-024-8 Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/schm34-1 Publication Date: 1934 Chapter Title: Review of Economic Conditions, 1924-1933 Chapter Author: Carl T. Schmidt Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c4934 Chapter pages in book: (p. 25 - 114) CHAPTER TWO REVIEW OF ECONOMIC CONDITIONS, 1924—1933 A. The Course of the Post-Inflation Business Cycles 1.DEPRESSION,HALTING REVIVAL, DEFINITE RECOVERY, 1924-1925 Thestabilization of German currency tore aside the dense veil of paper marks that had obscured the Various business journals, monographs and official reports constitute the source for the materials presented in Part A. Particularly suggestive were Reports of the Agent General for Reparation Payments, 1925—30 (Berlin,1925—30); James W. Angell, The Recovery of Germany; Institut für Konjunkturforschung, Vierteljahrshefte zur Konjunkturforschung, \'ols. '—7 (Reimar Hobbing, Berlin, 1926—32); Fritz Naphtaii, Abbau und Aufbau: Rückblick auf das Wirtschaftsjahr 1925 So- cietats-Druckerei, Frankfurt a.M., 1926); Reichskreditgesellschaft, A-G., Germany's Economic Development, semi-annual analyses, 1926—32 (Ber- lin, 1926—32); C. L. Roedler, Grundzuge der deutschen K,onjunhturbeweg- ung, 1920—25(Frankfurta.M., 1926); Erich Welter, Wachstum: Die deutsche Wirtschaft im Jahre 1927; and Stockung: Die Wirt- schaft im Jahre 1929(FrankfurterSocietäts-Druckerei, Frankfurt a.M., 1928 and 1930); also Dreifache Krise... (Societäts-Verlag,Frankfurt a.M., 1931). 25] features of German economy. -
The Ends of Four Big Inflations
This PDF is a selection from an out-of-print volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: Inflation: Causes and Effects Volume Author/Editor: Robert E. Hall Volume Publisher: University of Chicago Press Volume ISBN: 0-226-31323-9 Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/hall82-1 Publication Date: 1982 Chapter Title: The Ends of Four Big Inflations Chapter Author: Thomas J. Sargent Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c11452 Chapter pages in book: (p. 41 - 98) The Ends of Four Big Inflations Thomas J. Sargent 2.1 Introduction Since the middle 1960s, many Western economies have experienced persistent and growing rates of inflation. Some prominent economists and statesmen have become convinced that this inflation has a stubborn, self-sustaining momentum and that either it simply is not susceptible to cure by conventional measures of monetary and fiscal restraint or, in terms of the consequent widespread and sustained unemployment, the cost of eradicating inflation by monetary and fiscal measures would be prohibitively high. It is often claimed that there is an underlying rate of inflation which responds slowly, if at all, to restrictive monetary and fiscal measures.1 Evidently, this underlying rate of inflation is the rate of inflation that firms and workers have come to expect will prevail in the future. There is momentum in this process because firms and workers supposedly form their expectations by extrapolating past rates of inflation into the future. If this is true, the years from the middle 1960s to the early 1980s have left firms and workers with a legacy of high expected rates of inflation which promise to respond only slowly, if at all, to restrictive monetary and fiscal policy actions. -
Power Distribution in the Weimar Reichstag in 1919-1933
Power Distribution in the Weimar Reichstag in 1919-1933 Fuad Aleskerov1, Manfred J. Holler2 and Rita Kamalova3 Abstract: ................................................................................................................................................2 1. Introduction .......................................................................................................................................2 2. The Weimar Germany 1919-1933: A brief history of socio-economic performance .......................3 3. Political system..................................................................................................................................4 3.2 Electoral system for the Reichstag ..................................................................................................6 3.3 Political parties ................................................................................................................................6 3.3.1 The Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD).....................................................................7 3.3.2 The Communist Party of Germany (Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands – KPD)...............8 3.3.3 The German Democratic Party (Deutsche Demokratische Partei – DDP)...............................9 3.3.4 The Centre Party (Deutsche Zentrumspartei – Zentrum) .......................................................10 3.3.5 The German People's Party (Deutsche Volkspartei – DVP) ..................................................10 3.3.6 German-National People's Party (Deutsche -
The Soviet-German Tank Academy at Kama
The Secret School of War: The Soviet-German Tank Academy at Kama THESIS Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Ian Johnson Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2012 Master's Examination Committee: Jennifer Siegel, Advisor Peter Mansoor David Hoffmann Copyright by Ian Ona Johnson 2012 Abstract This paper explores the period of military cooperation between the Weimar Period German Army (the Reichswehr), and the Soviet Union. Between 1922 and 1933, four facilities were built in Russia by the two governments, where a variety of training and technological exercises were conducted. These facilities were particularly focused on advances in chemical and biological weapons, airplanes and tanks. The most influential of the four facilities was the tank testing and training grounds (Panzertruppenschule in the German) built along the Kama River, near Kazan in North- Central Russia. Led by German instructors, the school’s curriculum was based around lectures, war games, and technological testing. Soviet and German students studied and worked side by side; German officers in fact often wore the Soviet uniform while at the school, to show solidarity with their fellow officers. Among the German alumni of the school were many of the most famous practitioners of mobile warfare during the Second World War, such as Guderian, Manstein, Kleist and Model. This system of education proved highly innovative. During seven years of operation, the school produced a number of extremely important technological and tactical innovations. Among the new technologies were a new tank chassis system, superior guns, and - perhaps most importantly- a radio that could function within a tank. -
The Rise of the Nazis Revision Guide
Rise of the Nazis Revision Guide Name: Key Topics 1. The Nazis in the 1920s 2. Hitler becomes Chancellor, 1933 3. Hitler becomes Dictator, 1934 @mrthorntonteach Hitler and the early Nazi Party The roots of the Nazi party start in 1889, with the birth of Adolf Hitler but the political beginnings of the party start in 1919 with the set up of the German Workers Party, the DAP. This party was one of the many new parties that set up in the political chaos after the First World War and it was the joining of Adolf Hitler that changed Germanys future forever. The early life of Hitler Hitler wanted to In 1913, he moved to Hitler was shocked by become an artists but Munich and became Germanys defeat in WWI was rejected by the obsessed with all things and blamed the Weimar Vienna Art School German Republic Hitler was born Between 1908- He fought in the First In 1919, Hitler begins to spy in Austria in 13, he was World War, winning the on the German Workers 1889 to an homeless and Iron Cross but was Party (DAP) but then joins abusive father. sold paintings wounded by gas in 1918 the party, soon taking over. Who were the DAP? The DAP were national socialists: The German Workers Party Nationalists – believed that all policies should should (DAP) was set up by Anton be organised to make the nation stronger Drexler in 1919 in Munich. Socialists – believed that the country's land, industry At first there were only a small and wealth should below to the workers. -
Downloaded from Brill.Com09/28/2021 01:08:55AM Via Free Access
fascism 6 (2017) 13-41 brill.com/fasc ‘Milksops’ and ‘Bemedalled Old Men’: War Veterans and the War Youth Generation in the Weimar Republic Kristian Mennen Berlin [email protected] Abstract This article reconsiders traditional assumptions about the connection between the First World War and the rise of National Socialism in Germany, according to which politically radicalised war veterans joined the Freikorps after the war and formed the backbone of the Nazi membership and electorate. In questioning this view, the article first traces the political paths of actual veterans’ organisations. Whereas the largest veterans’ organisations were not politically active, the most distinctive ones – Reichsbanner and Stahlhelm – were not primarily responsible for a ‘brutalisation’ or radicalisation of Weimar political culture. Their definitions of ‘veteran’ and ‘front experience’ implicitly excluded the so-called ‘war youth generation’ from their nar- rative. Secondly, it is shown how representatives of this younger generation, lacking actual combat experience but moulded by war propaganda, determined the collective imagination of the First World War. The direct connection between the First World War and National Socialism can therefore primarily be found in the continuity of pub- lic and cultural imagination of war and of ‘war veterans’, and much less so in actual membership overlaps between veterans’ and Nazi movements. Keywords Germany – National Socialism – veterans – Reichsbanner – Stahlhelm – generations – political culture 1 ‘Schwarz-Rot-Gold marschiert!’ Leipziger Volkszeitung, 13 August 1927, 3. Beilage: 1. © Mennen, 2017 | doi 10.1163/22116257-00601002 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution- Noncommercial 4.0 Unported (CC-BY-NC 4.0) License. -
The Political Thought of General Hans Von Seeckt
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Master's Theses Theses and Dissertations 1964 The Political Thought of General Hans Von Seeckt Henry William Herx Loyola University Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Herx, Henry William, "The Political Thought of General Hans Von Seeckt" (1964). Master's Theses. 1877. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses/1877 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Copyright © 1964 Henry William Herx THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF GENERAL HANS VON SEECKT by Henry William Herx A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty or the Graduate School or Loyola University in Partial hlrillment or the Requirements tor the Degree or Master ot Arta February 1964 Henry William Herx was born in Chicago, Illinois, June 29, 1933. He was graduated tram Quigley Preparatory Seminary, June, 1952, attended St. Mary at the Lake Seminary, Mundelein, Illinois 1952-1953, and was graduated tram Loyola University, February 1955 with a degree at Bachelor at Arts. Since 1958 the author has taught MOdern Wbrld History at Tuley Higb School. He began his graduate stUdies at Loyola University, February 1955. The writer has published an article, on the lack at critical content tound in the Chicago newspapers, in!!!! City magazine (April 1, 1962) and is presently working on a Film Education Handbook in connection with the Catholic Film Center. -
Munich in the 1920S
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 1 No. 20; December 2011 Hitler’s Beer Hall Politics: A Reassessment based on New Historical Scholarship Jeffrey Gaab, Ph. D. Professor of History Department of History, Economics, and Politics SUNY College Farmingdale 2350 Broadhollow Road Farmingdale, New York. USA 11735. Abstract As the eightieth anniversary of Adolf Hitler’s accession to power in Germany approaches in 2013, recent scholarship has revised Hitler’s description of his formative experiences. This new scholarship demonstrates that Hitler’s time in Munich was far more significant than his period in Vienna. The new secondary literature demonstrates conclusively that Munich, not Vienna, became the “school of his life.” It was in Munich, as a “beer hall agitator,” where Hitler learned the political skills he would later employ to outmaneuver Germany’s professional politicians and seize power in 1933. Ian Kershaw has described Hitler’s years in Munich as “the years of his political apprenticeship.” Hitler developed an “aggressive obstinacy” during his years in Munich that lead to his political success. The “aggressive obstinacy” developed after numerous experiences in Munich’s beer halls. This paper argues that the road to the Reich’s Chancellery in 1933 lead through Munich’s beer halls in the 1920s. Key Words: Adolf Hitler, Germany, Third Reich, National Socialism, Munich, Beer Hall. Introduction In Mein Kampf, Adolf Hitler wrote that his political development occurred during his time in Vienna before he came to Germany in 1913. In Vienna, Hitler wrote, “I obtained the foundations for a philosophy in general and a political view in particular which later I only needed to supplement in detail, but which never left me.” In fact, Hitler argues that his political “awakening” caused him to leave Vienna for Munich.