The Functioning of Democratic Institutions in Moldova: Implementation of Resolution 1666 (2009)
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Moldova: from Oligarchic Pluralism to Plahotniuc's Hegemony
Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 208 | 07.04.2016 www.osw.waw.pl Moldova: from oligarchic pluralism to Plahotniuc’s hegemony Kamil Całus Moldova’s political system took shape due to the six-year rule of the Alliance for European Integration coalition but it has undergone a major transformation over the past six months. Resorting to skilful political manoeuvring and capitalising on his control over the Moldovan judiciary system, Vlad Plahotniuc, one of the leaders of the nominally pro-European Democra- tic Party and the richest person in the country, was able to bring about the arrest of his main political competitor, the former prime minister Vlad Filat, in October 2015. Then he pushed through the nomination of his trusted aide, Pavel Filip, for prime minister. In effect, Plahot- niuc has concentrated political and business influence in his own hands on a scale unseen so far in Moldova’s history since 1991. All this indicates that he already not only controls the judi- ciary, the anti-corruption institutions, the Constitutional Court and the economic structures, but has also subordinated the greater part of parliament and is rapidly tightening his grip on the section of the state apparatus which until recently was influenced by Filat. Plahotniuc, whose power and position depends directly on his control of the state apparatus and financial flows in Moldova, is not interested in a structural transformation of the country or in implementing any thorough reforms; this includes the Association Agreement with the EU. This means that as his significance grows, the symbolic actions so far taken with the aim of a structural transformation of the country will become even more superficial. -
ADEPT Political Commentaries
ADEPT Political Commentaries September-December 2004 Concerns on the eve of elections Igor Botan, 15 September 2004 Democracy and governing in Moldova e-journal, II year, no. 37, August 30 - September 12, 2004 With the launch of the fall political season analysts and media alike engaged in assessing preparations for parliamentary elections. According to their estimates, elections might be held late May or even June next year. The source for such predictions is the Constitution itself. Paragraph 3 Article 61 of the Constitution provides that "election of Parliament members will be started not later than 3 months from the end of the previous mandate or from the dissolution of the previous Parliament". Article 63 specifies that "the mandate of the current Parliament may be extended until the structure of the new Parliament has been completed and the latter can meet in full session" that according to the same article is held "within at most 30 days from election day". That is why it is considered that Parliament mandate commences on the day of its first session. Given that the last parliamentary elections were held on February 25, while the Parliament was convened on a first session via a Presidential Decree on March 20, 2001, it is expected that parliamentary elections would be held sometime during the three months March 21 - June 21, 2005. This estimation is logical and at the first glance seems accurate. Arguments cited by those who claim election date would be set for the end of May or even June cite, derive from the supposed interests of the ruling party. -
Studia Politica 1 2016
www.ssoar.info Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics Goșu, Armand Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Goșu, A. (2016). Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 16(1), 21-51. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-51666-3 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Republic of Moldova The Year 2015 in Politics ARMAND GO ȘU Nothing will be the same from now on. 2015 is not only a lost, failed year, it is a loop in which Moldova is stuck without hope. It is the year of the “theft of the century”, the defrauding of three banks, the Savings Bank, Unibank, and the Social Bank, a theft totaling one billion dollars, under the benevolent gaze of the National Bank, the Ministry of Finance, the General Prosecutor's Office, the National Anti-Corruption Council, and the Security and Intelligence Service (SIS). 2015 was the year when controversial oligarch Vlad Plakhotniuk became Moldova's international brand, identified by more and more chancelleries as a source of evil 1. But 2015 is also the year of budding hope that civil society is awakening, that the political scene is evolving not only for the worse, but for the better too, that in the public square untarnished personalities would appear, new and charismatic figures around which one could build an alternative to the present political parties. -
1 DEZBATERI PARLAMENTARE Parlamentul Republicii Moldova De
DEZBATERI PARLAMENTARE Parlamentul Republicii Moldova de legislatura a XIX-a SESIUNEA a VII-a ORDINARĂ – SEPTEMBRIE 2013 Ședința din ziua de 26 septembrie 2013 (STENOGRAMA) SUMAR 1. Declararea deschiderii sesiunii de toamnă și a ședinței plenare. Intonarea Imnului de Stat al Republicii Moldova. (Intonarea Imnului de Stat al Republicii Moldova și onorarea Drapelului de Stat al Republicii Moldova.) 2. Luare de cuvînt din partea Fracțiunii parlamentare a Partidului Comuniștilor din Republica Moldova – domnul Vladimir Voronin. 3. Luare de cuvînt din partea Fracțiunii parlamentare a Partidului Liberal Democrat din Moldova – domnul Valeriu Streleț. 4. Luare de cuvînt din partea Fracțiunii parlamentare a Partidului Democrat din Moldova – domnul Dumitru Diacov. 5. Luare de cuvînt din partea Fracțiunii parlamentare a Partidului Liberal – domnul Ion Hadârcă. 6. Dezbateri asupra ordinii de zi și aprobarea ei. 7. Dezbaterea, aprobarea în primă lectură și adoptarea în lectura a doua a proiectului de Lege nr.341 din 15 iulie 2013 pentru ratificarea Convenției Consiliului Europei privind accesul la documentele oficiale. 8. Dezbaterea, aprobarea în primă lectură și adoptarea în lectura a doua a proiectului de Lege nr.343 din 26 iulie 2013 pentru ratificarea Acordului cu privire la colaborarea în domeniul pregătirii specialiștilor subdiviziunilor antiteroriste în instituțiile de învățămînt ale organelor competente ale statelor membre ale Comunității Statelor Independente. 9. Dezbaterea și aprobarea în primă lectură a proiectului Codului transporturilor rutiere. Proiectul nr.267 din 14 iunie 2013. 10. Dezbaterea proiectului de Lege nr.352 din 2 septembrie 2013 cu privire la locuințe. În urma dezbaterilor, s-a luat decizia de a transfera proiectul pînă la pregătirea raportului comisiei. -
OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 168 1 European Integration (AIE)
Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 168 | 22.04.2015 www.osw.waw.pl An appropriated state? Moldova’s uncertain prospects for modernisation Kamil Całus There have been several significant changes on Moldova’s domestic political scene in the wake of the November 2014 parliamentary elections there. Negotiations lasted nearly two months and re- sulted in the formation of a minority coalition composed of two groupings: the Liberal-Democratic Party (PLDM) and the Democratic Party (PDM). New coalition received unofficial support from the Communist Party (PCRM), which had previously been considered an opposition party. Contrary to their initial announcements, PDLM and PDM did not admit the Liberal Party led by Mihai Ghim- pu to power. Moreover, they blocked the nomination for prime minister of the incumbent, Iurie Leancă. Leancă has been perceived by many as an honest politician and a guarantor of reforms. This situation resulted in the political model present in Moldova since 2009 being preserved. In this model the state’s institutions are subordinated to two main oligarch politicians: Vlad Filat (the leader of PLDM) and Vlad Plahotniuc (a billionaire who de facto controls PDM). With control over the state in the hands of Filat and Plahotniuc questions are raised regarding the prospects of Moldova’s real modernisation. It will also have a negative impact on the process of implementation of Moldova’s Association Agreement with the EU and on other key reforms concerning, for example, the judiciary, the financial sector and the process of de-politicisation of the state’s institutions. From both leaders’ perspective, any changes to the current state of affairs would be tantamount to limiting their influence in politics and the economy, which would in turn challenge their business activities. -
Seize the Press, Seize the Day: the Influence of Politically Affiliated Media in Moldova’S 2016 Elections
This policy brief series is part of the Media Enabling Democracy, Inclusion and Accountability in Moldova (MEDIA-M) project February 2018 | No 2 Seize the press, seize the day: The influence of politically affiliated media in Moldova’s 2016 elections Mihai Mogildea Introduction In Moldova, media ownership by oligarchs and political figures has reached the highest level in the last dec- ade. According to a report by the Association of Independent Press (API)1, four of the five TV channels with national coverage are controlled by the leader of the ruling Democratic Party (PDM), Vladimir Plahotniuc. Other media companies are managed by opposition politicians, mayors, former members of the parliament, and influential businessmen, who tend to adopt a restrictive policy on media content and promote specific political parties. The concentration of media resources in the hands of a few public officials has significant influence on the electorate, whose voting preferences can be manipulated through disinformation and fake news. This was visible during the second round of the 2016 presidential elections in Moldova, with powerful media owners undermining the campaign of the center-right, pro-European candidate, Maia Sandu, and helping Igor Dodon, a left-wing candidate and a strong supporter of Russia. This policy brief argues that political control over media Maia Sandu and Igor Dodon, and whether the audiovisual au- institutions in Moldova has an impact on election results. thorities sanctioned possible violations. Finally, this analysis Media concentration allows specific candidates to widely will conclude with a set of recommendations for depoliticiz- promote their messages, leading to unfair electoral ad- ing, both de jure and de facto, the private and public media vantage. -
I INTRODUCTION Moldavia, the Smallest Republic in the Soviet Union, Has Been a Territorial Football Between Romania and Russia
INTRODUCTION Moldavia, the smallest republic in the Soviet Union, has been a territorial football between Romania and Russia for well over 100 years. Like the Baltic republics, it fell within the Soviet sphere of influence under the l939 Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, and there is reason to believe that some Moldavians may now wish to follow the lead of the Baltic republics in pressing for secession from the USSR. The 64 percent of the republic's population that is ethnic Moldavian has its cultural heart in Romania and, at the very least, seeks freer contacts with Romanians across their common frontier. In the past 18 months Moldavian political and social life has been transformed. Fledgling independent groups have developed into major new political movements, such as the Moldavian Popular Front with a membership of between 700,000 and one million. Other independent groups include the Alexe Mateevici Club which led the successful drive to establish Moldavian as the official language of the republic, the Moldavian Democratic Movement aimed at establishing a state that adheres to the rule of law, the Moldavian Green Movement which works to increase public awareness of ecological issues, and others. Groups of citizens in late l988 began braving the wrath of the local authorities by organizing small public protests. By March l989 the rallies had grown to include as many as 80,000 demonstrators who were calling, among other things, for the i removal of Moldavia's Party leaders. Both the protestors and the Moldavian government often turned to violence. The most egregious such instances of reciprocal violence occurred in l989 on February 12 and 26, March 12 and November 7. -
Opinia Separată a Judecătorului Constituţional
Victor PUŞCAŞ Valeriu KUCIUK OPINIA SEPARATĂ A JUDECĂTORULUI CONSTITUŢIONAL Sinteză de jurisprudenţă constituţională cu comentarii (23.02.2001-23.02.2013) „Opinia separată a judecătorului constituțional, este un indicator al independenţei şi responsabilităţii” Victor PUȘCAȘ Lucrarea a fost aprobată şi recomandată pentru editare de Consiliul ştiinţific al Asociaţiei Obşteşti „Congresul Democraţiei Constituţionale” (Procesul-verbal nr.7 din 20.11.2020) Autori: Victor PUŞCAŞ, Doctor în drept, Conferenţiar universitar, Ex-preşedinte al Curţii Constituţionale a Republicii Moldova Valeriu KUCIUK, Doctor în drept, Lector universitar, Avocat. Monografia „OPINIA SEPARATĂ a JUDECĂTORULUI CONSTITUŢIONAL: indicator al independenţei şi responsabilităţii” este o sinteză de jurisprudenţă constituţională strict întemeiată pe studiu de caz comentat. Lucrarea poate servi sursă de cercetare, dar şi călăuză/îndrumar practic, inclusiv pentru studenţi şi cercetători a dreptului constituţional din Republica Moldova. Descrierea CIP a Camerei Naţionale a Cărţii © Victor PUŞCAŞ, Doctor în drept, Conferenţiar universitar © Valeriu KUCIUK, Doctor în drept, Lector universitar Toate drepturile asupra prezentei ediţii aparţin autorilor. Nici o parte din acest volum nu poate fi copiată sau reprodusă fără acordul scris al autorilor. CUPRINS DEDICAȚIE ȘI MULȚUMIRI ......................................................................10 CUVÎNT ÎNAINTE ........................................................................................11 Scrisoare – felicitare de la -
Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by the Republic of Moldova
AS/Mon(2012)03 rev 14 March 2012 amondoc03r_2012 or. Engl. Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe (Monitoring Committee) Honouring of obligations and commitments by the Republic of Moldova Information note by the co-rapporteurs on their fact-finding visit to Chisinau (28 November – 1 December 2011) 1 Co-rapporteurs: Ms Lise CHRISTOFFERSEN, Norway, Socialist group, and Mr Piotr WACH, Poland, Group of the European People’s Party 1 This information note has been made public by decision of the Monitoring Committee dated 13 March 2012. F – 67075 Strasbourg Cedex | e-mail: [email protected] | Tel: + 33 3 88 41 2000 | Fax: +33 3 88 41 2733 AS/Mon(2012)03rev I. Introduction 1. After a first visit to Chisinau and Comrat in March 2011 (see doc. AS/Mon (2011) 13 rev), we paid a second fact-finding visit to the Republic of Moldova from 28 November to 1 December 2011. The programme of the visit is appended. We intended to address the implementation of Resolution 1572 (2007) on The honouring of obligations and commitments by Moldova, Resolutions 1666 (2009) and 1692 (2009) on The functioning of democratic institutions , the state of play of the election of the President of the Republic, and other current issues, such as the reform of the judiciary, the action taken to combat corruption and organised crime, the legislation and measures to combat discrimination and the latest developments in Transnistria. 2. The support of the Moldovan delegation to the PACE, the Moldovan parliament, and Mr Ulvi Akhundlu, Head of the Council of Europe Office in Chisinau, was again precious for facilitating our meetings, including with the acting President and Speaker, Mr Marian Lupu, the Prime Minister, Mr Filat, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Leanca, the Vice-Speaker of the parliament, Mr Plahotniuc, high-level representatives of the judiciary and enforcement bodies, representatives of the media and NGOs. -
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova March 2016 Detailed Methodology • The survey was coordinated and analyzed by Dr. Rasa Ališauskienė from public opinion and market research company Baltic Surveys/The Gallup Organization on behalf of the International Republican Institute. The field work was carried out by Magenta Consulting. • Data was collected throughout Moldova (except in Transnistria) between March 11-25, 2016 through face-to-face interviews at respondents’ homes. • The main sample consisted of 1,500 permanent residents of Moldova older than the age of 18 and eligible to vote with an oversample in the capital Chisinau. It is representative of the general population by age, gender, education, region and size of the settlement. • Multistage probability sampling method was used with the random route and next birthday respondent’s selection procedures. • Stage one: all districts of Moldova are grouped into 11 groups. All regions of Moldova were surveyed. • Stage two: selection of the settlements: cities and villages. o Settlements were selected at random. o The number of selected settlements in each region was proportional to the share of population living in a particular type of the settlement in each region. • Stage three: primary sampling units were described. • The margin of error does not exceed plus or minus 2.8 percent. • Response rate was 50 percent. • Charts and graphs may not add up to 100 percent due to rounding. • The survey was funded by the National Endowment for Democracy. 2 Overwhelming Dissatisfaction with Status -
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova September 2016 Detailed Methodology • The survey was coordinated by Dr. Rasa Ališauskienė from the public opinion and market research company, Baltic Surveys/The Gallup Organization on behalf of the International Republican Institute. The field work was carried out by Magenta Consulting. • Data was collected throughout Moldova (with the exception of Transnistria) between September 1–23, 2016 through face- to-face interviews at respondents’ homes. • The main sample consisted of 1,516 permanent residents of Moldova older than the age of 18 and eligible to vote. The survey also contained an oversample in the capital of Chisinau. It is representative of the general population by age, gender, education, region and size of the settlement. • Multistage probability sampling method was used with the random route and next birthday respondent’s selection procedures. • Stage One: All districts of Moldova are grouped into 11 groups. All regions of Moldova were surveyed. • Stage Two: Selection of the settlements – cities and villages. o Settlements were selected at random. o The number of selected settlements in each region was proportional to the share of population living in a particular type of the settlement in each region. • Stage Three: Primary sampling units were described. • The margin of error does not exceed plus or minus 2.8 percent. • The response rate was 61 percent. • Charts and graphs may not add up to 100 percent due to rounding. • The survey was funded by the National Endowment for Democracy. -
Will the Election Results Affect Moldova's Foreign Policy?
Analytical Bulletin by the Committee for Freedom of the Press email: [email protected] www.imedia.md phone / fax: + 373 22 21 41 55 news / news analysis: 2010, December 01 (ENG) • Daily summary: Tuesday, November 30 • Will the election results affect Moldova's foreign policy? Daily summary: Tuesday, November 30 CHIŞINĂU (Imedia) - The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) meets to come up with an offer to govern together with the Democratic Party (DP) and the Liberal Party (LP). „We will negotiate with our alliance colleagues. We will not change our coalition partners. The LDP will not, however, accept blackmail and conditions. /.../ Before we move on to distributing seats we need to set up principles according to which the next alliance will function,” LDP head Vlad Filat says. Although a meeting between the three party leaders was initially scheduled for November 29, it was postponed for December 1 after Mr. Filat said he needed to speak to Chisinau's foreign partners, including the European People's Party and foreign ambassadors. The LDP head also announced he would hold talks with the Party of Communists (PC). „I am interested in their viewpoint on the situation in Moldova,” Mr. Filat noted. The P.M. was optimistic about being able to convince the Communists to vote for the President. The LP, the LDP, and the DP hold 59 seats in the new Parliament. They need 61 to elect a head of state. * * * DP honorary head Dumitru Diacov tells Russian daily Nezavisimaia Gazeta that negotiations to create a new governing coalition will begin after the Communists and the Liberal Democrats present a viewpoint.