Fort Caroline NATIONAL MEMORIAL Florida the FORT CAROLINE COLONY Meadow Outside the Fort

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Fort Caroline NATIONAL MEMORIAL Florida the FORT CAROLINE COLONY Meadow Outside the Fort Fort Caroline NATIONAL MEMORIAL Florida THE FORT CAROLINE COLONY meadow outside the fort. In honor of King FAMINE When uneasy peace again prevailed, a little Charles IX, the colony was named Fort During the winter and spring of 1564-65, fleet of 3 vessels assembled at Havre de Grace Caroline. the Indians withdrew as usual to the forests to convey some 300 people to a new land. and hunted for their food until their new Of this number, 110 were sailors, 120 sol­ crops of beans and corn ripened. Without FORT INDIAN NEIGHBORS diers, and the rest artisans, servants, and a Indian help, the French were close to famine. few women—but no farmers. Most of them The new settlement was in the midst of In desperation, Laudonniere seized Outina, were Huguenots. The commander was Rene the Timucua Indian country. Chief Saturiba planning to ransom him for corn and beans de Laudonniere, a skilled mariner who had presented a wedge of silver which, he said, from native storehouses. The exchange was CAROLINE came from enemy Indians farther up the St. made, but as the French left Outina's village, been with Ribaut on the 1562 voyage. On June 25, 1564, the expedition anchored Johns. Laudonniere sent envoys upriver; they walked into an ambush. Most of the off the St. Johns River in Florida. For the they procured a few more pounds of silver, hardwon supplies were lost. The settlers NATIONAL MEMORIAL site of the colony, the French chose a broad, along with stories of a great chief named decided to repair a vessel and go back to flat knoll on the river shore about 5 miles Outina, whose allies wore armor of gold and France. from its mouth. With Indian help they silver. But Laudonniere's efforts to promote Just at this time, the English slave trader raised a triangular fort of earth and wood peace between Outina and Saturiba only John Hawkins happened into the St. Johns Commemorating the French colony of 1564-65 on the St. Johns River of Florida. which enclosed several palm-thatched build­ alienated Saturiba. And the French de­ to refill his water casks. The French traded ings. Other houses were built in the pended heavily upon Saturiba for food. cannon and powder for supplies and one of HEN FORT CAROLINE was founded, At this period, France was in trouble, torn Hawkins' four ships. By August 15 they W there was no other European colony by religious strife and exhausted by her Euro­ were ready to leave, chafing for a favorable on the North American continent this side pean wars. The Admiral of France, Gas- wind. pard de Coligny, sought to strengthen his of Mexico. By planting this colony, France SPAIN'S DECISION hoped for a share of the New World claimed country by uniting Catholic and Huguenot Le Moyne's sketch of Chief Saturiba. As the mutineers had proved, the French by Spain. The French move forced Spain to (Protestant) against the traditional Spanish colony was a threat to Spanish commerce. The French and the Indians in Florida as depicted by Le Moyne. act and brought on the first decisive conflict enemy. French bases in Spanish America For the Spanish treasure fleets would have to between Europeans for the area now included were part of his plan. MUTINY sail past Fort Caroline, following the Gulf in continental United States. At Fort Car­ Stream seaway to the Azores and home. and if "there were settlers or corsairs of other Against the advice of his captains and oline, the battle between France and Spain For Coligny's purpose, Canada, though al­ There were other troubles. Restless ex­ Further, the fort was a possible base for nations whatsoever not subject to Us ... to Laudonniere, Ribaut decided to attack the for supremacy in North America was joined. ready explored by Cartier and Roberval, was plorers found that Indian silver came only attack upon the Indies. The French rulers drive them out by what means you see fit." Spanish. In the hurricane season, it was a too far north. A 1555 settlement in Brazil from wrecked Spanish ships; there were no asserted that the settlement was in French fateful mistake. A storm blew up. The had been destroyed by the Portuguese. There­ mines in Florida. Impatient with the wil­ HIGH ADVENTURE IN NEW LANDS territory, but to the Spaniards it was a pirates' THE FIGHT FOR FLORIDA fleet was driven ashore and wrecked many fore, Coligny looked to Florida. In 1562 derness, 13 mutineers stole a vessel and sailed nest on Spanish land. A Spanish armada left Ribaut reached Fort Caroline on August leagues south of St. Augustine. Treasure beyond man's imagination was he sent out an expedition under the Huguenot southward to make their fortunes. After Cadiz for Florida in July 1565. 28, just as the colonists were about to sail for Menendez knew that Ribaut's fleet was the reward of Spanish conquistadores in the Jean Ribaut (also spelled Ribault), a man of taking a Spanish treasure vessel and plunder­ But another fleet was already on the high France. Cargoes went into the storehouses, paralyzed by the weather. He guessed that New World. Some 200 productive settle­ unusual experience and ability. Ribaut ing a Cuban hamlet, they were finally seized seas. Jean Ribaut had left France with rein­ and there was no more talk of leaving. most of the fighting men were aboard the ments were thriving in tropical America. touched at the St. Johns River, then left a by the Spaniards. Now Spain had first­ forcements—soldiers, gentlemen, and arti­ That same day, the Spaniard Menendez ships. Now was the time to attack the settle­ But to the north, in the vast "continent" of small garrison at present-day Port Royal hand information about the Florida colony. sans with their families—for Fort Caroline. was off the coast, searching for the French­ ment! With 500 men, guided by Indians Florida, men like Ponce de Leon and De Soto Sound, S. C. Civil war in France prevented That winter 66 other mutineers seized the He knew of the armada being readied at men. Five days later he found the French and a French prisoner, he marched through found death, not riches. In 1561 the Span­ reinforcement, and after much suffering, the 2 barks built by the artisans of the colony Cadiz by Pedro Menendez de Aviles. "See ships anchored at the mouth of the St. Johns. the storm toward Fort Caroline. ish King forbade further attempts to settle survivors built a crude craft and crossed the and captured 3 Spanish vessels, before they that you suffer him not to encroach upon He tried to board them, but they cut their North America. Atlantic to home. were cornered off Jamaica by a Spanish squad­ you," Coligny had written, "no more than he anchor cables and escaped. Menendez SPANISH CAPTURE OF FORT CAROLINE ron. Some were hanged as pirates, but 26 would that you should encroach upon him." dropped down the coast a few leagues to the About 240 people were left at the French The National Park System, of which this area is a unit, is dedicated to conserving the escaped and made their way back to the Menendez, the foremost admiral of Spain, south, and on September 8 established the fort. In the miserable weather, M. de la scenic, scientific, and historic heritage of the United States for the benefit and inspira­ French at Fort Caroline, where the ring­ had equally specific orders. King Philip colony destined to live through the years as Vigne took pity on his sentries and sent them tion of its people. Rene de Laudonniere, French commander of Fort Gaspard de Coligny, The Admiral of France. leaders were shot. charged him to explore and colonize Florida, St. Augustine. to quarters. At dawn the Spaniards swept Caroline. MATANZAS What about Ribaut's shipwrecked men? Perhaps 500 escaped the pounding surf and hostile Indian arrows, only to face Spanish soldiers. Hungry and helpless, 350 of them Fort Caroline surrendered. Menendez had them killed. NATIONAL MEMORIAL The site of the massacre still bears the name Matanzas (slaughters). Those who did not surrender were captured later and their lives Florida spared, for they were no longer a threat. Menendez summarized the campaign: "Of a thousand French with an armada of twelve sail who had landed here when I reached these provinces, only two vessels have es­ caped, and those very miserable ones, with some forty or fifty persons in them." Fort Caroline visitor center overlooks lost site. FRENCH REVENGE THE SITE IN LATER YEARS off on the St. Johns Bluff Road or Girvin Destruction of the colony caused a furor Road, then east on Fort Caroline Road. The Spanish maintained San Mateo in France. But the Spanish held that the throughout the colonial period. During colonists were pirates—as well as heretics. MISSION 66 British ownership of Florida (1763-83), Pedro Menendez de Aviles, Spanish governor of And the interests of the French and Spanish another settlement developed here, with a Mission 66 is a program designed to be Florida. royal families were such that friendly rela­ defensive earthwork on St. Johns Bluff. completed by 1966 which will assure the tions had to be maintained. Revenge was a Zephaniah Kingsley, well-known slave maximum protection of the scenic, scientific, down upon the unguarded settlement. In task for others. trader, built a shipyard nearby during the wilderness, and historic resources of the the confusion, someone opened the fort gate, Dominique de Gourgues, a 40-year-old early 1800's.
Recommended publications
  • White Lies: Human Property and Domestic Slavery Aboard the Slave Ship Creole
    Atlantic Studies ISSN: 1478-8810 (Print) 1740-4649 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rjas20 White lies: Human property and domestic slavery aboard the slave ship Creole Walter Johnson To cite this article: Walter Johnson (2008) White lies: Human property and domestic slavery aboard the slave ship Creole , Atlantic Studies, 5:2, 237-263, DOI: 10.1080/14788810802149733 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14788810802149733 Published online: 26 Sep 2008. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 679 View related articles Citing articles: 3 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rjas20 Download by: [Harvard Library] Date: 04 June 2017, At: 20:53 Atlantic Studies Vol. 5, No. 2, August 2008, 237Á263 White lies: Human property and domestic slavery aboard the slave ship Creole Walter Johnson* We cannot suppress the slave trade Á it is a natural operation, as old and constant as the ocean. George Fitzhugh It is one thing to manage a company of slaves on a Virginia plantation and quite another to quell an insurrection on the lonely billows of the Atlantic, where every breeze speaks of courage and liberty. Frederick Douglass This paper explores the voyage of the slave ship Creole, which left Virginia in 1841 with a cargo of 135 persons bound for New Orleans. Although the importation of slaves from Africa into the United States was banned from 1808, the expansion of slavery into the American Southwest took the form of forced migration within the United States, or at least beneath the United States’s flag.
    [Show full text]
  • Mutiny on the Bounty: a Piece of Colonial Historical Fiction Sylvie Largeaud-Ortega University of French Polynesia
    4 Nordhoff and Hall’s Mutiny on the Bounty: A Piece of Colonial Historical Fiction Sylvie Largeaud-Ortega University of French Polynesia Introduction Various Bounty narratives emerged as early as 1790. Today, prominent among them are one 20th-century novel and three Hollywood movies. The novel,Mutiny on the Bounty (1932), was written by Charles Nordhoff and James Norman Hall, two American writers who had ‘crossed the beach’1 and settled in Tahiti. Mutiny on the Bounty2 is the first volume of their Bounty Trilogy (1936) – which also includes Men against the Sea (1934), the narrative of Bligh’s open-boat voyage, and Pitcairn’s Island (1934), the tale of the mutineers’ final Pacific settlement. The novel was first serialised in the Saturday Evening Post before going on to sell 25 million copies3 and being translated into 35 languages. It was so successful that it inspired the scripts of three Hollywood hits; Nordhoff and Hall’s Mutiny strongly contributed to substantiating the enduring 1 Greg Dening, ‘Writing, Rewriting the Beach: An Essay’, in Alun Munslow & Robert A Rosenstone (eds), Experiments in Rethinking History, New York & London, Routledge, 2004, p 54. 2 Henceforth referred to in this chapter as Mutiny. 3 The number of copies sold during the Depression suggests something about the appeal of the story. My thanks to Nancy St Clair for allowing me to publish this personal observation. 125 THE BOUNTY FROM THE BEACH myth that Bligh was a tyrant and Christian a romantic soul – a myth that the movies either corroborated (1935), qualified
    [Show full text]
  • Timucua Indians
    History of Fort Caroline The U.S. National Park Service (2012) Timucua Indians: "They be all naked and of goodly stature, mighty, faire and as well shapen…as any people in all the worlde, very gentill, curtious and of good nature… the men be of tawny color, hawke nosed and of a pleasant countenance…the women be well favored and modest…” French explorer Jean Ribault was impressed by the first native peoples he encountered in Florida. The Timucuans under Chief Saturiwa, who met the French at the mouth of the River of May in 1562, were one of a number of Timucua-speaking tribes who inhabited central and north Florida and southeastern Georgia. They were the final stage of a culture whose way of life had remained essentially unchanged for more than 1000 years. A Foothold in Florida: During the sixteenth century, France was determined to expand its empire. Spain, the world’s leading power, already had a foothold in the Americas, and France wanted a share of the riches the Spanish were gaining through trade and plunder. France’s first attempt to stake a permanent claim in North America was at La Caroline, a settlement near the mouth of the St. Johns River in Florida. At first, the settlement was to be a commercial venture, but religious conflict in France broadened the goals. The growing persecution of French Protestants (Huguenots) led their most powerful member, Admiral Gaspard de Coligny, to make a proposal to the crown: the colony could also be a refuge for Huguenots. An exploratory expedition, commanded by Jean Ribault, left France in February 1562.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 10 RIPOSTE and REPRISE
    Chapter 10 RIPOSTE AND REPRISE ...I have given the name of the Strait of the Mother of God, to what was formerly known as the Strait of Magellan...because she is Patron and Advocate of these regions....Fromitwill result high honour and glory to the Kings of Spain ... and to the Spanish nation, who will execute the work, there will be no less honour, profit, and increase. ...they died like dogges in their houses, and in their clothes, wherein we found them still at our comming, untill that in the ende the towne being wonderfully taynted with the smell and the savour of the dead people, the rest which remayned alive were driven ... to forsake the towne.... In this place we watered and woodded well and quietly. Our Generall named this towne Port famine.... The Spanish riposte: Sarmiento1 Francisco de Toledo lamented briefly that ‘the sea is so wide, and [Drake] made off with such speed, that we could not catch him’; but he was ‘not a man to dally in contemplations’,2 and within ten days of the hang-dog return of the futile pursuers of the corsair he was planning to lock the door by which that low fellow had entered. Those whom he had sent off on that fiasco seem to have been equally, and reasonably, terrified of catching Drake and of returning to report failure; and we can be sure that the always vehement Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa let his views on their conduct be known. He already had the Viceroy’s ear, having done him signal if not too scrupulous service in the taking of the unfortunate Tupac Amaru (above, Ch.
    [Show full text]
  • From Murmuring to Mutiny Bruce Buchan School of Humanities, Languages and Social Sciences Griffith University
    Civility at Sea: From Murmuring to Mutiny Bruce Buchan School of Humanities, Languages and Social Sciences Griffith University n 1749 the articles of war that regulated life aboard His Britannic Majesty’s I vessels stipulated: If any Person in or belonging to the Fleet shall make or endeavor to make any mutinous Assembly upon any Pretense whatsoever, every Person offending herein, and being convicted thereof by the Sentence of the Court Martial, shall suffer Death: and if any Person in or belong- ing to the Fleet shall utter any Words of Sedition or Mutiny, he shall suffer Death, or such other Punishment as a Court Martial shall deem him to deserve. [Moreover] if any Person in or belonging to the Fleet shall conceal any traitorous or mutinous Words spoken by any, to the Prejudice of His Majesty or Government, or any Words, Practice or Design tending to the Hindrance of the Service, and shall not forthwith reveal the same to the Commanding Officer; or being present at any Mutiny or Sedition, shall not use his utmost Endeavors to suppress the same, he shall be punished as a Court Martial shall think he deserves.1 These stern edicts inform a common image of the cowed life of ordinary sailors aboard vessels of the Royal Navy during its golden age, an image affirmed by the testimony of Jack Nastyface (also known as William Robinson, 1787–ca. 1836), for whom the sailor’s lot involved enforced silence under threat of barbarous and tyrannical punishment.2 In the soundscape of maritime life 1 Articles 19 and 20 of An Act for Amending, Explaining and Reducing into One Act of Parliament, the Laws Relating to the Government of His Majesty’s Ships, Vessels and Forces by Sea (also known as the 1749 Naval Act or the Articles of War), 22 Geo.
    [Show full text]
  • Mutiny in the Royal Navy, 1740 to 1820
    ASRXXX10.1177/0003122415618991American Sociological ReviewHechter et al. 6189912015 American Sociological Review 1 –25 Grievances and the Genesis © American Sociological Association 2015 DOI: 10.1177/0003122415618991 of Rebellion: Mutiny in the http://asr.sagepub.com Royal Navy, 1740 to 1820 Michael Hechter,a Steven Pfaff,b and Patrick Underwoodb Abstract Rebellious collective action is rare, but it can occur when subordinates are severely discontented and other circumstances are favorable. The possibility of rebellion is a check—sometimes the only check—on authoritarian rule. Although mutinies in which crews seized control of their vessels were rare events, they occurred throughout the Age of Sail. To explain the occurrence of this form of high-risk collective action, this article holds that shipboard grievances were the principal cause of mutiny. However, not all grievances are equal in this respect. We distinguish between structural grievances that flow from incumbency in a subordinate social position and incidental grievances that incumbents have no expectation of suffering. Based on a case- control analysis of incidents of mutiny compared with controls drawn from a unique database of Royal Navy voyages from 1740 to 1820, in addition to a wealth of qualitative evidence, we find that mutiny was most likely to occur when structural grievances were combined with incidental ones. This finding has implications for understanding the causes of rebellion and the attainment of legitimate social order more generally. Keywords social movements, collective action, insurgency, conflict, military authority Since the 1970s, grievances have had a roller grievances that are situational and unlikely to coaster career in studies of insurgency and appear in standard datasets, together with the collective action.
    [Show full text]
  • Untitled [Bradley Cesario on Shanghaiing Sailors: A
    Mark Strecker. Shanghaiing Sailors: A Maritime History of Forced Labor, 1849/1915. Jefferson: McFarland & Company, 2014. 260 pp. $39.95, paper, ISBN 978-0-7864-9451-4. Reviewed by Bradley Cesario Published on H-War (August, 2017) Commissioned by Margaret Sankey (Air University) “Shanghaiing” conjures up tales of the sea--of the legal history of the court cases that ended the forced voyages, secret liaisons, and oceanic cross‐ practice in the United States in 1915. ings. While fully understanding and drawing Unfortunately, it must be said that there are upon the romantic side of these tales, Mark two major issues with Strecker’s work. The frst is Strecker sets out to undertake a more scholarly a question of definition. The author notes early in examination of the phenomenon. His work the frst chapter that shanghaiing specifically Shanghaiing Sailors: A Maritime History of refers to “the kidnapping and forcing of a man to Forced Labor, 1849-1915 “presents not only a com‐ serve on board a merchant ship” (p. 3). However, prehensive history of shanghaiing, which peaked many of the examples and anecdotes used relate roughly between 1850 and 1915 … but also exam‐ to entirely separate maritime activities--impress‐ ines the nineteenth-century seafarer’s world and ment/the press gang, privateering, and piracy. All the circumstances that created the perfect storm three of these are covered as activities distinct of events which made shanghaiing a lucrative from shanghaiing, with the result that the reason business” (p. 1). for their inclusion in the volume is somewhat un‐ To accomplish this, Strecker divides his work clear.
    [Show full text]
  • 04 Dive Trail History.Cdr
    Iona II Dive trail History & Shipbuilding Booklet For a vessel with such a short history, the Iona II provides numerous stories about the development of the mass leisure industry and the glory days of shipbuilding on the Clyde. It also demonstrates the connections between the UK and the American Civil War. The Iona II ended its colourful life with a crew mutiny on the vessel’s final voyage. www.landmarktrust.org.uk/lundyisland/iona-ii-dive-trail navigating the wreck Parts of this Information Booklet correspond with the Shipbuilding Underwater Guide. The letters on the plan below are also on the Shipbuilding Underwater Guide and correspond to areas of interest around the wreck which are explored further in this booklet. The Iona II wreck site is on the east coast of Lundy Island. The seabed around the Iona II wreck is generally flat, with a slight slope east of the amidships area. The seabed is coarse, firm, level mud and fine silt with some areas of fine sand within the wreck and some gravel patches around the boilers. The wreck lies at 22 to 28 metres depending upon the state of the tide. Visibility can vary from 1 to 15 metres. The best time to dive is at slack water, which is two hours either side of low water. N F G A B E Ro D ber t C 0 10m Access to the Iona II Dive Trail is via the Robert wreck buoy. From the Robert’s rudder, head 35m on a bearing of 245 degrees or WSW to reach the Iona II.
    [Show full text]
  • Framing the Mutiny in a Punch Cartoon and a Lucknow Diary
    Women and the Indian Mutiny: Framing the Mutiny in a Punch Cartoon and a Lucknow Diary Anna Matei Abstract Artefacts and news coverage created in Britain during the Indian mutiny represented and interpreted that conflict, creating meaning for the public and the victims of the mutiny. Tenniel’s Punch cartoon ‘The British Lion’s Vengeance on the Bengal Tiger’ and Katherine Bartrum’s Lucknow diary constructed meaning through dialogue with national and sectional culture. Both wanted to be understood, and so used and linked elements of British and narrower community tradition to create their representations. In the process, they constructed women’s place in the mutiny too, but while one focused on women as symbolic victims, the other represented their real, personal suffering. The Indian mutiny, 1857-58, was interpreted and defined in contemporary Britain through public discourse built to a large extent by men around the symbol of woman as victim, but also shaped by women as active creators of news and interpretation.1 Literature on the subject of women in the mutiny tends to focus on their function in the national debate as rallying points – defenceless victims whose deaths served the British as cause and justification for violent retribution. The importance of this function, and women’s self-characterisation, to British empire-building in the later nineteenth century is also highlighted.2 This article shall focus on the way the collective conversation around the mutiny led to the framing of women’s experience in India in a way that was, in fact, more complex than the literature suggests.
    [Show full text]
  • The Price of Amity: of Wrecking, Piracy, and the Tragic Loss of the 1750 Spanish Treasure Fleet
    The Price of Amity: Of Wrecking, Piracy, and the Tragic Loss of the 1750 Spanish Treasure Fleet Donald G. Shomette La flotte de trésor espagnole navigant de La Havane vers l'Espagne en août 1750 a été prise dans un ouragan et a échoué sur les bancs extérieures de la Virginie, du Maryland et des Carolinas. En dépit des hostilités alors récentes et prolongées entre l'Espagne et l'Angleterre, 1739-48, les gouvernements coloniaux britanniques ont tenté d'aider les Espagnols à sauver leurs navires et à protéger leurs cargaisons. Ces gouvernements, cependant, se sont trouvés impuissants face aux “naufrageurs” rapaces à terre et les pirates en mer qui ont emporté la plus grande partie du trésor et de la cargaison de grande valeur. The Spanish treasure fleet of 1750 sailed from Havana late in August of that year into uncertain waters. The hurricane season was at hand, and there was little reason for confidence in the nominal state of peace with England, whose seamen had for two centuries preyed on the treasure ships. The bloody four-year conflict known in Europe as the War of Austrian Succession and in the Americas as King George's War had been finally concluded with the signing of the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle only in October 1748 by the wearied principal combatants, France and Spain, which had been aligned against England. England and Spain, in fact, had been at war since 1739. Like many such contests between great empires throughout history, the initial Anglo-Spanish conflict and the larger war of 1744-48 had ended in little more than a draw.
    [Show full text]
  • French Meeting Timucua in Jacques Le Moyne De Morgues
    A Staged Encounter: French Meeting Timucua in Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues FRANK LESTRINGANT The rituals and ceremonials were not the decorative covering of the alliances; they were its sinews. —Richard White, The Middle Ground (1991) In 1591, a quarter of a century after the destruction of the French settlements in Florida by the Spanish adelantado Menéndez de Avilés in autumn of 1565, there appeared in Frankfurt the second volume of Théodore de Bry’s Great Voyages, the Brevis Narratio of Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues.1 It included an extraordinary series of forty-two copper-plates depicting the Timucua Native Americans2 engaged in a variety of everyday activities, both in peacetime and war. The space represented in these engravings is neither neutral nor objective. It is, rather, a “theater,” in the sense the word often held in the sixteenth century—that is, a kind of visualization device, but one with a bias. This compendium of texts and engravings places the iconography face-to-face with the texts it accompanies, and with which it maintains a complex relationship that cannot simply be reduced to an illustrative role. By 1591, however, this representation had already become anachronistic. Reviving colonial activities was no longer possible, since the territories were now occupied by Spain, and the French monarchy had in the meantime been torn apart by the Wars of Religion. If, indeed, such a revival were conceivable within the hierarchy of Europe, it could only be accomplished under the auspices of the Protestant powers, with England and Holland foremost among them. To be sure, De Bry’s editorial endeavor cannot be reduced to a geopolitical stratagem, though it certainly is that on some level.
    [Show full text]
  • Forum : Vol. 14, No. 01 (Spring : 1991)
    University of South Florida Scholar Commons FORUM : the Magazine of the Florida Humanities Florida Humanities 4-1-1991 Forum : Vol. 14, No. 01 (Spring : 1991) Florida Humanities Council. Peter Matthiessen John Hope Franklin Gordon Patterson J. D. McClatchy See next page for additional authors Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/forum_magazine Recommended Citation Florida Humanities Council.; Matthiessen, Peter; Franklin, John Hope; Patterson, Gordon; McClatchy, J. D.; and Szuchman, Mark D., "Forum : Vol. 14, No. 01 (Spring : 1991)" (1991). FORUM : the Magazine of the Florida Humanities. 10. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/forum_magazine/10 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Florida Humanities at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FORUM : the Magazine of the Florida Humanities by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Authors Florida Humanities Council., Peter Matthiessen, John Hope Franklin, Gordon Patterson, J. D. McClatchy, and Mark D. Szuchman This article is available at Scholar Commons: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/forum_magazine/10 THE MAGAZINE OF THE FLORIDA ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES FEH Spring * 1991 RFORUM INSIDE * Peter Matthiessen on Killing Mister Watson Introduction by Carl Hiaasen * John Hope Franklin Traverses the Road to Race and History * Le Moyne’s Florida: Europe’s First Pictures from America * A Visit with Two Great Poets: Richard Wilbur and James Merrill _____________________________________ BOARD MEMBERS Carl Christian Andersen THE HUMANITIES Leesburg Marcia Beach Philosophy, ethics, religion, history, art criticism, Ft. Lauderdale Samuel P. Bell Ill literature, language, linguistics, folkilfe, Tallahassee archaeology, anthropology and jurisprudence.
    [Show full text]