IN THIS ISSUE

-HAYDEN ON CHICAGO -THREE-MONTH STRIKE DECEMBER 1969 $192 25* VOL. 5 NO. 11 -BOBBY SEALE FROM JAIL -LAOS: ANOTHER VIETNAM

THE MOVEMENT PRESS BULK RATE II. 8. POSTAGEl 330 Grove Street P A ID San Francisco, California 94102 lir. & Mrs. Grant Cannon 4907 Klatte Road JIm Fr-,ncl_, Call'. Cincinoati, . Oh io 45244 Permit No. 8603 REP ------LETTER FROM THE EDITORS The Students for a Democratic Society, We have reorganized the editorial the Radical Education Project and other board of THE MOVEMENT. Our staff radical groups in Detroit, were set-up now includes representatives of various for harassment in the Detroit FreePress revolutionary collectives in the Bay article of October 30, 1969 which printed Area. (SDS, Newsre':!l, RU, the Hayward one of ouf names and several addresses. Collective and hopefully more in the The article implied that we were future.) . PHAM VAN DONG responsi.ble for the unrest in local high The basic editorial policy ofthe news­ schools this' fall. We believe that this paper will not change. We plan to con­ evasion of the real cause of discontent tinue to develop and change, as we is an obvious attempt to intimidate us for J1ave done in the past, along with the Dear American Friends, that the U.S. 'government com­ our polltical beliefs and to destroy the development of the movement in gen­ The progressive people of the pletely and unconditionally pullout right to dissent guaranteed to all Amer­ eral. We made the reorganization sothat United States have so far strug­ of Vietnam all U.S. troops and icans. the newspaper could continue to be organ- gled against the war of aggression those of foreign countries belong­ The article contained testimony of De­ -ically linked with on-going practice and in Vietnam. This fall. the broad ing to its camp, and let the Viet­ tective Sgt. Allen Crouter of the Detroit mass work. . masses of the American people, namese people decide themselves Police Department givenbefore the House In the past few months you may have encouraged and supported by many their own destiny. . Internal security Committee and other ll0ticed that we have fewer stories from peace - and - justice - loving The Vietnamese people deeply such committees (including the Huber Ilround the country. This is not inten­ Amt!rican personalities, have cherish peace, but a peace in in­ Committee in Michigan) serve to harass tional. Our newspaper reflects the gen­ again started a broad and power­ dependence and freedom. So long and intimidate people. They regularly eral problems that brothers and sisters ful drive in the wbole country to as the U.S. government has not release one-Sided, unsubstantiated "in_ have everywhere. When people are in­ demand that the Nixon administra­ stopped its aggression in Vietnam, formational" gossip that is designed to volved in heavy action and internal has­ tion stop the war of aggression in the Vietnamese people will ten­ make people afraid of a threatened sles, they just don't write articles. We Vietnam, and immediately bring aciously fight on to defend their loss of freedom when all along these hope that this pattern is changing and home all U.S. troops. fundamental national rights. The committees work for the people who have that people who find the newspaper Your drive - eloquently reflects patriotic fight of our people is also already stolen that freedom. They work useful will understand that it can only the legitimate and pressingdemand a fight for the objectives of peace for the people' who every day steal our remain useful U everyone supports it. of .your people to save the honour and justice you are pursuing. labor, '!>teal our dignity, decide what Support means sendingus articles anal­ of the United States and to avoid . We are firmly confident that kind of dissent is all right, and gen­ yzing your practice in a way that will for their boys useless death in with the solidarity and courage of erally keep us frustrated in our attempts be useful for sisters and brothers to Vietnam. This is also a very our two peoples, with the sympathy to get together black, brown, and . learn from. Support means also, help­ fitting and timely answer to the and support of the peace loving white oppressed people, to do something ing us with distribution. Hundreds of U.S. authorities who stubbornly people in the world, the struggle about our problems. people who used to be able to find the persist in intensUying and pro­ of the Vietnamese people and of The material presented before this pewspaper easily (in Chicago and New longing the war of aggression in . the progressive people in the committee indicates the irresponsible York, especially), can no longer do so. Vietnam, in defiance of the pro­ United States against U.S. ag­ nature of the committee which must We need people to take responsibilityfor tests of American and world pu­ grQssion will end in total victory. resort to such phoney grabbing of head­ distributing large numbers of papers to blic opinion. lines to insure the continued exercise of bookstores, campuses, meetings, andon The Vietnamese people and the Cordial greeting. its illegitimate power. the streets. If anyone is interested in world's peoples fully approve and PHAM VAN DONG The Detroit Free Press, in this in­ becoming a MOVEMENT distributor, warmly haU your just struggle. Prime Minister of the'DemOcratic stance, has served as the mouthpiece for write us now. (You can even make some The Vietnamese people demand Republic of Vietnal1i this harasssment and along with the so­ bread U you're dedicated enough) Support called public police department has also means money. Our debts are piling proven not an impartial protector of jus­ up again, so send what you can. tice and freedom, but rather a decider Power to the People. of who shall and shall not be free. We J.I. CASE _ will not be intimidated. The people will not refrain from uniting to create a society that serves and protects aU Dear Editor: students faced during the Case' strike of its citizens. The article by Reese Erlich in the last was less of having "an inflated view issue of the MOVEMENT on the strike of their (the workers') consciousness" The Rep Staff at J.l. Case Company reflects a deep­ than of having an inflated view oj your seated blindness and confusion on the part own role in the strike. It is very im. of the author - an inability to grasp the portant that workers and students engage nature of that struggle. Increasingly a­ in joint struggles - but also as an im­ cross the country and within every portant education experiencefor students major capitalist country, students are to take orders from workers and to serve joining in struggle with workers against and support workers in their struggles their common oppressor. The conver­ with the boss - on the workers' terms. THIS ISSUE IS DEDICATED TO THE CONSPIRACY. gence of these two streams of struggle The attitudes and approach toward work­ represents an exciting and necessary ers and their organizations expressed in STOP THE TRIAL! development in the struggle against Mo­ Erlich's article will put off and frustrate nopoly capitalism. This development this contact - because student radicals who raises important questions which must insist that they know what's best for be dealt with. Unfortunately the Move­ workers will not be welcomed on the pic­ ment article through blind arrogance and ket line. confusion succeeds only in moving the If workers and students are ever going discussion from a higher to a lower to get together, it is primarily the level. job of students to lay the basis for it. I can only characterize fhe thrust of If students wish to express their sol­ APOLOGY the article as slanderous - against the idarity with workers they will have to men involved, against myself, and a­ demollstrate that they are there to sup­ The cover of our last issue was sabotaged by our ex-printer, Waller gainst our union. It is a lie that "the port the workers, not to use them. Press. Some wise guy drew white eyes on the photo of Los Siete, mak­ union leadership was out to screw the White student radicals must be par­ strikers from the very beginning". It ticularly on guard against falling into ing the brothers look like zombies. We apologize to Los Siete and we is a lie tbat "one top union official white supremacisterrors in their contact warn Waller to beware the wrath of the p~ople. arranged with the Distributors Asso­ with organizations of the people. The ciation and other warehouse management sweeping moral condemnation of a union to fire Tony.· It is a lie that "In a that has an approximately 50% black private meeting the ILWU leadershipat­ and brown membership with black and tempted to strike a bargain with the brown leadership at all levels including Case stewards (Get rid of the students a black president does not sitwell coming ADDRESSES! ADDRESSES! ADDRESSES! or no helpyo. It is a lie that" During the from middle class white students. stu,:, When you change your address, please let us entire Wildcat, corrupt union officials dents must leave behind them more than jtnow. The POST OFFICE DOES NOT FOWARD the news­ were scheming behind the scenes to "silver bullets· as they ride off into papers. Once a year we find out you've moved when your make sure Tony. was fired and the the sunset in their eternal searchfor the renewal notices get returned cause you've left no fowarding strike was settle by any means nec­ pure struggle. llddress. We have a pile of them and no idea of where essary." It is a lie that "The ILWU We have had dUferences with the union to send the papers. So let us know your new address. leadership deals mercilessly with any leadership on the conduct of the action insurgent group that would dare to cha­ at Case - just as they had criticisms llenge its power." of the conduct of the strikers, but these The approach ofthe author in analyzing dl!ferences' were hashed out at a stew­ this "wildcat" strike reflects a tremen­ ards meeting and were largely resolved. dous self-acknowledged though underes­ The one issue which is still unresolved THE MOVEMENT is published monthly by THE MOVEMENT PRESS, timated confusion. That is that students is whether students are a help or a hin­ 330 Grove Street, San Francisco, Ca.94102.---(415) 666 626-4577. can under the guise of supporting stri­ derance to ~th e struggles of the union. kers attempt to replace" corrupt unions· ; Articles like Erlich's lend credence to ­ Subscriptions: 2.50/ year; 3.00/ year foreign; 5.00/ year for libraries, that students can under the guise of statements that "Students don't give a and governmental agencies; 10: OO/year foreign airmail. supporting strikers attempt to direct damn about our union·. "They are un­ tactics of a strike. Unions are the disciplined and uncontrollable on a picket SPECIAL BULK RATES AVAILABLE. primary organization of workers to line - they only want to do their thing" . defend their economic interests - they are The article angers workers and confuses Arlene Eisen Bergman, editor. Staff: Lincoln Bergman,Joe Blum, not the main enemy. Even the most students. We are in a period of growing J'erry Densch, Gayle Dolgin, Marlene Charyn, Hank Reichman, corrupt unions have a defferent reiat­ repression and unity of all progressive Comalana Smith"Jan Stone and Nick Thorkelson.Johanna Alper. tionship to the workers than does the forces is the only basis for a counter boss. And the lLWU has a history of attack. The responsibility for establish­ Distributors, being one of the most democratic and ing a unity of action of organizedworkers Avenue,(~13) militant unions in the country. It still and students rests with the conscious Los Angeles • Bob Niemann, 1!357\ Federal 478":9509 is. elements on both sides. It will not come Detroit - NOC, Box 9571 North End StationI Detroit,' 48202. In addition Erlich shows an over­ about spontaneously - it must be fought whelming class bias - an arrogance and for. But it is necessary and we shallwin a cavelier attitude toward working people it. WE NEED MORE DISTRIBUTORS! HELP! as fit SUbjects for study through man­ ipulation and restudy. The problem the Tony Wilkinson J: PAGE 2 THE MOVEMENT DECEMBER 1969 BRING IT HOME

BY BOBBY SEALE EDITORS' NOTE: Bobby Seale, Chairman of that they're waging that war for some inequality and unjustness against those people. And it's evident the Black Panther Party and a prisoner of that it is being waged for this reason on their part war, is back in the San Francisco jail, serving because of the fact that there is no equality and there's his contemptible four-year sentence and no justice at home for people right.here in America, like awaiting extradition hearings. He sent the Black people in .particular who've suffered under ­ racism and brutaiity and murder for 400 years following message to the Moratorium. right here in America. It's evident and it's clear that if there is genocide in a country as in Germany during World War II, then anything that ruling class This is Bobby Seale in the San Francisco County fascist government does outside is also unjust and is Jail. I just arrived back here today November 10th, also aggression and is also outtodeny and murder and Monday. And there's a word to be said to the pro­ kill people. gressive forces inAmerica, about imperialism abroad, What we have to understand is thatright here and domestic imperialism (fascism) here at home. at home in America we have to oppose imperialism, It's correct that many millions of people, 55-60 also. That you can't just fight imperialism, the acts percent of the nation or more,. are fed up with this of imperialism abroad, without understanding and rec­ unjust, aggressive war against the Vietnamese people. ognizing community imperialism abroad, without under­ It's understood that the Vietnamesepeople are fighting ognizing community imperialsim here of Black people, for their right to self determination, their z:ight to Brown people, Red people and even to the point of determine their own destiny in their own land/country, protesting students and radicals and progressive in their communities. It's good that progressive forces peoples here, in America. (organizations and people) can come forth and mass and. Domestrc imperialism at home is in fact fascism. demonstrate and redress their grievances against the But what in essence is it? I think Black people if government for waging such a war against people we go over the concrete experiences that we've had unjustly, not only in Vietnam, but anywhere else in' in America and what's going on now against us we the world. But its got to be understood that if there can understand exactly what it is - to be corralled is imperialism abroad, if there is a war going on in wretched ghettoes in America and look up one day in the part of the fascist ruling class circles that and see numerous policemen occupying our community, are infested inside the U.S. government, if there is and brutalizing us, killing brother Linthcombe, a war going on that they perpetrate and put together murdering young Bobby Hutton. The fact that much To· the Peace Forces, the progressive forces there, it must be understood that they're not waging brutality goes on to the extent that all the fascist in America, the protestors, those who know. the that war for those peoples'right to selfdetermination, press and all the demagogic politicians say it and war in Vietnam is unjust, those who are going the only thing that the courts put out is that it's sup­ to the streets and demonstrating, those who think posedly II justifiable homicide" on the part of police­ they're really, really doing something - what they're men who occupy our community. doing in trying to end the war in Vietnam, is not The police state that exists here in America meaningful at all, yet. It's not meaningfUl at all right now is in fact fascism right before our eyes. and will not become meaningfUl at all ifyou really There are numerous examples of the police state want to stop the war in Vietnam, until you take some activities. Only last week, I hear and understand, action here in America against the ,fascist brutal that a young Black brother was allegedly or suppos­ forces against Black people here in America. The very edly cashing a so-called fictitious check' in a bank fact that the North Vietnamese goverm:nent has an­ here in San Francisco and was walking out of the nounced that they are willing to release prisoners of bank amongst a crowd of people and this police guard war, for the release and dropping of all charges runs out of the bank and he's only walking and. the and trumped-up charges against the Minister of De­ brother is shot dead in the mid-section of his back. fense Huey P. Newton , and myself, this should be He's dead and killed. Black brothers and Black people demanded also. This is directly relating to the very who have experienced and know these fascist tactics fact that we have to end police brutality and murder and know of too many cases and too many situations of Black people right here at home. Because the where young brothers and Black people have been gun­ Black Panther Party itself has moved in this dir­ ned down and murdered by these cops, and it's be­ ection from its very inception to get rid of those coming more and more out of hand. It's becoming out fascist forces that corral us, - of hand because in every major city, in every major This is the kind of action that has to be taken on metropolis where Black people live, police forces the part of the Peace Forces in' America and the have been doubled, tripled, and quadrupled. progressive forces inAmerica. And until they begin Also, the racist courts of America are justifying to do that they will not begin at all to stop imperialism: the police brutality and murder of Black people and any they will not begin at all to stop domestic imperialism. pe.ople. The democratic convention as EVERYBODY right here at home. YOU MUST MOVE AGAINST knows, as everybody saw on the T.V. and read in DOMESTIC IMPERIALISM, GROWING RAMPANT the papers was nothing more than pigs, 'cops running FASCISM - RIGHT HERE IN AMERICA BEFORE YOU rampant, brutalizing" murdering and bashing skulls. CAN END THE WAR IN VIETNAM OR ALL FORMS And many Black people looked on and said, "Look at - 'OF AGGRESSIVE WARS LIKE THAT AGAINST OTHER those White people getting beaten", because we knew PEOPLE ABROAD. The very fact that Black, Brown, we had been beaten and brutalized for many years Red and otherpeoples in America and poor people, even and still are. poor Vhite people, are corralled in wretched ghettos, They dragged me into this case. They put me as one especlally those people of color and Black people of the defendants there, and they literally, overtly, Whose communities are' occupied in the fashion they fascisticly, Pigishly, and racistly denied me my basic are and murdered. No, we can't continue to allow constitutional rights. Charles -R. Garry, the most ourselves to be duped with the notion that we're beautiful lawyer in the world, a revolutionary lawyer, doing something good until we learn to smash im­ was here at home going through an operation. He's a perialism right here at home. Because to smash beautiful brother. He's 60 years old and had to have an imperialism right here at home is to smash im­ operation for his health and couldn' t come to the court. perialism abroad. Smashing imperialism means taking Dr. Goodlett explained it to the court a month action, demanding that those prisoners of war be before the court even convened that Charles would allowed to come home. When you say "Bring the be risking his life, and I made motion after motion, Gl's home", bring the Gl's home. And we can bring request after request, and argued those requests the prisoners of war home by demanding that the US and those motions on my behalf in my attempts to government release political prisoners here in Am­ defend myself there and was literally denied, (lit­ erica. Beginning with Huey and me, right now in erally denied) my constitutional rights to be able America we will set a precedence of opposing fascism, to defend myself, after it was clear that my lawyer abroad and at home. If that is what the Vietnamese wouldn't be able to be there to assist me. For a people want, to release the political prisoners and man to stand up and demand his constitutional rights people here in America, then I say that the pro­ and in turn the court looks at him and denies him gressive forces have to take some action in that that is to say he's not intelligent enough to see what's direction; and they will be relating directly to smash­ going on. But in fact we Black people, we people,. all ing imperialism at home and recognizing that this people, American people, know that to deny people 'has to be done, . . their constitutional rights, their right to defend them­ People move. Black brothers and sisters, American selves, their right to council, or any constitutional people, it's time that we moved against fascism at !J.ome right is nothing. more than to justify the brutal because to smashfascism at home is to smash fascism .tactics, murderous fascist tactics ofthe police running forever abroad. rampant in the communities of America, and in particular the Black communities of America. ALL POWER TO THE PEOPLE DECEMBER 1969 THE MOVEMENT 'PAGE 3 --by SF Newsreel

whenever possible, and the Moratorium and the upsurge in popular opinion against the War has helped a lot in this work. However, we recognize that working within the schools is limited by the very system we are confront­ ing. Therefore, we see our primaryfunction as working outside the schools in neighborhood and regional The development of SF Newsreel has been groups/gangs that come together to struggle against parallel to that of the movement in general the growing repression of our culture and our lives over the past year. We confined ourselves to Specifically, film showings and raps in hoines and with films, making their own movies, picketing, gettin~ hang-outs serve to bring kids together to overcome the campuses, the hip and the black com­ food for the faml11es, and writing leaflets. Showing isolation from each other and from the struggle. munities, with occasional showings for the "Salt.of the Earth" has been very helpful in raising In both high schools and colleges we have been " masses atlarge."We were heavy in social questIons of male supremacy and chauvinism - in one concentrating our efforts at the lower track schools in practice but it was unguided, often mis­ case"women were allowed in the union meetingfor the our attempt to help build a working class movement. first time during the strike. Showing newsreels Most of our work at colleges has been with the com­ ?irected, and divorced from theory. We called munity and state colleges in the Bay Area - there ~t at S.aturday night parties in striking workers' homes prag!Uatism? eclecticism, etc., but in reality has become very popular - but we don't show too the contradictions between the ruling class and the It was Just plam old bourgeois ideology. students are more acute. The presence 'of Power many films or we kill the party. We also bring at these schools is more thinly veiled - there is plenty of beer and wine. ~ 0 111usion or bourgeois academic freedom. The We were forced to develop a strategy for our Some workers in Richmond got a union hall and work; our propaganda had to answer Mao's questions JUni~r colleges are run just like high school: students leafletted factories and shopping centers - they adver­ ar~n t al.lowed to leaflet, cut classes, set up free "of what and for whom?" We actively began studying tised free films - s.f. state and oil strike, the back Marxism-Leninism, learning its method and theory, umversitIes. They are expected to come to school of the leaflet was an explanation of the two strikes at 9:00 , leave at 3:00, learn their trade and join and testing it in daily work. Our strategy is in line and their relationship to each other. About 50 people with LinPiao's formulation of People's War: building the work force. showed up - don't expect great results at first. Since . School is only a transitional part of a persons a militant united front against U.S. imperialism.We then, regular screenings and discussions have been set see the absolute necessityfor working class leadership hfe, they don't identify themselves as "students" up every other week, often using feature films. and qUickly grasp the need for a political movement of the united front and thus our principal task is to help A similar series has been set up with a radical build 'a working class movement that will address itself that relates to their lives as a whole. The emphasis caucus in a union in S. F. Our long-range goal is of our films and raps has been to explain how they to the questions of imperialism, racism, women's worker's theatres in every community, not only liberation and socialism in amerika. are tracked into their class ("SF State Strike" "High showing films, but also speakers, musicians, theatre School Rising"), and how they are exploited (" Oil What this meant for Newsreel is making films that and dance. We are in the beginning stages of organ­ are aimed at working people - it meant showing films Strike", "W111mington"), how others are exploited izing a workers' theatre group. (" Black Panther","Vietnam"), and the need to unite' and 'speaking in union halls, peoples homes, strike Newsreel works closely with organizers and col­ lines. We've been making this a reality in the past the struggles against the common oppressor. The lectives in the bay area. Originally our films were silent strike footage is used to enlist student aid few months; some of our experiences are unique to considered tools for org-anizers, this is even more film making and the special relationships created but and support of striking workers. Third world stu­ so now. In situations where there are no organ­ dent organizations have used all our films continu­ most are valuable to any organizer. Our initial suc­ izers we push on ourselves, but it is essential for cesses have been very encouraging.·' We offer. our ously and effectively, in classes, meeting, etc. the movement that collectives of working class or­ Our success with white students is limited few experiences as models for other organizers to learn ganizers form - one shot film showings are of limited from, criticize, and apply. organizations exist except for PLSDS. Showing~ are value. The films are simpl.y a tactic and to be ef­ usually limited to the one free period a day.There fective they must be a part of ongoing political work. 'FILMS STRIKE HOME are few dorms, almost all students commute. All of In the long run we see groups of workers forming this points out the necessity for Jr. College work to The MOil Strike" film was our first which dealt their own radical organizations - this has happened be related to the community asa whol e community in two cases already. These groups will be involved directly with labor struggles. The film has given us that it is supposed to serve. A program around day in political education, leafletting, strike support, care centers for children whose mothers wish to attend the opportunity to openly approach unions, radical and a newspaper. A strike bulletin 'which runs down caucuses and striking workers and set up film school is much more relevant to their lives that the current strikes in progress is now being cir­ ROTC or anti-recruiting programs. Similarly, a cam­ showings. People readily identify with the oil workers' culated at picket lines, factories, and in the commun­ the film prepares' them for the police and scabs and paign against police science departments at the school ities. Solidarity committees are also being established, lin~ing that with the use of these same police as ' raises issues of imperialism, racism, women, media, made up of workers, students, wives, etc, with more courts, etc. The film shows people that their struggle strIke breakers, can clarify the day to day oppression emphasis on community organizing, and strike sup­ clearly. is not in isolation and puts it in the overall political port. Newsreels are being shown in hospitals and context. In using the film we have had to deal with clinics to health professionals and workers and to several problems: the role of the students is not community groups up in arms over heaIth care COMMUNITY WORK thoroughly explained,' the strikers seemed to have in an attempt to unite their struggle against thei; ~ost, mostly older workers are shown, pig brutality commollmemy. ' The Latino work team has been involved for IS not documented. But the film allows us to talk the past three months in the making of a film about directly to political issues and paves the way for fur­ Los Siete de la Raza,After having used Newsreels ther film showings on Vietnam and other colonial SCHOOLS in a variety of situations in the Mission community, struggles, corporate power, students, blacks, etc. v.:here most of S.F.' s 90,000 Spanish speaking people Selection of a program is very important; we try To move against the repression and manipulation of hve, we discovered the films failed to relate to tq use films that tie issues togeJher, on Vietnam or the educational system we must EDUCATE young the more specific problems of brown people. When we have a vet talk with his own slides from Vietnam. people to the necessity of building a powerful rev­ the May 1st Los Siete incident occurred and the In every case we attempt to set up weekly showings olutionary movement. To do this we must confront ?rganization was formed we immediately saw the either at the union hall, peoples homes, churches, the power of the corporations over both the content need for a film that would counter the attack on the and direction of education, and show how the track­ whatever works best. The union meetingsoffer the community launched by the bourgeois press. We largest audience, but smaller groups offer better ing system serves the needs of the corporations. We DE-EDUCATE by comparing their version of felt the Latino community needed a film which discussions and the potential for a radical caucus. Our related to their immediate oppression as Third World most successful showings have been with striking reality to the real needs and experiences of the people. people and would lead to an understanding that May workers. 1st was not an isolated incident but a political act We've begun making short silent film clips of Inside the schools we must educate teachers to the oppressive roles they play in propagating the of repression. strikes in progress around the bay area. These news­ We went to Los Siete and discussed the proposed reels also include footage from strikes during the doctrme and control of the corporations, and we must challenge them to use their position for the film and together we worked out a general outline. 30' s of workers seizing plants, battling pigs and In the course of trying to build a scenario we began national gu~.rd, demonstrations, etc. Striking workers ?e-education a?d re-education process. Student organ­ Izers and radIcal teachers can use revolutionary working with the organization: on the newspaper ­ speak with the films, trying to get support, and t: lking Basta Ya!; in the Breakfast program and on the about the need for solidarity and a working class propaganda (films, literature and speakers) and con­ stantly put forth the demand that the people must medical committee. We used films in that work movement to fight the bosses, bring justice to America wherever possible and came to a more thorough and end imperialist wars. The strikes of the 30' s control their own education . In the Bay Area San Francisco Newsreel, the High School Student' ~ under~tanding of the 7 brothers and the community. lead to discussion of how people fought and died for We dIscovered that the oppression of the parents our basic rights and how today men and women are Union, and the Radical Teachers Union are organ­ izing along these lines. and their children was different, they had been pitted still fighting and the need for a permanent solution against one another and blinded, by the man, to each to the problem • socialism. We have learned that the only way to get our films and raps into the schools is via radical teachers others oppression. And then there was the tracking We had a benefit for a group of strikers using system, unemployment, hard drugs, and racist pig a feature film: "Salt of the Earth". The community an d students. Even then, these teachers and students are often stymied by the principals and administrations cops to deal with. was leafletted - newsreels of the strike were shown Our strategy in making the film was to present along with 8mm footage taken by the strikers them­ who usually require a private pre-screening before the Los Siete organiztion as an alternative to reformist selves. The showing was a huge success with about allowing the films on campus. Our best successes programs. In order to do this we had to go to the 150 people. We'rEorganizing another benefit with rock have come when a teacher and a student work people and let the film generate from them. From and country bands and films - the showings are pol­ toget.her to get the films on campus. When this works, the masses to the masses. The"Los Siete" and • High itical forums and provide much needed practical sup­ we fmd that our films provides a desperately needed School Rising" films are now serving as invaluable port. By developing community and union support, peo­ break in the routine of irrelevancy that characterizes aids to the community organizing work of Los Siete ple can relate to united struggle because it means power. school. . de la Raza. Newsreel people and workers are learning from each Discussions are difficult, both because of the lib­ In Chinatown and theBlack community we have been other, our raps brQaden the scope of the struggle eralism of some teachers who use their own authority working closely with the Red Guards and the Black and tie together other issues. to count~r-act our efforts, and because of the very Panther Party. We perform basically a service to One of the most important developments is the role real antI-life nature of the classroom enviornment the on-going work of the organizations' supplying of women in the strikes. Many men are reluctant and its structure. films and helping set up showings in the ~ommunity to have their wives involved in the strike. On the other It is possible to make new contacts through showings preakfast programs, liberation schools political ed~ hand some wives don't understand what the strike is in the schools, to raise consciousness, and to inter­ ~cation classes, etc. We also rely dn the organ­ about and try to get their husbands back to work • rupt the so-called "educational process" but all of Izations to provide speakers for showings with striking Newsreel women set up showings with the wives and­ this is dependent on organizing students and teachers workers, high schools, colleges and other commun­ attempted to .get them involved in political activity. who can anq, will get the films into the schools. ities, and distribute their new~papers and leaflets Some women have take!) a very active role, speaking We are continuing to show films inside the schools in all our work, PAGE 4 THE MOVEMENT DECEMBER 1969 THE MILITARY The GI movement is growing - uprisings in stock­ ades, the proliferation of GI papers, and/variousforms of insurrection. What role can Newsreel play in organizing G.!.' s? The problems of organizing within the military establishment are unique. GI's are mostly from working class and oppressed backgrounds. They have legitimate grievancesagainst the imperialist system which forces them to fight. Unlike civilians, G1's 'live under constant fascist authority that has almost absolute control over their lives, Consequently, when GI's engage in any kind of out-front political activity, the risks they run are incredibly higher than civilians face. On top of these problems many GI's have corne to resent naive civilian attempts to organize them. As a result, many civilian organizers have taken a position of extreme caution in raising political ques­ tions. This attitud<:! is stoned opportunism at its worst. Newsreel is trying to deal with these problems, but we still have alot to learn. We showfilmswhich . are frankly radical and which are designed to raise political questions. We don't try to "organizen GI's or push any GI organization. We agitate. We educate, hoping that GI's will see their personal problems. in political perspective so that they will be able to better organize themselves. We've been haVing regular weekly showings for GI's. We try to consider the special problems of GI's in selecting films, especially for first showings. Film,s.on Vietnam must be carefully chosen: only GI's -already on the side ofthe NLF dig NLF -made films. But liberal films don't work either. We've found that the "Oil Strike" and the ROTC film are good openers. These films and Qthers start where GI's are at and open the way for important issues to be discussed· Organizers must be prepared to lead discussions after showings and they must know their shit. GI's ask very concrete questions and demand straight answers. We've also been making cassette tapes in which GI's discuss their experiences and tie them into the imperialist system. Many GI's have recorders in their barracks and the tapes get passed around alot. But our work in the military remains the weaker than in anyother area,We"have plans to make some films on Vietnam especially for GI's and expand our tape project, but it is too early to evaluate the effects of these projects,

Film is a ------unique mediu.m of propaganda: it allows the corning together of a group of people to share a corn mon experience in learning. But you cannot rely on the films to do your work - they are an aid to, not a substitute for, solid political work. They are only as good as the person running the projector. "A revolution cannot be made by a single man. A large force is needed, the entire people mu"t par­ ticipate. That is why it is necessary to have cadres for propaganda, agitation, education. They must be kind-hearted, open- minded and sincere. They must help one another as comrades, work to­ gether with the masses without whom they could not succeeed in anything. Each gesture, each attitude must conquer people's hearts. The revolution requires in the first place the participation of politically conscious people. A man joins the revolution only when he understands that oppression is the cause of his sufferings. Therefore, we cannot lie to the people. If we did, the fear of reprisals COUld, in difficult times, lead to treason, which would be disastrous. Before the people, a revolutionary cadre has no right to assume a haughty and arrogant at­ titude, as if he were a feudal warlord He must be modesV Ho Chi Minh

U.E. For Immediate Release Thieves and Crooks PATERSON, N.J. - One hundred workers who make bullet proof vests, body bags, which are used to I am one of the wives of the Steel Workers Union who are transport the dead from the fields, and other items used in Viet Nam called for an immediate end to on strike against the P.D.M. Company in" Santa Clara. We the war even though peace could mean layoffs for actually are in a round-about way fighting against the Vietnam them. At a lunch-time plant gate rally keyed tc the war because about ~ of our pay goes for taxes already that JOHN HOWARD nationwide Moratorium, spokesmen for Lite Industries the government pays out for wars. But they say that isn't employees at 57 State Street, Paterson, denounced enough we've got to have a big bundle right now, so we'll John Howard was a man. He lived as a "fraudn not only "this obscene war" but also just have to tax the workers more. So the workers won't raise in Uptown, Chicago, Illinois, the United the implicit assumption that "wars mean good jobs too much of a stink about it, we can just say for 6 months we States of America. He was a poor man, on a long-term basis". are going to slap 10% surtax on you to pay for this war. on welfare, who had corne north years Members of Local 404, United Electrical, Radio There's no reason that we should ask these people if they back from Georgia, seeking work. Once and Machine Workers of America, a union that has at a meeting of the old JOIN Community consistently condemned the war since its inception, want to yote on whether or not they want to pay it. We are Union we had just seen a movie about "carne out strongly for an immediate end to "this dis­ the bosses a!1d they are just dumb workers. So we tell them .war. This was in 1966. John got up and asterous adventuren in spite of the fact that they it's a new' law and the workers and little people will have to. said: "War is a terrible thing; I fought could be laid off were peace to "break out" . jump. The bigcorporations and people with the money say­ in two of ' ern; when 1 got off that boat Jose A. Lugo, UE Local 404 president, Ed Bloch, just like Jackson who holds 51% of P.D.M. is telling us your in San Francisco in 1955 I swore to UE International Representative and Carl Weininger union is getting too strong and I intend to keep this money myself 1'd never fight in another, they'd of Rutgers University highlighted the feeling of those for myself. So you are not going to get a decent pay raise. have to take me in a casketn • present by nailing "as a fraud the monstrous notion "They have lied and tried to bluff us into going back to work During the making of the film,Amer­ that taking over somebody else's country will solve by showing letters from Pittsburgh that the workers there had ican Revolution 2, John was working ,our job problems heren • with the Poor People's Coalition in signed their contract and we should take this 9¢ over a 3 year Uptown. In the film, at the endofa Coal­ WARREN WELLS period of 3¢ an hour per year. I have said for years if I was a ition meeting attended by Panthers, John 'man I would not go into the armed forces and fight against my Former Black Panther Warren Wells has been says: "I'll stick with the Panthers if sentenced to 1-15 years by Alameda County Superior fellow man. Because those people there have to be working they'll stick with me, and 1 know they Court Judge Robert Bostick for his part in the people just like myself. It is wrong to take up arms against will" . April 6, 1968, "shootout" between Panthers and anyone except the corporations and businesses with the power Well, John recently went back down police. During the shootout, Bobby Hutton was killed; of money behind them. I say disperse the pig force and the rest horne, as he and a lot of people in'Chic­ and as a result of charges stemming from the in­ I of those getting rich pff of the people who work themselves ago do from time to time. He was at a cident, EldridgeCleaver left the country. and all they gain for their efforts is some police officer who meeting and some honkie fascist got up Wells had three trials, the first two ending in and said: "That's the guy who works with I accidentally breaks into ·the wrong apiutment and accidentally niggers in Chicago. " The next night hung juries voting 11-1 and 10-2 for acquittal. In kills an innocent family man. Such as just happened a few days the third trial he was convicted on two counts of 'John was found dead, his throat slit. : ago. Some of us knew John pretty well. John assault on police officer with a deadly weapon. I believe our government should get out of Vietnam and "The jury lowered the charges from attempted murder. was a fighter, and he was the first Wells was on parole from an earlier robbery mind their own business and let those people do so too. person to take a stand when JOIN (Jobs conviction, and when he was convicted in Oakland Thank you for all the support you have given,us at P.D.M. or Income Now) got started back in a San Francisco judge ord(~red him back to jail and any time you feel you can come down and help I as the 1964. He paved the way for a lot of on a five-to-life sentence for the robbery' rap. wife of one union member ask for all and any of your help. other people. He leaves a big family ­ Wells, 22, has spent 10 years of his life in jail. Thank you. ,Eula and all the kids. People out there AttorneYCnarles Garry, who handled the case, should send some bread. Send what you I personally think 99% or better still all politicians are can to the John Howard Memorial, Box has accused D. A. Frank Vukota ofencouragingperjury. thieves and crooks. And I know and feel we the people will Garry plans to appeal the case. win. ", 3746 Mdse.Mart, Chicago, Illinois,60654.

. T DEeEMBER 1969 THE MOVEMENT PAGE 5 I'd think about it and BOmetimeS say it . "I knew people who ....ent to Caba" , EDITOR'S NOTE: A lot of people have been talking about organizing in aloud, when there were other workers instead of saying I had been there myself. factories. The following is not meant to be a political analysis or ex­ around. I used to ask them what they The result was thatthe informationdid thought about that. Got into some heavy travel very fast horizontally, but not planation of how some factory struggle went down. It's a rap by a move­ raps. vertically. I changed shifts and the ment veteran in a midwest industrial city, who decided to go to work in We had been in conversations about all word had pretty much spread around the shop in order to organize workers. He talks about his first day-to-day sorts of things and I just .threw that in in the plant. One guy I worked with as a way of 'summing up theway I thought didn't say anything to me til we went experiences and reactions to factory life. Hopefully his story will be use­ change had to be made, since we were out and had a beer. On payday after ful for movement people thinking about going thru similar changes. talking about pacifism and things like the shift, I had been talking to him about that. I found a YO\lllg worker, who was a whole lot of radical stUff, and I think a radical but a pacifist, and another guy when sQmething came up about CUba. I The first day I walked into the plant­ the place since it was bunt about 20 who wasn't radical but could relate to the said I knew some people w had been that was freaky. They told us to be years ago. gun.. So we talked about it·a lot, but there. He bought me a beer and he says, there early, so we could get our clothes. Political discussions usually take place most or-the time, I just used the slogan "You been to CUba, huh?" and I just I hurried up and got there and I got my on a one to one basis. I had the first to leep myself going, when I was drugged swallowed the beer and said "yeah, how locker and all that. Then I had to report contact with the worker who was teaching with the job. do you know?" And he said he knew to the foreman in my department. He me. my job. I was red hot and wanted a couple of weeks before I even changed didn't have anything for me to do really to raise all the political questions im­ TRIAL PERIOD to his shift. and I thought the place was all fucked mediately. But sort of restrained myself. up. (What did they hire me for?) Yet on the other hand, when I walked During my trial period (first 60 days of FIDEL Then he gave me a dust mop and into ·the lunch room, there Were 3 or work when they can fire you without made me sweep the same little piece of 4 workers sitting together and they cause), I wasn't particularly careful There was some 'other guy who would .floor. for two hours. I knew I had the seemed to know each other and be some politically. That may have been a mis­ go around calling me "comrade", and floor as clean as I could get it after sort of group. I got chickenshit and thought take, but since I passed the trial period, "Fidel". He once asked me, just out of sweeping it 10 times or 30 times. But I I better go sit at another table and eat I haven't decided whether that was right the clear blue sky, before he started cal­ was afraid to sit down on my ass, because by myself. Especially since there's a or not. I laid out to a group of fi ve ling me these things, "how close did I figured he'd come back and I'd get distinctive uniform for brand new work­ workers, none of whom I was particu­ I get to castro?" I had never spoken fired for goofing off or something. So I ers and you stick out like a sore thumb. larly close with, the second week I to him before, but said I was a few hun­ tried to find a strategic location from was there, that I had been to Cuba. We dred feet from him at one point. He which I could see him coming in one of MASQUERADE WORKER got into a conversation about having a asked me what I thought of Castro 4 or 5 ways he could have descended on government run by the workers'(exactly and I'said I thought he was pretty good me. Finally he came. Although there are lots ofpeople where how it started I don't know). and asked him what he thought. He I work who are younger than me, in the One or two of them, said that he be­ mumbled something about "dictator" and FINGERS FALLING OFF beginning, I always had the conception lieved that this countryneeded a workers' asked a few other questions and I tried in my head that they must think of me revolution and I said "yeah, that sounds to run down real quick what I saw Then they put me to work. It was the as "the kid", although Pm a good deal right on." And somebody else said that and about working people all having hardest physical labor I had done in older than a lot of the young workers that was communism and somebody else guns, just poor and working people. ten years or something. And I thought and that I was only a masquerade worker said something about communism being I For a dictatorship, I didn't think all the my fingers would fall off from lifting this or something like that. So even a worker a working people's idea. Somebody else working people would be armed. I also shit up and I thought that I'd die of of 18 is a worker and I was like a new said, "yeah, it's a good idea, but it don't talked about differences in health and exhaustion. All I kept saying to myself worker. work in practice". And before I knew education. You know, I said, I thought was "Iwas making '24 dollars and 24 But I guess the more I busted my it I was deep into telling how it did work it was a government that served the cents for 8 hours/ which' was more ass workine-. the more r realized that in practice and that there was some ex­ people. money that I had made since I had been I was a fucking worker - nothing mas- querade about it. Since I went intowork­ amples like China and Cuba and that I Then I had to run like hell to get in the movement. And I kept saying myself had personally seen one of these back from my ten minute break, or get "we shOUld have been doing working ing class organizing more or less with my eyes open, knowing that I was making countries and had some things to say canned. So after that he would go around class organizing a long time ago, man, about it. I didn't think that was the calling me Fidel and he would give me the because they exploit the shit out of these a long-term commitment, I intend to be a worker for quite a while and I'm best idea when I said it, but it was out. clenched fist. salute. That was the first people - how could anybody do this!" getting used to the idea that I really am You had to take a chanc~" and spell time I guess I started flashing the fist Now that I've been working thereafew a worKer. out what you were abOut to the people sign around in the plant. But he was months, I have a more privileged pos­ Sometimes you feel you spend 8 who work there. I told them I had all crazy and sometimes he would give me ition. I still get put on some jobs that hours in the fucking place and lots of these years of school and even told some the fascist salute. So I threw him the bird knock the shit out of you, especially of them about my movement activity. But and then he gave me the power salute times you only get to talk to people on again. when you're running around doing move­ your half hour break and ten minutes of the Cuba thing really brought it home, ment business and not getting any sleep. your lunch hour. You figureyou'rewast­ that if that information went upstairs But he ended up causing me some trou­ But I do have a more privileged job ing 8 hours. plus the time it takes you to the front office, I was sure to be ble. He scared the shit out of me. i was now and don't usually think I' m gonna die. to get there, learning and doing nothing, canned. That's a thing any of us from standing down there doing my work at Tho I still can't understand how people when you could be doing valuable pol­ the movement going into the shops will the back of the plant, and he's down with this supervisory personnel guy with a can be in those places 10,15,20 years of itical )'Iork. It's not something that any have - a paranoia that you're going to their lives without burning the fucking of u /(in our collective) have resolved be found out and thrown out before you tie on. That makes him a big shot. And I figured that was the end of the job. plilce_ to the ground. in our heads. But you are learninga whole can do a thing. On the other hand there's Sometimes I ask the other people lo( of things. About exploitation. But often danger in keepin g your mouth shut for This blabbbermouth told the boss that there that question. Most of them just you can't talk to anybody. too long. You're caught in a trick bag, I had been to Cuba and he was coming seem to accept it - "that's ,the way it ! For quite a- few weeks, I used to re­ cause if you don't level with the guys to tell me to pick up my check and leave. is" .Although some of them ,a lot ofolder peat to myself, every hour or two, Mao's you work with right away, J you can't after Instead, he says that he told this guy workers say, "well, maybe we've been quote about " we are the advocates of sixty or ninety days (or whenever your I had been to Cuba and the guy with brainwashed all these years. Maybe wh.a( the abolition of war, but war can only probation time is up) say to the guys, the tie says I'm all wrong about Cuba. young people are doing makes sense". be abolished thru war - in order to get "well, I'm not really about that, Pm So I had a chance to talk to this guy But I think the concept of burning rid of the gun, it's necessary to pick a revolutionary". So I justfigured I would on the side and said, «hey, man, you this place to._ the ground is a new con­ up the gun," I repeated it every time be honest from the beginning, though I crazy, you want to get me fired? I tell cept cause they. haven't had a strike in I thought I had had it with the place _ probably should have told a little lie, like the truth to the people who work here PAGE 6 THE MOVEMENT DECEMBER 1969 but I don't want to tell the fucking bosses So I gave him one of those beautiful but that he has our last name. Andhe say men and vice versa. (usually they're . I've been to CUba, I don' t th~nk they'd. Cuban posters. Then I discovered upon "You mean that colored guy who shot the pretty segregated) Another brother in go for it too much. ~ So he said "Ah, ( more investigation that he hadn't really cop". And t explained how Huey didh't our collective was approached by a black don't worry about this, this guy is ok, he's dug it. Though he said he put the poster shoot nobody, that the pig shot him. He sister - she asked if he was, gonna give only an engineer~.- up in his liVing room right above his said , "Is your wife coIOTEid?" I said - to United Crusade. He said "Fuck no" , So the guy was there and there was TV set. "No, but we love Huey anyway". Then I he wasn't going to give his hard-earned nothing I could do about it except have explained why we loved Huey. Huey was money to United Crusade - that he only a long argument about Cuba. The en­ RACISM a righteous revolutionary and that he was believed in giving his money to organ­ gineer was a gusano and he was ob­ leading the struggle for black liberation izations that served the people, like the viously no starving peasant. He left when I told a few workers, in fact almost which was necessary for all of us to be Black Panthers, so they could free the revolution started dealing with some any worker I talked to there, that I free. His fucking mind was blown. He political prisoners like- Bobby and Huey. basic property questions. So we got had a son and that we named him after changed the subject and wanted to know And he spit it aill ou t and she sort of heavy into the question of Fidel being Huey Newton. Which, of course, brought if I went to college why wasn't I working smiled at him and he gave her the fist. a dictator or not, and alot of people up the question about Huey Newton and in a good job where I could earn twice He wasn't sure whether she thought he started to gather around listening. So the Panthers. We would get into a rap as much as here. I tried to explain how I. was ~ing a wise-ass racist or if he I asked him what his father did before about black people leading the struggle thought it was necessary to be with the was being serious. He wasn't sure how it the revolution. Sowe got into the thing that for all workers. I didn't run intotoo much, people and not to be with the pigs. How came across, so when he saw the sister his father owned a business and that he rampant racism except for someworkers they train you in school to be bosses and I later, he asked her. And she said she went to the University, so that when who talked about how it was probably didn't want to do that shit. thought he was being serious and he said he left, I was able to talk to the other better to be black these days cause you I had a thing with this guy who blamed "Well I was, dead serious~. This time workers about why he had those opinions. had to be black to get on welfare". And his fuck-up on "the nigger who works she returned the fist. One other thing that happened about so I would ask them if they really wanted his machine on second shift,fucked itup· . The next day I tried the same line Cuba is that I worked with aguy who was to be black - and none of them were in I said something about that beingwrong,­ on the United Crusade with another a Vietnam vet, to whom I also laid out a hurry to give up their white skin, so but it was aweak answer and therewasn't worker. Then he started rapping about where I was at. He was talking to me a I guess they are conscious on one level really time to talk cause the belt kept he was going to carry a gun to work, whole. lot about how he dug Che and how or another that there is white skin moYing and the work was p11ing up. since he had to take three guesses to the CIA had killed Che. Hewasdrawinga privilege. Anothertime in the lunchroom a group work cause "he lived in a section with distinction between the government and But this crazy guy, I hadn't told it of white workers were cracking some all the niggers". I said that black the CIA. I tried to make it real clear to him either, and he comes running up really racist jokes. It was really hardto people weren't the enemy - but in fact that the CIA arid the government were to me outside and he says"Hey some guys deal with beyond saying it was a bunch of that they were leading ·the struggle, the same thing. He was attracted to Che, told me that you named your son Huey racist bullshit and bosse$'talk. I always etc. He was also a Vietnam·Vet. I laid without any understanding and I was try­ Newton." And I said,"No, man, we named try to confront those remarks wtthsome out the whole thing, but I'm not sure .ing to show him that if he dug Che, him Huey (our last name)." And he said, response, but haven't really figured out what it all meant. One thing,' though, it meant he dug Fidel, and the Cuban "Well, these guys think you named him the best response yet. pe wasn't real hostile. revolution and the Vietnamese revolu­ after Huey Newton". So I had to explain When it was United Crusade time, they tion. All of which he said he did dig. . that I did name him after Huey Newton, sent the women workers ~o collect from ;CONTINUED ON PAGE 18' Seattle

Black, Reconstruc,tion by Larry Baker The struggle to gain more con­ whites in support of the demand for more ors. Only when white workers reject the been any kind of black proletarian lead­ struction worker jobs for blacks black construction workers has been bait of racist exclusion against blacks ership. Such leadership is essential ifthe done by the New Party and other lib­ will the union have the real power struggle is to be carried through to has been raging in Seattle for over erals at the local churches. Some people of solidarityagainst the bosses :.. . the end. While the current liberal lead­ two months. Groups of demon­ have been mobilized by SDS for a cou­ "Because unions Iiayen' t treated black ership may succeed in smashing the un­ strators ranging up to 300 have ple of the demonstrations, but the work workers equally and haven't fought for ions, they would oppose any attempt to halted construction on six differ­ around the struggle by.radicals has been their rights as workers, blacks often build up an industrial union around the new ent federally-financed sites. This sporadic and full or errors. . \don't have much respect for the I union. black workers. Such black leadership has catalyzed two marches by The bosses know this and use it to their could provide a focal point for the or­ MISTAKES BY SDS full advantage... ganizing of young white workers, by white racist construction workers "Black workers should not only be organizing them to join with the blacks on the county building and the One reason for our problems in re­ welcomed , but should be actively re­ In the' building of an actively',recruiting State Capitol. lating to the construction struggle has cruited to make up for the exclusionary industrial union. been the organizational crisis in SDS. history of the union. Expanded and mean­ . The activity around this demand for The struggle has been led from the Last year in Seattle, SDS was THE ingful apprenticeship programs should more construction jobs for blacks has outset by the Central Contractors As­ white movement , but splits, faction­ be paid for by the profits of the con­ provided an interesting lesson in the pos­ sociation (C.C.A),a group of predom­ alization (particularly between RYM II tractors. The union should be fighting sibility of working with liberals, and in inantly black contractors in Seattle's and Weatherman), and ideological devel­ for the rights of the blacks as workers, the tactic of the united front. The lead­ Central Area '(black community). The opment left the movement here at its and should not be letting contractors, ership of the struggle has been the black leadership demonstrated its m1l1tancyby weakest point in September. Many peo­ politicians; and fatcats profit by pitting contractors- liberal, petty-bourgeois el­ swiftly closing down .four construction ple are just now beginning to recognize worker against worker." ements; They have increasingly allied projects in and near the Central Area the need for collectives in order to themselves with white liberals as time S;£~ember The problem with this line is that on August 28 and 29. On 23 carryon meaningful work. These prob­ it isn' t based on sound analysis of goes by. This al11ance was reflected by and 24, groups of nearly 200 demonstrat­ 'lems made any work in support of black the building trades unions as one of the tactics of the most recent airport ors (about half of whom were white) demands irregular, because itwas only the most privileged sections of the demonstration. . closed down construction sites at the occassionally that any number of people working class. We failed to recognize Throughout the struggle there has been University of Washington and Seattle­ could get together long enough to even that rather than train people for jobs, no black proletarian leadership, and no Tacoma airport, worth a total of $90 agree on a leaflet. the union apprenticeship programs are work has been done in the black com­ million. This was accomplished by push­ The problem of lacking sufficient co­ more used to exclude blacks and young munity to expand the base of support lng several trucks and bulldozers into hesive force!,! to do a good job was people from those lucrative jobs. 'there. At the same time, because of our a pit at the University, and by lining. but one aspect of our difficulties. Much While it is true that the stranglehold of concentration on;the construction work­ up across the runway to stop all tra­ more important was our lack of under­ the buildingtradesunions on construction ers and lack of correct analysis; no pro- ffic at the airport. standing of the situation and our lack jobs has led the contractors to attempt . letarian base among whites has been Each of these site closures resulted of experience in organizing working to create asemi-skUled non-union work mob11ized. The black leadership has been in agreements between the C. C A, ' people, combined with the lack of black force through the tra'iilE~e program, it is pushed into a position of reliance on the Associated General Contractors, and proletarian leadership. also true that the unions are used to government officials and the white con­ various government agencies to hire Our initial analysis failed to take keep blacks out of high paying jobs. tractors in order to make any·gains. some black trainees on the projects, into account the nature of the bUilding We now recognize that exclusive trade The very failure of the struggle to gain while giving the contractors an addi­ trades unions as highly i privileged, re­ unions . like those of the bUilding trades, additional support is an indication of the tional 20% to cover their expenses for the strictive trade unions. We recognized must be smashed in order to advance the problems of such backward leadership. training program. that the contractors, in alliance with the struggle of workinl?: people. Those unions These problems could have been dealt Union workers walked off the job as federal and country governments, were must be replaced by new industrial un­ with by recognizing the full implications blacks were sent to each of the pro­ trying to weaken the unions and in­ ions with black workers in the van..; of petty-bourgeois leadership from the jects. At the present time work con­ crease their profits. The agreement to guard. outset, and by applying a correct analy­ tinues on all projects following a ser­ hire black trainees on certain. jobs, Our origninal strategy with regard to sis to our work. It was necessary to . ies of court injunctions. Very few black while giving the contractors a 20% in­ this construction struggle was to at­ encourage the development of independent trainees remain on the job becuase the crease in contract price meant that pub­ tempt to neutralize the bUilding trades proletarian leadership to carry on work in original agreements made no provision lic taxes would be used to pay the con­ workers by organiZing among them, and the black community around the just de­ for maintaining the number oftrainees.­ tractors, and at the same time weaken by concentrating our efforts among those mand for more black jobs. At the same This situation led to an attempt to close the building trades unions who could construction workers. We now feel that time , we should have concentrated upon the airport construction sites a1rlin" on be counted on to resist any move to the correct strategy should be to neu­ bUilding a base among youngwhllework- ­ Nov: 6 in a "legal, peacefUl" demo­ hire blacks. (The extent ·of reactionary tralize the construction workers by iso­ ers, and among those working class kids stration. sentiment among the white workers sur­ lating them, and by seeking to end the who would stand to benefit by the opening The 300 demonstrators faced about 500 prised many, as 5,000 constructionwork­ reactionary building trades unions. Our up of the building trades. This would in- • combat ready pigs from throughout the ers marched on the state capitol in organizing s40uld have focused on young clude high school kids, dropouts, and county. After several hours of harras­ Olympia on Oct. 17) Since the blacks would working class people rather than on the students at Seattle Community College, sment of airline ticket counters, about lose their jobs once the particular pro­ construction workers, particularly in ,where most union apprenticeship pro­ 50 people were arrested as the C.CA. ject was done, the onlybeneficiarywould those industries where the contradictions grams are located. It is these students leadership urged everyone to walk peace­ be the contractors. between sk1lled and unskHled workers are who can best be won to a recognition fully into waiting vans. The pacifist tone This analysis of the situation led us the greatest. of the futility of these programs, many of this demonstration differed mark­ to take the position that the demands of which are training them for non­ edly from the earlier militant confrontta­ ,for .more black jobs was primary, but LEADER PROBLEM existent jobs. In this way, we could relate tions. One reason for this change must that the unions should be preserved. This whiteworkingclass problems to the. .have been the changing constituencyofthe produced the line that the union should One element which has_ been missing racism of privilie~ed wor~ers and bosses. demonstrations. take the lead in seeking .out blacks for throughout the struggie in Seattle has +- Throughout the struggle the number' their apprenticeship programs. SUch a -of blacks involved in the demonstnitions position is illustrated by an excerpt'from . has remained fairly constant - about a leaflet distributed to construction 75-100. These include the contractors and workers near the end of September: a group of younger supporters. The "The demand of the black workers C.C.A. has done little or no educational for jobs is a just demand - they have work in the community, and has relied faced a 400 year history in this coun­ almost exclusively on the media to do try of exclusion from decent jobs. The their pub.Ucity. The number of'whites has demand of the union members for the in­ varied frOiD 'just a handful at the first tegrity of the unions is just. The pur­ demonstrations to about 200 at the most pose of the contractors is to bust the recent. Their number has depended large­ unions and to make greater profits.We lyon the amount of publicity in the are supporting the workers - black bourgeois press, and white - in their JUST demands, The most consistent organizing by not the scab actions of the contract-.. DECEMBER 1969 THE MOVEMENT PAGE 7 u e over and seriously injured a picket, an officer of the About ten days after the injunction was issued, the Chemical Worers Union who worked at another plant hearing on making it permanent was held. FrybrOUght in the same local. The cops refused to arrest the up the violence and the harassment of scab cars and driver, claiming that they hadn't seen what happend, the breaking of windows in the plant. They also spent but Drew assured everyone that the union attorneys a lot of time on the communist agitator issue, would file a complaint and have him pickedup, so nobody supported by motion pictures of the line which singled should do anything rash. out some representative species. The union used the But people did get -angry, and this incident pUshed us "clean hands" doctrine; charged that scabs were into quite a bit of organizing over the weekend, de­ responsible for the fights; and that they were- not spite the fact tha~ our major attention was taken up by Don Hamerquist responsible for anti-POllution pickets - that was us, with the Panther defense. We ,mt out lots of leaflets etc. This was all pretty routine, and, as is generally The Fry strike was a test 01 our communist on the guy getting run down, capitalizedon the pollution known, this stuff is usually pretty perfunctory. issues with the localllberals, handedouta-don't scab" To the dismay of all of us who were counting on the collectives (our collectives are overwhelming- , - leaflet to the hip kids in the parks, and prepared for ly non-student). The strike continued for judge to give the workers an object lesson in class a lot of factory leafletting atthe beg1nning fo the week. disctatorship, the injunction was denied and the almost THREE months, putting concrete de­ Early the next week, we took some of the strikers restra1n1ng order was dismissed. (I w111 say more mands on us to mobilize people every day. If down to the Longshore Hall to ask for support, about why this happened later.) we didn't do it, it wouldn't be done. The and blitzed thewasteland at the AF L-CIO Labor Temple.' strike was a qualified success. As a result the picket line·was much bigger the NEW STAGE second week, varying from 50 to 150 each morning. On the morning following the monthly ILWU stop The strike entered a new stage when the re- Over a year ago, the International Cbemical Work­ work meet1lig, we had seventy or eighty longshoremen , straining order was lifted. The strikers contacted us ers Union won an NLRB representation election by come off the night shift and join the line. immediately and asked us to rejoin the line. Drew's a unanimous vote of the workers at the Portland That Friday we had our biggest line to date, including warnings that we should continue to act as 11 the Plant of the Fry Roofing Comapny. Fry is one a dozen or so AFL-CIO offlcials we had dragged out injunction were in effect (so as not toprovoke aootber of the biggest companies in its field, though the of the Labor Temple, who stood around talking to one) was ignored by the striters. About this'time a Portland Plant is only one out of 26 Fry plants each other. Another picket, a Fry worker, was run clear antagonism between the workersand union began across the country. over and bady hurt. A general fight broke out involving to develop. We heard less talk about -Drew says" Fry's repUtation makes public relations hard for about 50 people armed with 2 x 4' s and bricks. The or "I'll have to checkwith Tom". Everyonenoticed that capitalism. It is hysterically hostUe to even docile cops were in another place at the time and by the Drew didn't spend much time on the line and that he had unions, defies even mUd anti-pollution controls, time they arrived, we broke up. They made one arrest many pairs of expensive shoes. pays less than other companies, and has outrageous of a well-known commUnist. They charged him with People first began to be turned off by the union's working conditions. assault and battery on the plant's office manager failure to press charges against the drivers who ran After months of negotiation, it became clear that who was taking motion pictures of the fight. over the pickets. One guy was in thehospital for weeks lCWU would not get a contract without a strike. Fry The next day, Fry got a restraining order limiting and off his job for months. We had all kinds of wit­ had succeeded in breaking unions which were much .the size of the picket line. Although we realized the nesses, w1l1ing to sign a complaint, but the union stronger than the ICWU - the ILWU, for example, injunction was inevitable, we were poorly prepared to just sat on it. in the San Leandro plant. The Union would have deal with it. The ICWU leadership attempted to We had all expected to regain substantial support looked like shit 11 it couldn't get a contract or pull take advantage of it to regain control of the situation. on the line from other organized workers, par­ a strike after receiving a unanimous representation By this time, the strike had become an embarrassment ticularly from the Longshoremen. Two union men vote. fo r them. They were the talk of the Labor Temple had been run down by scabs, a number of union men The strike began in a slack period. The company "letting SDS-communists take over the picket line" had been arrested, and we had a good militant line built shut down, relying on built-up inventory, subsidiaries and giving radicals a foothold in the labor movement. up, But none of the men who had been on the line and other Fry plants to kee p its customers. Fry before showed up after theinjunction was .lifted. When hoped to exhaust the union financially and force the INJUNCTION we checked'we found that Drew hadn't requested support men to get other jobs, breaking the morale of the for the line from the longshoremen, and their lead­ strikers. But after more than a month, the strike Drew argued that they could defeat the injunction ership wasn't aware that the injunction was no longer was still alive. Many strikers were Itetting by with in court providing there were no flagrant violations jn effect. ' work out of the ILWU hall on Strikers' white cards. of the temporary order.The strikers complained in­ dividually, but were too disorganized to previde us SCAB$ with an opportunity to press an alternative approach. The union leadership asked us not to come to tile So the company switched tactics and began to hire line pending the outcome of the hearing on the scabs from the colleges and high schools that were restraining order. The strikers asked us to corne, but just beginning summer vacation. To attract scabs, to be cool and play at being anti-pollution pickets. they raised their base pay from $2.26 to$2. 53 an hour. (A big legal tactic of the union was going to be that For a week, the strikers just watched the scabs cross we were not -agents" of the union.) It took a few the picket lines. Though it was obvious that more days for this to chill the line. On the first day fol­ pickets were needed to stop scabs, the union main­ lOWing the injunction, there were st111 a lot of tained the same token picket that was up when the pickets. A couple' of longshoremen were arrested plant was shut down. The y never said so pUblicly along with an officeworkers' union official, who was but it's likely that the union leadership had already accused, much to his surprised indignation, of at­ written off the strike. They proposed a strategy of tempting to firebomb Fry. Also, a scab car was the Building Trades boycotting Fry products. The dumped in the parking lot. 'Local President (Drews) and the International Rep In the days that followed, however, the hearing This was after Drew had told the strikers that he (Shelton) claimed that they were devoting their en­ on the injunction kept being postponed, and we began would get support from the longshoremen. He claimed ergies to the boycott so had little time for the picket. to peter out, unable to keep any enthusiasm when he had daily contact with the ILWU and the Teamsters. I (Now we know that the boycott was a stunt meant to stop the action of the union leadership and some of the Despite this udaily contact", Teamstersweredriving criticism of the union leadership. It never got off strikers made us more vulnerable to arrest by the trucks to the gate and letting scabs take them in. the ground.) police who were out to get a number of us already. It Longshoremen were unknowingly handling Fryproducts. If our collectives hadn't begun reinforcing the was too early in the morning for a daily symbolic We also discovered that the Wallace Security guarcU picket line, it is almost certain that the strike would U anti-pollution"picket. During this period, some time who wereworking to break the strike, (one had pulled a have been lost after two weeks of scab operations. was spent picketing and harassing Sears. Sears dis­ gun on a picket) were proud members of Building The daily morning picket line grew to about fifty tributes the bulk of Fry products and is, apparently, Service Workers Union, Local 49. Thisunion is headed people by the end of the first week of our involve­ financially involved in the company in a substantial by the President of the Central Labor Council (who ment. It got pretty difficult and dangerous for the way. The evening picket of Sears continued through was supposed to be supporting the strike). scabs to drive thru the line, especially if they were the strike, but it never involved as many people as OUt of the criticism oftheway the union was hanC\ling fond of their cars. The first two days we picketed, we had on the strike line, although some strikers began the strike, a core of radical strikers began to coalesce we convinced or coerced about two-thirds of the corning out to it. _ and challenge the leadership. This was unusual, espec­ original scabs to quit, but Fry kept hiring new 'While the picket line lost the momentum it had ially since the strike was not a wildcat. It began as ones. The company also started work early, opened been building up before the day of the fight, Fry a strike for union recognition, but when they saw more parking lot gates etc, to make our pickets accelerated its hiring of scabs. Also, Drew was con­ the union abandoning the struggle, theybroadenedgheir ineffective. The scabs developed technlqlJes, with tacting the officials ofvarious unions tellingthem that conception of the strike. They began to see the Fry police help, to get thru the line. no help was needed or wanted on the lines. They strike as an exemp!ary class struggle. During the first couple of weeks of strike support, passed the word on to their members that they This was not clearly articulated. It was expressed we made no attempt to do more than harass the would be on their own if they joined the Fry line. in such positions as MI want to shut it (Fry)down, scabs. This was because we didn't want to risk felony even if that won't win for us." To appreciate the need arrests because we were involved in crucial defense the struggle even when victory is remote, even when work in the Black Community where about 300 the immediate goals are limited, are the essential people had just been busted, including the leadership elements of revolutionary class consciousness. They and members of the Black Panther Party. categorically oppose economism whiCh infuses most But the major consideration was that most of the ·trade union struggles. strikers were not convinced that really militant ac­ The strikers also began to raise the issue of tions were possible or necessary. They weren't ready pollution. "If pollution fs bad outside, you should try to challenge the strategy of the ICWU leadership. It working in it." At first, this was just a pragmatic would have been a major blunder for us to up the approach to attract more picketers, but soon the ante before a solid core of strikers were cOnvinced strikers were seriously considering .making pollution that this should be done. They went along with the a collective bargain1ng issue. This horrWed Drews. union leadership because they had very little exper­ He maintained that Mthere was a law against unions ience with union (or any otber) organization, tended negotiating about things like pollution." to distrust their own instincts and accept the fake expertise of the union. Drews and Andrews were REORGANIZATION telling people to rely on the boycott and warning that increased militance would alienate community support During the lull in the picketing, we had a number and hurt the negotiations. of meetings among the strike supporters and a couple of semi-abortive meetings with some strikers to dis­ UNION BLACKMAIL cuss what whould happen after the injunction issue was resolved. (We, of course.. were sure that this The union argued that the picket must be totally meant after it had been sustalDed.) We decidedthat we ha legal (they must let cars thru) or else there would to work towards a common position on two points; the be a restraining order. They also made the implicit aim of the picket line bad to be to, shut the plant threat to withdraw material support for the strikers, down, not to -inform the public" or -keepthe pressure the weekly $25 strike benefit and Union loans for hard­ on- or any such bul1shit; the Fry workers had to ship cases. have operative control of the strite and Drew would Friday of our first week on the line, a scab ran do what they wanted or get out of the way. PAGE 8 THE MOVEMENT DECEMBER 1969 • • r In an It was easiest to get agreement on the need for who we couldn't reach thnr' leaflets and personaf increased militance. On the second point, we won contact. A bunch of scabs didn't show, and the more or less by default. Drews kept pulling further and rest went to work earlier than usual. We raised further away from' the strike. This gave tactical hell with the stragglers. We had arrests for assault leadership to the mil1tants without an open confron­ (on· cops), interiering (with cops),. and for throwmg tation with Drews. rocks .(many plant windows were broken, not to Out of our attempt to gain a common position we mention scab cars). achieved general agreement that we would develop Fry immediately got another injunctton. The next common manifestations of the class character of the larger and more militant actions directed towards the even morning we iIad a. lot of J)eOl)le on the line violating state. Like any left group would, we expected that tual closing of the plant. This was a goal which would the injunction. More arrests. Fewer scabs. there would be an injunction as soon as our line have been much easier to accomplish earlier. Though the demonstration was a tactical success began to hurt Fry. The initial temporary restraining By this time many of us were known individually we were about done in. The only possible next step wa~ ·order fit right into the pattern, but then the injunction by both the police and the Fry management which more m1l1tance and scab c;Iumping and more "was thrown out of court. This contains a coUple of had hired a detective agency just to get such in­ mass arrests. While we were wondering what to lessons. for us. First, it clarifies some internal formation; the scabs were better prepared to evade do, a Fry executive flew out from Chicago and an­ ,tensions of the capitalist structure. For a host of and endure the line; and the police were prepared to nounced that he was in town to settle the strike, reason's the actions of the Fry management were keep the gates open. Therewas a 'more serious proOlem despite the rejection of what had been called the an embarrassment to the ruling class. The Assoc­ concerning our morale. It was difficult to avoid "final offer" . iation of Oregon Industries attornies wrote the worth':' ' a 'quantitative estimate of the importance of the less anti-pOllution statutes which Fry was violating, strike, and as the weeks passed and people were VICTORY AND FRAUD and this violation was exposing just how worthless forced to find other jobs, the number of strikers, which they were and was tending to crystillize sentiment had never been large, dwindled still further. By this The next day Fry agreed to a contract and was also for some measures whieb could very well wind up time, Drews was aetual}y helping to break his own submitting a plan te the Environmental Quality Coetrol c08tin~ tlwbiC corporations some money. strike by ftndtnc jQbsfor bisfavorites. Commi5a1on (Qr 80me borseshit like that)forbritlging The dominant corporations are not uti-mien inthe We also had the dilemma that in order to brlftg its operation within the legal pollution lilnits. So same way as Fry. In fact, they are quite open to alot of people to the line, we had to have alot of pub­ it looked like we had won the strike at a point when moderate unions which can play an important role licity about closing the place down. This, of course, we thought it was lost. A concession on pollution was in disciplining the work force.Therefore, we should made us lose all the advantage of surprise,and the pigs a'bonus. understand the denial of the injunction as a demon­ were prepared. The' only problem was that Fry refused to take stration of the class essence of the courts in a more We were able to keep going because of a variety back one of the most militant strikers.This last point subtle sense. It was a class action against a member of encouragements. We were involving some of the was' the main issue at the workers' ratification of the class which had broken ranks. strikers in other activities, and they were achieving meeting. Drews said the company was adamant on this This flexibility was definitely a limited and tem­ a more organic relationship to the left. We could see point and implied tluit, the striker should be sacri­ porary ,thing. It is almost certain that the second that we were changing a lot of the s'trikers' attitudes ficed. The men unanimously voted that there would be restraining order Would have been upheld. However, on issues such as Black-white, the cops, communists- no contract unless their brother was rehired. They the flexibility was sufficient to have ruined us, if we some of the strikers were even planning to go the won. Though the wage increase was a little lessthan had blasted Drews for attempting to defeat the Panther UF AF Conference in Oakland. Beyond this, they had demanded, almost every other demand had injunction through the courts. We must always be aware 'we kept getting scabs to quit with our combination been won. The contract was approved with only a of the continuing capacity of the system to make con­ of persuasion and coercion. couple of dissenting votes. cessions, even in areas which are traditionally When the men returned to work, trouble began associated with repression like injunctIons in labor FREDDY'S GANG immediately.The management refused to honor some of disputes. If we do not, an approach which hopes to the provisions of the contract which the workers expose the class character of the state can do the The most important incentive to continue with the had just approved - they thought. Fry said that there exact opposite. It can support a liberal interpretation line came when Fast Freddy's gang quit in a bloc was no contract, the management hadn't actually signed · of the neutrality of the state and provide evidence and joined the line. This was a group of tough young anything. When people tried to get the truth out of of the foolishness of the left at the same time. 'whites - too old to be called kids, many of them Drews, he just talked around the issues. A few days from the South, very mobile - almost bikers, and later it was discovered that he had resigned the , BLACK SCABS AND PANTHERS intensely hostile to cops, the company, the union, Presidency of the local and taken a job with the In­ but very very loyal to their own group. What ternational. The new Acting President knew nothing happened was that Freddy's car was burned, and Fry, about the status of the Fry contract. Now, more than T:he issue of black scabs requires a little factual which had said it would pay for the damage, refused a month later, a contract has finally been produced, but ·background. Few Black people haa worked at Fry -' to pay. There were other factors too. Fry was be­ it is different in significant details from'the contract none of the strikers were Black. The strikers were ginning to demand more from Its scabs and the scabs which the men voted on before they returned to work. infected with racist ideas to one degree or another, 'began to experience the conditions which led to the At present, the Fry workers are looking for ways although Fast Freddy's group was much less so. When strike in the first place. Also, while Freddy's group to challenge this threadbarefraud. They are consider­ Fry began to advertise for scabs.The advertisements were the toughest group crossing the picket line, they ering legal action and running a candidate for the emphasized the "equal opportunity employer" bit. were more like 'us than most of the scabs with whom union Presidency vacancy created by Drews' re­ Both the strikers and ourselves were quite worried they were working. They were embarrassed about signation. about the possibility of a large number of Black having pplice protection. workers crossing the picket line. Actually, the prac­ THE COLLECTIVE'S STRATEGY tical problem didn't attain any seriousness. There were only three Black scabs and these showed up for work We have general agreement that we cannot acc.ept only about half of the time. We often saw them with any variation of the traditional leftpriorityon the trade brooms sweeping the warehouse floor. But despite union as an organizing area. The work that we are the fact that the practical probelm was not too doing confronts the union structure from outside, great, the theoretical problem is externely important rather than as a left caucus or a left center coalition and we spent quite a bit oHime on it during the strike. within it. To put it another way, our emphasis is I have mentioned a numberof times that we were not on parliamentary politics within the trade union, involved in defense work, mainly with the Panthers, but on the development of core organizations of during mueh of the strike. The strikers knew this. radical workers out of (and into) programs of ex­ We told some and the police told others. So virtually emplary action. all the strikers knew our position, not just on •civil Our priority is on the immediate development of rights" , but on "riots" and"law and order" . The police cadre, activity models, and organizational models, which also apparently showed around some of the anti-pig create a dual power potential at the point of production, 'leaflets that we had been distributing. Later in the H strike we had occasion to pass out the Panther not on II radicalizing or "reforming" or "revitalizing" the labor movement. This iso.' t a rejection of trade Pocket Lawyer to the strikers. We also related union organization or trade union struggles, nor does it to this question by putting out a special issue of mean that we don't attempt to develop left caucuses that the Willamette Bridge devoted to two issues, the Fry fight for leadership in the union. It means that we strike and the bust in the Black community. We place our priority elsewhere. maae very little attempt at conversion through argu­ We gave Fast Freddy's gang the main gate for the Our aim in the Fry strike was to make it an ment, perhaps we should have done more, but most day. They got 25 or 30 scabs to quit - well over exemplary class action, and to develop some commun­ workers see the Black-white issue as one of sides _ half. Despite this sort of conditional success, we were ists prepared to join in initiating and implementing thouthey don't necessarily 'choose o~e themselves" '. worn out and frustrated with almost two months of 'other class struRles. We wanted the Fry strike to 'and there is not doubt about which side we were on. daily picketing. The core of strikers were also getting demonstrate solidarity in action an d we wanted to . The strikers' attitudes OIl the question of race clearly tired. Many were having money problems and the demonstrate that working people can run their own did change. We could see this in a couple of ways. When uniO[ was being tighf' with loans. Sowe decided; we had affairs. The pattern is to let strikes like the one at some strikers joined in a picket line at Safeway for to set a date ~c:lr a mass picket line demonstration. Fry get broken. Organized workers are a little more the grape boycott, they would tell Black customers easily. satisfied 'Yi!h $.Il)all gain~ if they have a number that it was a "Panther supported line" - which, of of 19th century'remnants,-like Fry, to remind them course, it was. Perhaps a more accurate index of UNION BOWS OUT how bad it might be. , the change was that while initially individual strikers There were no women" in the bargaining unit at told us•.."don't bring ~he Papthers"...(It was sort of For his bit, Drews passed the word around that Fry, and 'we didn't do very well in involving the we have enough trouble already line. The Panthers the union was pulling out of the 'strike, and then wives and girlfriends of the strikers. We did or­ also had sufficient trOUble.) ..further along in the came up with a "final offer" from Fry, which he de­ .ganize one action - as a confrontation between some 'strike, the same individuals asked us to get the manded that the strikers accept before our scheduled business agents for the Building Services Union, Panthers to tell people in the Black Community not demonstration. When some strikers tried to postpone the local, which had organized the Wallace guards, to scab, and were open to having them join the line. the vote, he came out with some hysterical nonsense, and some of the strikers' wives and girlfriends, CONTINUED PAGE 19 about' how everyone would be in jail if the contract along with some other women. '' or, weren't immediately accepted. The "final offer" was r This was good, but it happened too late in the strike overwhelmingly rejected, and Drews announcedtbat:the and had the weaknesses"of all initial confrontations. Chemical Workers Union was cutting off the strike The people were not prepareRichard Nixon among other things ran It's very normal for a judge to grant that. Many on a program of changing the Supreme Court of the members of the conservative Chicago bar were very United States and the Justice Department. He accused pUZZled when Hoffman refused to let Garry have that an d leave the body so that the police evidently could these of being permissive liberals. When he got in pick it up and arrest everybody in the Black Panther six weeks. So Bobby Seale doesn't have the attorney Party that they COUld. . office one of the first moves that Nixon began to who's closest to him. make was to rig the Supreme Court for the first We hear people around the country say several Now if you think that we're having an easy time time since the new deal in a definite political di­ things. One is that Judge Magoo is a joke and the relatively', developing support around our trial, rection with the appointment of Burger and now the second thing is that this trial is so preposterous that I think that that may be only because of the fact that appointment of Haynsworth. obViously you'll get off. This is sort of the New York many of the people in the case are white, are radicals, Secondly he put into office at the top levels of the Times view, it can't happen in our country. Well have a history of legitimate activity in reform move­ Justice department a gang of reactionary politicians I can't say what will happen, but I can layout the ments, and a couple of them, are Yippies. And how who are interested in the politics of law and order. government's intention. Their intention is to get could you possible put Abby Hoffman behind bars for These include John Mitchell, the Attorney General, us behind bars as qUickly as possible and I think, in ten years, people think - "We've got to support Abby~. who basically has been a business attorney and a way that stuns you as much as possible, so you feel this case. We've got to have a pattyfor You've a political manipulator on Wall ST. and a Republican that your every work, your every gesture, your got to remember that the same people have a much Party agent, professional hack for all his career. appearance, is being watched. more difficult time supporting Bobby Seale and that He is made number one man in the Justice Dept. In while we're enjoying ourselves and developing support 'around a relatively easy cause, the Panthers are being with him comes Richard Kliendienst who was de­ BOBBY SEALE feated in a political contest in Arizona who has a destroyed. long-standing hatred of everything unorthodox in Am­ You should also remember the situation of Bobby erican life who says publicly to the Atlantic Monthly Seale, which ~dds to the seriousness of it. Bobby PRISONER EXCHANGE that what the country is facing on the campuses, in Seale has been railroaded without so much as a serious the communities, in the ghettoes, is a group of outcry of protest from the liberal community. Taken That's why we're participating in an international ideological criminals who should beroundedup and from San Francisco, grabbed off the streets, taken project in which the US government would have placed in detention camps which is in a strict sense out of this jurisdiction, moved to Chicago, brought repatriated to this country a number of prisoners a Nazi doctrine. into this conspiracy trial without his attorney, Charles from Vietnam if the US government would release We have in charge of the criminal division which Garry, on a charge which is reallypreposterous since Bobby Seale and Huey Newton back to the black is on top of our case a person by the name of Will everybody knows that Bobby Seale was only momen­ colony inside the US. We don't take this lightly. Wilson, who ran for Senate and Governor in the tarily in Chicago last summer, and had nothing to do We don't make it as a propaganda gesture. There state of Texas and was defeated and who is on with the demonstrations that took place there. Bobby have been actual discussions in different parts of the record as saying something to the effect that anybody Seale is being railroaded on a train that moves through world about it. We have some positive indication that who disturbs somebody else's comfort is a rioter. Chicago to Connecticut where he faces the electric it would be possible if the US government was willing In charge of the Civil Rights Division is Jerris chair on a much more unbelievable charge; that he to make such a gesture. We're really only doubtful Leonard from the state of Wisconsin who publicly as Panther chairman would conspire to kill an agent about the US government in this case. kind of way to save the liberal community's belief in justice, then we will be back on the streets, raising more hell. This political dilemma can be imposed on the US government, on the Nixon administration, if enough pressure is generated around this case. And ob­ viously we do it for ourselves, in some sense. But we think that in this particular case, the rhetoric about everybody having a stake in it is literally true. This is the one political trial that it's possible to conduct on a national and on an international basis because of the defendants' being who they are, people involved in movements for many years, because of the tremendous national impact of the Chicago dem­ onstrations, because of the treIlfendous national and international pUblicity already generated around this case, we think that it lays it on the line for the Nixon administration. We think that it can be elevated into a case in which the people are, Hned up on one side or the other - for the conspiracy, for what the young people did in Chicago for what the yOllng people are doing all across this country, or for John Mitchell, Richard Nixon, the rest of the Justice Department and fascism.

COURTROOM STRATEGY

What we're gonna do inside the court is pretty much, what you, can expect. We're gonna try to raise the political issues. The government is going to try to stor prevent us from airing them at all. It's not political, therefore you can't bring up the war in Vietnam, the you can't brin(1: up racism, you can't bring up the Democratic and RepubHcan parties, you can't bring up political and economic institutions in this country. All you can bring up is whether your intent was to to incite a riot, and whether you stand guilty or not on what the government has accused us of. We will try our best to get around that, but we do not believe, just as we don't believe a fair trial is TllaL possible, we don't believe that it's possible to po­ liticize the inside of a courtroom in any fundamental sense. I ~hink' a lot of people have seen too many , TV shows about Judd for the defense or read books about Clarence Darrow and they kind of believe that that courtroom is a great place to give a speech. . t.he Let me tell you, if that was true, they'd suspend cO\lrt proceedings altogether and institute something else. It's almost impossible to raise political issues in a court. We intend to say that we had the right of revo­ lutionary dissent. We intend to say that we must prove that our intent was to do something about imper­ ialism in Vietnma, to do somethingabout racism, to do something about the situation that young people face in this country and to do something about the totally rigged political apparatus that we have and that's why we came to Chicago. We intend to try to show how we organized the Yippies, how the organization of the Mobilization Committee was set up. We intend to try to show how the government of the US deliberately intervened to prevent us from having permits because they were afraid of having hundred of thousands of people coming to Chicago because'they knew that if a quarter of a million people protested peacefully, that alone would fuck up the Democratic Party. It was therefore necessary to stall to the las moment so that we couldn't get permits, on the one hand, and on the other hand, to make all kinds of ominous statements about shoot to kill, about new shipments, of mace coming in, and about National Guard coming in, and about barbed wire, and all the rest of it so that people with jobs or families would be afraid to come to Chicago - and so that our numbers would be materially reduced to a point where they thought they could politically isolate us and prove to a worried country, that when it comes to preserving law and order, the Democratic Party is better than Richard Nixon and George Wallace.

NO PIG RIOT

We want to try to show what happened was not a police riot. The police did NOT riot. The police acted in an orderly fashion. The police acted pro­ fessionally. Just like the soldiers do in Vietnam or ,anycountry where they're sent to kill people or maim people or control people. There were a few incidents We take it very seriously as an educational point , them. where the police went beserk. I'm sure they did to make because we regard the Panthers, particularly not mean to beat into the ground the man from the Bobby Seale and Huey Newton, and other people in' CONSPIRACY VS. FASCISM University of California Criminology School who's the the black community, as actual prisoners of war ­ ,leading expert on crowd control in the US. On the they're not just political prisoners. They are involved The people all across the world are ultimately going whole, the police conducted themselves professionally. in a situation where the US government is waging a to be our jury. We don't say thatin a rhetorical ~ay ­ They followed orders, and we want the men who war against their organization - a war against the we say that in a political way. That if enough int~r.... gave them the orders in the courtroom. We're black community, in which troops have been sent into national pressure can be generated, around this trial sending supoenas to Lyndon Johnson and Richard 100 or 200,250 black communities around the US and the trials of all the conspirators in this country, Daley'. Lyndon Johnson will send his attorney to in the last five years, in which several hundred black and the trials of all the political prisoners, that quash the supoena and say that he's got nothing to do people have been killed and several thousand have it can have an impact. I think the only thing keeping with this and so will Mayor Daley. been wounded - in a situation that is hardly one of Huey Newton out of the electric chair was political The only thing that we can hope for is. creating peace, It may not be full-scale civil war, but we pressure. a political effect by showing the jury and showing have defined it as a situation that is much closer The only thing that will keep us on the streets the press and showing the people how we're sys­ to war than it is to peace. We feel that certainly is political pressure and it has to be on a world­ tematically stopped from putting our case on. That's people like Rap Brown, Huey P. Newton, and Bobby wide basis and it has be be applied during the trial ­ our defense. We make no pretense of saying that Seale are seen militarily as well as politically as so the government is put into a verydifficult situation ­ we can put a case on in this courtroom. We can't enemies by the United States, by the Pentagon, by if, by persecuting us, the government alienates the do it. We can only attempt to do it and show how the the FBI. They're prisoners of war. youth of this country, and alienates people around the government at every' point insists on stopping it. We regard the US government as conducting an world, and discredits it's legal system in the eyes imperialist policy with respect to the entire third world - just as last year it discredited its political STOP THE TRIAL world, particularly with respect ,to Vietnam, and in party system by doing what it did on the streets of the war in Vietnam, the war of resistance waged by Chicago, . So what we're intending to do in conclusion is take the people of Vietnam against the US, they have That means that the goverment will not be suc­ this case to you. We regard you as the people who are taken prisoners. Prisoners of the US Army and fl-ir ceeding, even if it puts us away, in making young very fundamental to what happens. On the day that our Force. And since there's close solidarity between the people obey this fascist regime of law and order. lawyers were locked up, the students at Rutgers law Panthers and the Vietnamese, there's growing sol­ In fact, by putting us away, in this situation, the gov­ school marched into a faculty meeting and demanded idarity between revolutionaries in this country and ernment will be breeding more lawlessness, as that the school be closed and the school was closed. people throughout the third word, it seems to us a the government thinks of it - instead of frightening matter of common sense for people to cooperate on and intimidating people. On the other hand, if the CONTINUED ON NEXT PAGE an international basis against the US government government should decide politically to cut us loose, where it's grabbing people off the streets or bombing on some appeal or give us appeal bond as some STOP THE , TRIAL •

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 11 And we're trying to organize law students in other parts of the country to do the same thing. I think that this is a very revolutionary idea when it comes from law students and lawyers especially, to STOP THE TRIAL. There can be no such thing as a fair. trial. No such thing as an appeal on this. The only way that these people are going to have justice is to STOP THE TRIAL. It's a practical proposition. The government, any time it wants, can stop this trial. The government can accuse us of having done something and move for a mistrial. We can move for a mistrial and the government can cooperate in that request. The government can. tell Judge Hoffman to get conveniently 111. Any number of ways, the gov­ ernment can arrange to have this trial stopped. 'A lawyers committee nationwide has beenformed to stop the trial. They're working inside the courts and outside the courts. I had never seen lawyers in the streets before. I understand there was a big demonstration here in SF, there was a very large one in Chicago. Slowly, the cream of the crop, the law students who are supposed to run corporate cap­ italism for the next generation or two, are being al­ ienated from John Mitchell and Richard Nixon, are being alienated from the Justice Department, and are getting a kind ofproperdose of lawlessnessin their veins. It's not the only constituency, it's not the only kind of group that we're trying to work with. We're trying to work with the Vietnamese, we're trying to work with the Western Europeans, we're trying to work with the student groups, we're trying to work with everybody and anybody in this country. We spoke plenty of times at the Moratorium. We probably spoke to 150,000 people. And we're going to Washington on November 15th. Dave Dellinger is the chairman of the program and is going to speak about the necessity to withdraw troops from Vietnam. We expect 100-200,000 people to be in Washington. We expect a significant number of those people to march'on the Department of Justice to demand freedom for Huey and Bobby, to demand that the trial in Chicago stop and to demand general freedom for political prisoners everywhere and amnesty for El­ dridge Cleaver. This is the kind of thing that is absolutely necessary to put on the agenda. You can't expect to fight against the war in Vietnam without taking political casualites and nobody is going to continue strugglingagainst these issues if they feel they're going to be railroaded to the penitentiary because of it. Maybe by tying our case to all these outher cases, we can amplify the publicity about them, but it's very important to un­ derstand that hundreds of thousands of people in this country are being railroaded and only a few of them you've heard of. We have the government that Richard .Nixon has been putting together for a long time, from when he was on HUAC, from when he was chasing Com­ munists in the 1940' s a;nd the 1950' s. He's brought· them all to Washington and they have a single-minded intention, no matter what the political cost, to put as many people away as possible. That'swhy Spiro Agnew, just like Judge Hoffman, is not a nut and is not a joke. He is very serious. He knows what he's doing. He's trying to mobilize fascist popular support for doing what he wants to do. And therefore he has to play on the idea that we are effete snobs and you know that there's some truth to that and that we are misfits -- we can't fit into capitalism, we can't open stores and become businessmen - we are misfits in this system. Spiro Agnew is the wave of the future. I don' t think he's the wave of the future of the people of the US. He is the direction in which the government of the US is going. I have ·great confidence that he cannot take' the people with him, he can't even take his 14 year old daughter with him.' It is sort of the last ditch campaign on the part of the forces of law and order to protect the remnants of their dyilig civilization.

LET US OUT We have to understand what they regard as criminal is anything that outside the narrow definition of the Christian - American tradition. The only way we can stop them is be abandoning the notion of crime altogether and realizing that almost everything that people are arrested for has to do with politics, has to do with class injustice, has to do with who has con­ tacts, who has lawyers, who has money to bail themselves out and proceed in that framework, know­ ing that we really do have support of people in this country in growing numbers and we certainly have the support of people in the world. . What we're doing is making the US into the outlaw power and the criminal power in the eyes of all of these people. For that to happen, Iwouldbeverygald to spend time in the penitentiary, I know that everybody who's in penitentiaries now have only one hope - there's only one thing that can justify the time they spend in the pentitentiary and .that's that people on the outside R.C. make the government the outlaw, isolate that gov­ ernment and finally destroy it. while we're in the penitentiary and then come and let us out. .. r, PAGE 12 THE MOVEMENT DECEMBER 1969 tam o'shante'r lascism

by "the judge" Fascism comes down in many ways. It may hit you over the head like the tanks in Berkeley or the chains on Bobby Seale. Or it may creep up. little by little. thru the traditional liberal democratic insti­ tutions. until it pervades the attitudes of the bureaucrats who run these institutions. and passively gains acceptance among the popula­ tion controlled by them.

Since the end of the strike last March, and the Since the BSU survived the strike as the strongest withdrawal of the 600 stormtrooper, SF Statelias been­ 'organization on the campus, and the Black Studies tranSformed into a fascist enclave in a suburban desert, Department !\as over 1000 students, third world a concentration camp decorated with a tam-o-shanter and white, enrolled in its classes, Hayakawa has instead of barbed wires. rightly seen it as his most powerful enemy on the The fascism being put into practice at State may campus. So Hayakawa has set out to smash the Black prove to be a modelfor the fascisttzation of educational Studies Department. His technique is the same as institutions throughout the country. It depends for its Hitler's Big Lie - say it loud enough and long enough effectiveness on several factors: a pretense of main­ and the masses wUl believe it. ta1n1Dg the traditional institutional apparatus while With the d11Jgent assistance of our local t~cian actually concentrating power into the hands of one of the biglie, Harvey York. Hayakawa' s public relations man; use of traditional academic myths to justify man, Hayakawa is getting his face back on TV and political repression; an occasional carrot doled outto _.the bourgeois press to convince the concerned insurgent groups to maintain the 1llusion offreedom; public that the Black Studies program is being run isolation of the most revolutionary sector ofthe move­ by a baDdfUl of revolutionaries who are intimidating ment; the GreatLie dished out to the media for mass the black faculty. poor dupes· and all the students, ingestion; and, among the populace, inst1llation of an into believing that a Black Studies program has the overwhelming fear of reprisal that breeds apathy, responsibUlty to tell the truth about the exploitation and a desire to shut one's eyes and forget that of black people by U.S. impertalsim, and about the it's all happening. ' forces of liberation that are fighting this oppression. All the old academic forms st1ll exist - the aca­ Hayakawa' s objective is toput Black Studies courses .• demic senate, student government, student activities back under control of the faculty in all the tradttton office, faculty and administrative committees with departments: to make sure that a Black Culturecourse their traditional prerogatives and spheres of influ­ is taught by a faculty member who subscribes to cul· ence. But Hayakawa controls the entire apparatus, tural nationalism - counterrevolutionary and safe; by the simple expedients of appointing people loyal that a Black Economics course is firmly guided by to his pos1t1on in all the key adm1n1strative positions, a teacher who can extoU the virtues of black cap­ and by establishing an information and spy system italism. that makes itimpossiblefor us to push any old-guard The Black students Union does not intend to let this liberals sti111ett in the regime to accomplish anything happen... constructive, without his finding out about it ahead of time. The plainclothes pigs all look like hip students, and many of the classes ofthe" radical" faculty contain at least one student informer. Hayakawa and his administrators use the myth of "academic freedom" to weed out any faculty whose: political positions challenge the notion that the func­ tion of a college education is to train observors, but not partisans; to study social problems, but not work to solve them. The toll so far includes Nathan Hare and Juan Martinez; and may soon encompass every faculty member who gave grades to striking students. They used the myth of "academic competence" to prevent any students, particularly strike leaders, from teaching in the SChool of Third World studies, be­ cause their diplomas come from the streets, not the classrooms. Under the guise of "due process", allthe arrested students are still grinding through the wheels ofthe In­ ternal Security Division (student disciplinaryproceed­ ings), and the Financial Aids office is "reviewing" their applications for loans and work-study jobs to determine whether they are still"eligible" for financial aid from the college. Due process has already gotten several striking clerical and cafeteria workers fired from their jobs.

STICKS AND CARROTS Last Spring, Hayakawa and the State Attorney General clamped down on the student government that had supported the Third World Liberation Front by confiscating all remaining student funds and placing them in "trust" with the Bank of America. When a "Power to the People" slate wonthestudent elections, Hayakawa declared the election inValid, and put his puppet slate "Satyagraha" (non-Violence) into office. Now the funds are slowly dribbling back into the hands of the new government, and Satyagraha has ben­ evolently granted student Mob and Legal Defense office space on the campus. Student groups can now pass out leaflets and hang up posters without getting busted (6 people were busted for poster-hanging last Spring), but the intel11gence pigs get copies or pictures of everything that appears subversive. The Daily Gater, . the college newspaper, is still outlawed from the cam­ -vi pus because it is consistently cr1t1cal of the Hayakawa regime, but thousands of copies circulate quietly among the students every week. San Francisco millionaire Ben SWig recently gave Hayakawa $25,000 for "bread and circuses" rock band programs on campus, while E.O.P studentsaredropping out of school because there isn't enought financial aid to keep them going. The School of Third World stUdies, and the third world organizations which developed and fought for administration of its programs, st1ll represent the major threat to a total fascistic take-over of the campus. Key to the growing strength of the TWLF is the EqualOpportunItie$Program, through which third world students are recruited into the college. As long as T. W: organizations are in any way involved in the recruitment process. the campus is st1ll open to GI potentially revolutionary students. sacramento leg­ i islator Harmer decided to put a stop to this by ...c. passing a bill that puts sole jurisdiction for re­ cruitment in the bands of high school principals and :s the heads of local Veterans Adm1n1stration! In this 6 way, all incoming third world students can be screened ~ to make sure that they are susceptible to an education :E geared to achieving their "proper place" tpa capitalist ~ society, rather than seeing their education asa means l; .... J to develop the sktlls to overturn that society. DECEMBER 1969 THE MOVEMENT PAGE 13 laos - another vietnam

by Marlene Charyn " '1 Left My Heart in San Francisco' is the most popular tune in Laos today." -S.F. Chronicle Large parts of Laos, like many remote and primitive countries before it, have been pene­ trated and ravaged by American pilots and ad,visors and their native collaborators. Even the Neo Lao Haksat (the Patriotic Front of Laos), which is waging a fierce struggle against the imperialists, sadly admits that the zone under control of the U.s.-supported Vientiane administration has become "a dis­ ordered and corrupt society where robbery, gangsterism, alcoholism, drug addiction, gam'­ bling, illegal lotteries, and prostitution are spreading more and more." , Idaho-sized Laos has received $2.6 billion from­ the Agency for International Development (AID) in the past five years. Yet Lisa Hobbs writes in the Aug. 14 Chronicle: "Looking at the hundreds of thous­ ands living huddled along the Mekong River in one­ room lean-tos, or at the slums proliferating like poisonous mushrooms around the swamps, one wonders CIA MAP (NOT AT ALL SECRET) where the money has gone.~ 'Other bourgeois sources don't wonder, they know: the AID money goes into the pockets of the military and political bosses that pander to the US. A New York Times reporter de­ scribed "a young general who meets callers over But in 1946 the French, backed by US. money, would pursue a neutralist policy Internationallyand that whisky at the side of his swimming pool in the sUburbs." reoccupied the country and the government estab­ the NLH would participate in elections as a recognized Another Times reporter noted that. Laotian Premier lished by the Free Laos forces was dispersed. .political party. In return, the PathetLao gave up Souvanna Phouma vacations "at a home he main­ French Influence in Laos, both before and after its territory In the north, a portionofthe revolutionary tains in the south of France.~ And the Los Angeles the war, seems to have been minimal. Apparently army was incorporated Into the Royal Laotian Army, Times recently ran an Associated Press story that the French didn't pay too much attention to Laos and the rest of the guerrillas were demobilized. said: "Some of the aid makes possible imports of because its main value was as a buffer between Vietnam and Thailand. When the French returned the foreign luxury goods which bulge the central US MANIPULATION market and shops along the sleepy streets. ~ It's .to Laos after the war, they recognized the Laotian a cinch these luxuries aren't bought by the slum king, who is mainly a religious figure, and in 1949, The following year the coalition government began dwellers. _, Laos became. an independent state associated W.ilh : to function, with Souphannouvong as Minister of Meanwhile, in another part of the country, there is th~ .French Union under the protection of the French. Planning, Reconstruction, and Urban Development. neither severe poverty nor corruption. Two provinces Union Army. . What happened next to disrupt the peace can perhaps in the north, liberated by revolutionaries in the be imagined from this passage by John Cady, a former State Department officer for Southeast Asia: early fifties, are fighting an increasingly escalating RESISTANCE BEGINS war against U.S. supported mercenary Laotian ground "Friction again developed on several issues~ The troops and against the U.S. Air Force. But in spite By 1950, the forces of Imperialism and anti­ ambitious planning program prepared by Prince of the fighting, they are building a new economy and communism were beginning to show their hands. Souphannouvoung for agriculture, Industry, and social a new culture. Because of U.S. bombings, they live Prince Souphannouvong had learned in 1946 that the services proved completely unrealistic both financially and work primarily in caves, and venture out only expansion-minded West does not Intend to let Southeast and technologically, especially In view of prevailing at night. The bombing raids began in 1964, and Asians calmly set up governments and go about their problems of disorder and corruption. The Pathet now average somewh::lre around 300 a day. business. His wife, a Vietnamese, had learned the Lao faction also objected strongly to American Although the U. S insists it is trying to help Laos same lesson. In 1950 Souphannouvong joinedwith other efforts to develop and equip the royalist army. achieve "stability", in fact it has done just the resistance leaders to convene the National Congress Another major factor of difficulty concerned the un­ opposite. U S. intervention has polarized Laos po­ of Representatives oithe Laotian People. The Congress fortunate tendency on Washington's part to view the litically and militarily, has made refugees of a quarter. drew up a broad national unity program and created local political situation exclusively In ferms of the of the population, has ensured that the country must the popular Neo Lao Itsala united front and a coalition cold war." import rice, which it used to export, and through government headed by Souphannouvong. So the U.S, put out money for the military but the CIA has helped overthrow two constitutional gov­ Three and a half years later, revolutionary forces not for social services. Sounds familiar. Cady goes ernments in the past 15 year.s. had beaten puppet and French Union forces in the on to describe American manipulation of the Laos north, aQd.llad.Jiberated half the country. economy. He also mentions an American policy When the 1954 Geneva after 1956 "to develop a more effective Laotian HOW IT HAPPENED Conference reestibushed the peace and neutrality of fighting force." According to cady, Laotians had little Laos, the New Lao Itsala Immediately ordered a desire to fight, and so "In an attempt to develop "The state of Laos within its present boundaries ceasefire. In October 1954, Prince Souphannouvong, an elite fighting corps, the American Central- In­ possesses little or no nationalist tradition," a former in the name of the Laotian revolutionary forces he telligence Agency sponsored the creation of a U.S. official wrote in 1966. He calls Laos "an commanded, stated he would cooperate with the royal youthful patriotic force headed by an anti-Communist artificial state.~ Until it was taken over by the French, government in order to strengthen the peace, restore 'Committee of Defense of the National Interest'. what is now Laos was a h1lly jungle area inhabited democratic liberties, and achieve national unity. On The body was led by General Phoumi Nosavan... by some sixty different peoples with a variety of the basis of these principles, the royal government an ardent rightist".. Nosavan, a longtime comprador, languages, customs, religions, and ethnic origins. began to negotiate with the Pathet Lao. had previously backed the French. liThe entity of Laos was created by gathering to­ It took two years to come to some agreement, and In the May 1958 elections, the NLHwon 13 of the gether the small kingdoms, tribal organizations, and it was during these years that direct U S. intervention 21 seats to be added to the National Assembly. Two racial confederations of interior regions of Indo-China began. At this time, American advisers ordered the months later, Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma, under one governmental authority", says a U S. gov­ royalist government, headed by Que Katay (whom probably prodded by his U S. advisers, resigned an( 'ernment publication. Nonetheless" US spokesmen the revolutionaries compare with South Vietnam's tried to form a new cabinet without the NLH. Soon today talk about the Laotian government and army infamous Bao Dai), to attack the liberated areas. thereafter, rightist general Phoumi Sananikone led as if they were stable institutions oflong standIng with Other U.S. activity in those years came to light a coup against Souvanna, and began a purge of the NLH the firm support of the people. recently In the New York Times, which reported: leader. By the end of the year the guerr1llas were The Laotians, however, understood the peculiar­ "Americans are known to have helped organize, train, fighting again. ities of their young nation and before the US. stepped and equip Meo (Laotian tribesmen) fighters since The Sananikone regime, though thoroughly anti­ in had built a surprising cohesion in a relatively the early 1950s." Communist in its orientation, was corrupt and in­ short time. After World War II, the Laotians pro­ In January 1956, the National Congress of the effective. In less than a year, CIA-sponsored Phouml claimed their independence, and apparently without Representatives of the Laotian People met again, and Nosavan took over. Nosavan was no improvement. difficulty or outside help the neutralist forces of this time it organized the' New Lao Haksat party His regime has been well described by Cady: "During Prince Souvanna Phouma and the leftist forces of (NLH). Later that year, Souphannouvong and his half­ General Phoumi'Nosavan's period ofprominence from his half-brother Pl'1nce Souphannouvong joined with brother Souvanna PhQuma, leader of the neutralists, 1960 to 1963, he had developed a lucrative chain of ,other patriotic groups to form acoalition·government. reached an agreement. They agreed that the government .garabling casinos, 'controlled all liquor and perfume .'PAGE 14 THE MOVEMENT DECEMBER 1969 imports, and had used the gold monopoly of the Bank them to live in holes and trenches six feet deep for of Laos for smuggling precious metal out of the the past three years. Since bombing intensified last country, all at great profit to himself." December (1968), many had stayed in their burrows In the ten years since Nosavan's coup, American during daylight hours and ventured out only on moonlit involvement has increased steadily, and peace and nights". stabll1ty have waned just as steadily. An NLH leader In the face of Laotian resistence, and NLH military explains: "Laos has become an extremely important and political victories, the US has stepped up its at­ strategic region for U. S. imperialism. Yankee imper­ tacks. The U.S. planes are now bombing the liberated us ialism's invariable plan is to convert Laos into a neo­ zones around the clock. They're trying to destroy Pf.O PL.£}u. colony and a mlUtary base, to group Laos, Thailand, the rebel economy and the social fabric, just like I'£STNJ~'" 'IETE and Soutll Vietnam into a network of military bases they've been trying to do in Vietnam for years. which will be used to provoke war and to m~~ce But the Laotians are used to caves. Even Prince '2£O~~~ I'E LA RA'ZA the socialist camp, and to dominate the Southeast AsIan. Souphannouvong lives in a cave. Farmers work countries and to prevent the revolutionary movement at night. Markets function from 4AM to 7AM. An from developing ,there." atmosphere of surrealism pervades the landscape in .'Good. Foo cL S zones where Laotian rebels live, work, and relax. lRffEM 7 Caves serve as eating and sleeping quarters, offices, fV\A.. \-'1" GENEVA CONFERENCE hospitals, meeting rooms and centers for cultural In June 1962 a new Geneva Conference reestablished and political_~atherings. peace and neutrality, and a Tripartite coalition gov­ Carlos Lechuga wrote in Tricontinental in Fall, ernment was set up.Souvanna Phouma again became .1967: FI Premier, with rightist mafioso Phoumi Nosavan and­ . "Under the leadership of the Neo Lao Haksat, the the Pathet Lao's Souphannouvong as Deputy P rime Min­ people are uniting and helping one another, irres­ BUTTON!! isters. pective of nationality. If the harvest of one village The U, S. neverhad theslightest intention of heeding is poor or some article is in short supply, other AVAILABLE FROM the Geneva agreements: Within two months of the villages send aid...Substantial changes are takingplace. THE MOVEMENT- new government's formation, U.S. supported rightist Among these are the setting up of Mutual Aid Groups troops attacked the liberated zone in the northeast, in which from three to five families combine forces, 330 GROVE ST. and by April 1963, Prince Souphannouvong, once again including their means of production, to cultivate SAN FRANCISCO) CA. betrayed, left his cabinet post and returned to the their parcels of land collectively, although the harvest guerrillas. The coalition fell apart. (American news­ is divided on an individual basis. Each school produces I~EACH- 94 papers, incidentally, still maintain the fiction that the its own vegetable throughoijt the year and also raises '0, coalition eXists.) pigs and poultry. The defense of the Homeland is MINIMUM ORDER 50 From here on in, Souvanna Phouma requested the tied closely to production, and a new movement has aid of the US. Air Force, which began bombing mis­ been started under the name "Land and Ponds for the . PLEASE ADD f ¢ sions on Laotian territory at that time." The NLH Front," ...Bomb craters left by enemy aircraft are EACH FOR POSTAGE. sets the date of the first bombing as May 17, 1964 ­ . being used for planting or stocking as fish hatcheries. I before the Tonkin Gulf incident, and before the Ho All this work is carried out on a collective basis, from harvesting or catching to transporting the products Chi Minh Trail prOVided the U.S, with a ready excuse. ELDRIDGE CLEAVER, "Since then," the government publication notes, "the to the front." Royal Laotian Air Force has been equipped with T-28 In short, the rebels are finding new ways to preserve PLEASE COME HOME trainers to use as bombers. Two American airlines ­ their freedom and continue the strugg-le against the Air America, reportedly operated by the CIA, and Con­ American aggressorsJ The anti-imperialist movement An open letter to a beautiful black tinental Airlines - provide transport for supplies to . should be raising a new slogan 'sooil,"Trnmedlite With­ brother from an equally beautiful government forces". It is hard to believe, but the drawal of all Troops from Laos,BRING THE WAR HOME!" white sister. puppet government and the Nixon Administration st111 claim that the U.S. has not violated the Geneva Send one dollar cash or money neutrality agreement since there are no U.S. ground -****** ••****************.*••********** forces in Laos - though even that is not true. ! .' ! order to M. Howard, Dept. MO, The devastation of a country by' bombs, to their 442 Central Bldg., 810 Third Ave., way of thinklftg, doesn't infringe on its neutrality. * *' , Seattle, Wash. 98104.

i:""'\ •••, til. ! NOS~RTFORSOUVAHNA . . In 1965, after two unsuccesstul right-wing coups, • • z c:r- Souvanna Phouma was stll1 Premier. He called on lIe.I.•• > g-~ §g 5'~ ... :;; I bg g ::t:':J"':J ~ the NLH to participate in elections for the National ~ ~a. ~;;. II.'••, .. 3Q .... Assembly. His invitation was a hoax, since the ~ ~ m 18. *' 1. To increase the unityofthepeople,and to actively g'~;;lg'c::~ ~ ... bombs he requested were still being dropped on mobilize all the forces of the country in order to ~ ~ DO ... Zoe *' m m !!: ~.g.~~.~:=. liberated areas, For the first time, the NLH didn't : defeat the aggression of the U.S. imperialists. To ~ ::II ::I .. !!? ~ ... ~U> •=I._• = n n bite on an offer of a place in the government, and for ~ _ ~ ~;:~cng ~ * unite all social sectors, all nationalities, all re- 0' _ ....oQ *' ~ .. I'll ... 0_ two more years the Vietiane regime was in chaos. In f :; < t ligious beliefs, all political parties in favor of peace : I:' a.. a.. ...- .. ~r;g~;.~ '" It ~ 1967, Souvanna again asked the NLH to join a tri­ ! and democracy and opposed to the U.S, aggression. To *' == • It-"CD -~w ..... ~W~~ <5' :. partite coal1tion.NLH was well aware that there ~ ~ G" respect the throne. * -in 0 _ ~~ Q fi'Z ~ ~ was no hope for a three-part government since there ~ 0 ;-0- c ~ ~ii' :' 2. To establish equality in all fields and solidarity i* ~ 0 .. 0 l'f1~c.n~g~ " _ c: ...... ~'lI> ~~:3 were no longer any neutralists in Vientiane and and mutual aid between the diverse nationalities in ; ... 0 ~ It 0 5- •~ 0;- ::II'" ~ again refused. ~ :!' .. order to struggle together against the US. imper- g ~~ ~ ~ ~ Ilr" z ... a·OQ ...... ~tb Nonetheless, in January 1967, Souvanna Phouma ialists. . v. :rc: -< ~ ~ .. C Q. ~ • n w It ..... Q..(bt'll:J G• CD .. ..~ cleverly left four cabinet chairs open for NLH rep­ ~: It ~ g-~ 3. To respect and preserve the Buddhist faith. ~.. 1" ill g 3 =G! E ~ ~ - n resentatives, since he knew the NLH is the only CD ~ ~ ~ == ~ ~8 ~ ..o.~- !* 4. To guarantee freedom to all citizens of Laos, *" m ::I c: ..... '< n ~ party with any popular support. "The Pathet Lao ... .,..::11'" :;: ~ * of both sexes, to elect and be elected, freedom *' =: ::P ~ ~ ~~~ ... ~ .0 :T!'" ..,. ..- ..0 is st111 the only organized political party in Laos," ~ ~::r ;0 c: c: of association, assembly, demonstration, speech, the .. 0 . 2 ()o r""i CD It .. !!. he admitted a few months later. -.. .. ::Pit citiz~ns ~ 4- .. .., 8. g.:J Vi * press, religion. To assure all of Laos *' ... It :TO., :iii!! CD .. 5' ~ = AU.S. government publication sheds some light ~ 2.. ~ n ;J •• :l:! = corporal inviolablUty, the right to hold private real It) ..... '< *' * :T~ II> on Souvanna's contradictory policies: "The Premier ~ n -CD ~;>..,., _. ~ ..r~ estate and personal property, secrecy of correspon- -t ::II'" :4) .. G ~ .. t z _ Jl:I ::r ...... ~ ~ 0 lacks the strength of a regional power base, but ... .. II 3 n VI It m o~ ""d the dusty capital of Vientiane enjoy a dazzling array ~ ~ ~s~ *' presents the interests of the various social strata * 0 2a.!"'~~ ~ of imported goods, ranging from Fren~h cognac and It of our multinational people. *' _ cheeses to American cigarettes and Scotch whiskey." ; 7. To create a trUly patriotic and people's armed ~ The LA. Times adds: "In the Lane Xang hotel bar, ~ forces and security force. *" a Laotian general passes up his siesta to chuck a * 8. To build an independent, autonomous, and pro- It bar girl under the chin and clink champagne glasses * sperous economy, encompassing industry, agriculture, It "Viva La Revolucion" with an American who prabably works for the CIA." ~ timber, commerce, communications, transportation, #: 17" x 23" POSTERS OF VILLA And the Chronicle shows the relationship between the treasury, and currency. ;It' the collaborators and the common people: "The Pon­ 9. To develop culture and education of a national and ... AND ZAPATA tiacs and Buicks, and the extraordinarynumber of Mer­ progressive nature, to raise the cultural and scientific i heroes of the Mexican ReVOlution, sold as a fund­ cedes Benzes that squeeze'through the narrow streets *' level, to improve the public health, to better the * of the towns, merely push a little extra mud into the t hygienic conditions of the people. To struggle against t raising project by the United Farm Workers natives' huts or send the children and chickens ,~ the depraved, hybridculture and against the poisonous t OrganiZing Committee. scattering." ;: education aimed at serving the neocolonialist population * And so Laos is very similar to Vietnam. The right­ * of the U.S. imperialists. It wing militarist government only survives because of It 10. To establish justice and social progress. To It U.S. support. The economy has been,:wrecked and re­ ~ guarantee the working class and the white-collar : , VIVA LA placed by U.S. aid, 50% of which goes for armaments. * workers the right to work. To pass a labor law and * The U. S. has set Laotians against Laotians. The ~ REVOLUCION : establish social security, and above all, to establish ~ corruption of the ruling class is extensive.The poverty * a system of equitable remuneration for an 8-hour day It of the lower classes is increasing. And the old * with one day off a week. *' neutralists have taken sides, some with the U.S., some * 11. To protect the interests of ·the citizens of * with the Patriotic Front - so that now the people have ~ Laos abroad and guarantee the legitimate rights of : only two alternatives: to allow Laos to become ~ foreign subjects resident in Laos. *" a U.S. colony or to fight for their complete liberation. t 12. To put into effect a peaceful, independent, and t It neutral foreign policy. * LIBERATED ZONES *" To strengthen the solidarity and friendship on an *' ~ equal and long-term basis with Vietnam and with the ~ The Laotian revolutionaries have held a liberated * Khmer nation in the common struggle against the It zone for more than 15 years. ! TJ.S. imperialist aggressors and for the building of i Emiliano Zapata Pancho Villa Two years ago, -this zone, which borders on North ... the country. Vietnam and China, included two thirds of the land ~ To respect and put into practice the 1954 and 1962 (black on red) (black on brown) and half the people of Laos. Over' the past six * Geneva Agreements on Laos. * months, fighting has intensified, and reports indicate t To abstain from participating in any military al- : Send $1.50 for each poster (or $5 for 5 posters) that the NLH may have won some land though it * liance. To refuse to allow any foreign country to It plus 2S¢ for postage and handling to: has also lost some people to the U.S. refugee centers. t establish military bases on Laotian territory to be : EL MALCRIADO, % UFWOC, P._O. Box #130n! But even if many people have been forced to flee, * used in aggression against another country. * half a million remain in the caves, fighting and working. *' To support the liberation movement of the countries * Delano, Ca 93215 "One of the heaviest bombing campaigns.in history t of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. To support all .: SUPPORT THE FARMWORKERS is devastating northeastern Laos" , a recent Chronicle It the movements struggling for the peace, democracy * article reported, "leveling towns and destroyingfarm- : and social progress of the peoples of the wQrld. : • land, forcing people to live like rats in holes and Don't Buy Grapes! trenches. The refugees said the bombing had forced It**********•• ****.*******************~ DECEMBER 19Q9 THE MOVEMENT PAGE 15 zenga'kuren fozenkyofo pow-wow. One student died in the battle. over the country. The Zenkyoto joined with the This battle polarized students and the larger workers' union called Sohyo. (Sohyo, the largest and community. Campus struggles expanded and toughened most influential union in Japan, began the move to "Ampo-Hunsai!" (Smash the U.S.-Japan and young workers began to break with the old left. wear helmets in demonstrations and to use direct Security Treaty) is the 1970 battlecry of the, The Anti-War Youth Committees of the trade union action against Japan's involvement in the Vietnam Japanese Student movement. The Security (Sohyo) were purged from the main organization, war, as far back as 1965) Within several months the but continue to grow in power and militance. ties between Zenkyoto and Sohyo had become very Pact would give the American military con­ Early in 1968, a large number of radical students strong. tinued use of bases in Japan and Okinawa and from west and South Japan gathered at the American In January, 1969, the Kidotai entered the Tokyo allow the build-up of Japan's own military naval base at Sasebo, to oppose the docking of the University campus again, this time to take back the forces. Japanese students have been fighting American aircraft carrier "Enterprise". In May, main administration building from Zenkyoto, which in the streets for ten years against their 1968, studer and community groups staged succes­ had barricaded and occupied the building for over half sive demonstrations in Tokyo to oppose the construc­ a year. For several days the two forces fought. The country's cooperation with American inter­ tion of a US field hospital for soldiers wounded in Kidotai finally retook the building, using tear gas vention in Asia. They have closed down more Vietnam. In August 1968, radical students led a dropped from helicopters. This action led directly to than 100 universities for periods as long as demonstration which gained the support of local the widening of the Zenkyoto and extension of the 6 months. Here is a history of the develop­ residents in the suburbs of Tokyo where a new struggle to universities throughout Japan. ment of the Japanese Student Movement. airport was to be built. , In April, 1969, students· from Zenkyoto factions of The real significance of these actions was not so various universities in Tokyo and the surrounding much the militant tactics as their politics. Although region participated in the Okinawa Demonstrations. The Zengakuren (All Japan Students' League) was on the surface they were all anti-American, their basic These demonstrations had been organized by other formed soon after the end of World War II. From the aim was to oppose JAPAN's 'role in Vietnam and as groups, but the students chose to participate since beginning it was dominated by the Japanese Communist an agent of US imperialism all over Asia. the purpose of the demonstrations was to protest Party (JCP) which gained popularity during the the American occupation of Okinawa and use of War for 'its stand against fascism. By the end of the STUDENTS REJECT PRIVILEGE Okinawa bases for bombing flights to Vietnam. This Korean War the JCP was advocating • peaceful rev­ was the first time the new Zenkyoto joined in open olution~ . In Janu~ry i 1968, a strike began in the Medical activity with outher leftist groups, mainly Hansen, In 1958, the Zengakuren split from the JCP and Faculty at the University of Tokyo, the most pres­ the workers' anti-war movement, and Beheiren (Cit­ moved further hift. It organized militant university tigeous· and influential university in the country. izens' Union for Peace in Vietnam), a group mainly strikes and demonstrations, but more importantly; The origins lay in the conditions that interns were composed of intellectuals and social critics. rejected the JCP two-stage theory of revolution. forced to endure (low pay, terrible hours, harsh On June 15, 1969, a memorial day was held for The Communists believe that J?pan must move from pressure from older doctors). For several months, the Kamba Michiko, who had died in the 1960 Ampo dem­ feudalism to bourgeois democracy, before there can strike was limited mainly to the medical school, onstrations. About 30,000 people 'gathered in Hibiya be a socialist revolution. Zengakuren pointed to the with elements of the School of Economics taking an Park in central Tokyo. The group was composed fact that Japanese capitalism was perfectly developed active part. But the facilities of the med school mainly of students, workers, and intellectuals. Plans as part of an international imperialist system. were barricaded, and research was stopped. Even- were laid for an independent force, unrelated to either The Zengakuren led the first major demonstrations­ 'tually the administration ordered the Kidotai (riot the JCP or the SDP, to prevent a continuation of the against the Security Treaty in 1969. It was then that police) to break down the barricades. The conflict US - Japan Sectfrity Treaty. they first developed the snake-dance techniques. For immediately expanded. An emergency sub-committee days, 200,000 students and workers surrounded gov­ of students drew up seven demands on July 7 and NEW UNITY ernment buildings and battled riot police. The strong called for a university-wide strike.- The response protest prevented President Eisenhower's visit that was only partial. Summer vacation was close and a On Setember 15, 1969, at a conference in Tokyo, year and forced Kishi and his cabinet to resign _. cooling off period followed. the All-Japan Zenkyoto was formed, including all but the Security Treaty managed to stay intact along The politics of this strike were basically" student old factions of Zengakuren, except Minsei and the with the 170 US military bases in Japan and another power~. But the actions spread to other universities and pacifists. 117 in Okinawa. the politics changed. Beginning in the School of Econ­ According to the announcement of the conference During the 1960 demonstrations, the Zengakuren omics at the University of Tokyo, they drew a parallel office, 178 universities have already organized Zen­ tried to form a new student movement "the Com­ League~ influen~ed between Japan's self-righteousness over the Vietnam kyotos. Among them, 34 universities sent formal munist , that wouldn't be by the :rCP. War and the students' privileged position in an op­ delegates to the conference. But one group within this new organization, the People's pressive society. Many students originally wanted just 26,000 sLldents attended the conference, including Youth League (Minsei), put itself under the direct to change the university. But now many want to representatives from eight new left political factions, control of the JCP. So the influence of the Com­ destroy the university. They close them down for non-sect students from many Zenkyotos, students from munist Party continued to disrupt the movement and months and use them for bases in'their struggle. Beheiren (The League for Peace in Vietnam) and weaken strategy and morale. Other factions developed over the Security Treaty. unaffiliated students. The turn-out was particularly and the League soon split into separate groups. There impressive because most universities were still on were no major actions for several years. The students of Tokyo University - most of them non-sect radicals - decided to form their own intra­ vacation and because radical students can hardly HANEDA INCIDENT university organization to carryon the strike. The spare any man-power on the campuses. Radicals , new organizationwas called the Students' Conference for have been fighting through the summer and are ·A ten-hour struggle at Haneda airport marked a All-University Struggle (Zenkyoto). This group included now combatting riot policeunleashed by the repressive turning point for the movement. On October 8, 1967, elements from all the factions (except Minsei, the pro­ University Law. Prime Minister Sato planned to leave from Haneda JCP,faction ) and non-sect radicals. Five thousand riot police surrounded the entrance airport for a conference with LBJ on the issue of In November, 1968, Minsei and Zenkyoto battled for of the Concert Hall. They checked identifications and Okinawa. There, for the first time, students used several nights on the campus. The JCP brought in searched each student for weapons. Theywere looking helmets and wooden staves to try to prevent the students from Minsei groups from campuses all for Yoshitaka Yamamoto, the principal organizer and PAGE 16 THE MOVEMENT DECEMBER 1969 chai-rman of the All Japan Zenkyoto League. Yamamoto But people realize the importance of militant went -underground in January after leading the famous unity. As one Japanese artist said, "People began to Yasuda Auditorium Battle of Tokyo University. The feel that Japan was moving towards fascism...Faced police did find and arrest him on a variety of warrants with fascism, mild protesting like singing and dancing without the anticipated battle. . seems kind of absurd now,l' lo.poc The central part of the conference hall was occupied As the student struggle grows and more and more by students of the political factions, each group wearing workers fight against the Security Pact, the Japanese "It is only a matter of time until the its distinctly colored helmets. The number of non­ government faces a dilemma. It may have to resort question of the prisoner's debt to so­ sect students was surprisingly large, numbering about to the one reserve of official violence, the Defense ciety versus society's debt to the two-thirds of the participants. The strong attendance Army, whose existence is theoretically unconstitu­ prisoner is injected forcefully into nat­ of non-sect students indicates the growing support tional. At that point more people will realize the ional and state politics, into the 'civil and strength of Japan's new left. In past years, extent of the recovery of old Japanese fascism. At and human rights struggle, and into the factionalism and militancy have kept the new left that point, many more people will join the struggle consciousness of the body politic'-­ relatively small. It is precisely their serious pol­ for a revolution in Japan. .. Eldridge Cleaver itics and will to fight that now increase their num­ bers. By contrast the larger and more conservative NOTE: The above is adapted from a Special Sup­ LOMPOC F.CI., Cal.(LNS)--Prisoners Minsei who have been advocating peaceful protest plement on the Japanese Student Movement which ap­ at Lompoc Federal Correction Instit­ inside the establishment are rapidly losing strength. peared in THE PLAIN RAPPER. ution went on strike for a week in August The factional tradition to be exclusive and self­ in a spontaneously organized act of righteous is giving way to an attitude of flexibility defiance against the oppression of the and a willingness to discuss differences together. prison system. Although there is no guarantee that this situation will Prison officials had been waiting anx­ continue, everyone in the conference, whether sec­ iously for a racial battle between blacks tional or not, was clearly hoping to maintain and and white prisoners, but instead the strengthen this new unity. Ten slogans dominated the inmates united and turned against their conference. They were hung ab ove the stage on real enemies. banners and they were the SUbject of most of the On Wednesday August 6, over a hun­ days'discussion. They were: dred prisoners refused to return towork L. Destroy the Security Pact in 1970 and Win Victory in the afternoon because they had not in Okinawa On October 21, about 10,000 uniVersity students been credited with their pay at the 2. Stop Prime Minister Sato's visit to the U.S. young workers, and high school students struggled commisary. (Industry workers get up in November. against 25,000 armed security police -. all _over to 17~ an hour which they can spend on 3. Prepare for major demonstrations on October J'okyo. .- such things as cigarettes.) That night the 10 and October 21. (ed. note: Oct 10 was to be a Their slogans were the following: Prevent Prime strikers talked with other inmates and memorial demonstration for a student who was killed Minister Sato from going to the US for negotia­ on Thursday nobody went _to work at in the Haneda demonstration two years ago. Oct. tion about the Security Treaty, liberate· Okinawa all. The prisoners drew up a list of de­ 21 was international anti-war day). Islands from US military rule, down with Japanese mands which i~cluded setting up an 4. Destroy the Subversive Activities Prevention Law imperialism. elected .inmates council, amnesty and and the Riot Law. Before that day, the Tokyo police bureau declared looser restrictions on correspondance 5. Destroy the University Law andwin all university an emergency and mobilized all their forces under and visiting. struggles in Japan. 45. They occupied almost all colleges and univer­ (In a SUbsequent press statement, a 6. Support the N.L.F_ sities and arrested the activists they could find. They prison official said that the prisoners 7. Fight together with the people of all Asian locked up the maintransport'itations, and all the shops had asked for a swimming pool and countries. and restaurants on the main streets. They intended a color TV.) 8. _Fight with the workers of the Hansen group. to separate the students from the common people. The prison administration put twenty 9. Barricade and occupy all universities in japan. Under these conditions, students and young workers men in solitary, but didn' t deal with the 10. All students in Japan: let's unite under he made citY-Wide guerrilla warfare, attacking security remaining 1000 strikers until Friday, flag of theZenkyoto and join the battle to destroy army quarters, U.S. military bases, the office of August 8. The warden declared the the Security Pact. the Japanese Federation of Business (Nikeiren), the situation to be a riot, despite the at>. While there are varying degrees of support for National Broadcasting corporation and burning down sence of violence, and sent in his goon these goals among the general public, the support many police stations. squad armed with clubs and gas. One of the NLF and the demand for an end to U.S. control But the main battle fields were Shinjuku and Taka­ inmate reported that tile gaswas strong­ 01 Olfinawa is widespread. The large demonstrations, tanobaba stations. About 200 students invaded Shin­ er than tear gas. Prison officials ad­ the alliance with militant workers and seizure of juku Station and confronted the police with sticks, mitted that six men had to be sent to universities are seen as steps to force Japan out stones and molotov cocktails. Almost all of them the hospital after the guards attacked. of the U.S. military orbit. were arrested. At Takatanobaby Station, students Several hundred prisoners were sub­ The organization of the new Zenkyoto was clar­ and workers defeated the police, occupied the station sequently placed in solitary, many for as ified, and there was extensive discussion of its and stopped almost all train transportation for about long as a month. More than 150 strikers advantages and dangers. The old Zengakuren system fi ve hours. (The next day when the security police were transferred to stricter correct­ was tiased on limited mebership. Students elected a invaded the office of one of the organizing groups, ional institutions; the remainder were delegate from their department to the student ex­ a young worker was critically wounded) threatened with suspension of parole. ecutive committee of the university. In turn, elected This demonstration was about the same size as Most of the' prisoners of Lompoc FCI delegates from all university student executive com­ the big one last April (28th), but more workers are under 25. There are 'j31acks, Chic­ mittees formed the All Japan Student League called and high school students participated, and the strug­ anos, Indians, and whites. Many are Zengakuren. gle was far more militant. draft resisters. The'draft resisters re­ Because of its tight pyramidal structure, this or­ portedly played an important role in ganization can function only if there no factions helping to organize other prisoners or one dominant faction. It cannot work with the after the first day of the strike. appearance of many equally strong factions as was _The importance of this action lies in finally the case. its implications for the prison system and The All Japan Zenkyoto League will hopefully the oppresive social order that supports solve the problem which made the recent university it. Groups that have been historically struggle so chaotic. Each local Zenkyoto will include turned against each other in this so­ representatives of all factions as well as non-sect ciety united and struck back at that students without forcing anyone's participation. This society, acting in their common class looser coalition can be more representative and interest. flexible, but will have to work hard to maintain unity.

!DECEMBER 1969 THE MOVEMENT PAGE 17 IN THE FAC'TORY CONTINUED FROM PAGE 7 One problem is that people on the job I had one pretty good argument about dig talking about football and girly mag­ women having the right to equal pay. azines more than anything else. If you Especially since they've been grumb­ got a group of people into one of those ling about how the women are willing to conversations, it's impossible to break settle for less and keep the wages into it. I found there have been whole down. I wouldn't say that we've really lunch hours where I just sat listening gotten a grip yet on how to deal with staring into space. Of course, I'm notthe the questton of male chauvinism. only one, alot of guys just sit and eat. Two or three guys get into something THE UNION about how many yards so and so ran and I don't even know the names of the god­ There's really not a whole lot to say damned teams. . about the union. The union is as ine­ Normally you can really get into it ffectual as anything could be, I suppose. with one or two workers, or sometimes The guys talk about the President of the you can get a conversation going with union being owned by the company and a group in one way or another. Like stuff like that. There's a fantastic lack someone was talking about that LOOK of democracy. We haven't seen the magazine article about Alioto befng in international rep yet, though I'm sure the mafia. That was a big conversation he's gonna come on with a lot ofsmooth one lunch time. I said "It don't; really shit about selling us a contract. A lot matter whether he's in the mafia or of ·we can't tell you about this and we not, we all know he's a fucking fascist." can't tell you about that." There's not The guys thought that was real funny. a lot of interest in union elections. And that got us into a conversationabout There's a lot of bureaucracy and self­ facism and the second worl d war and perpetuating leadership. They let a wo­ concentration camps for Japanese-Am­ man be the only nominee for a shit job ericans and stuff like that. So sometimes like recording secretary - though I guess you can get into it - like when people that's an improvement since the last talk about the union. recording secretary was a man - and About the women - it's probably the there were no women on the last ex­ most up-tight thing that you gotta deal ecutive board. with, because we're all real conscious Unioll meetings are very bureaucratic, these days of trying to deal with male the president has his gavel and lecturn. chauvinism, yet it's really complicated The recording secretary reads the min­ by the idea that men are enslaved to the utes in great detail and they ask for idea of haVing sex with a sexy woman. additions and comments in the minutes. So it's hard to attack male chauvinism Then they go thru about seven pieces of without sounding prudish or faggish. business and nobody has anything to But we have gotten into the question say - blah,blah,blah. Then there's some in terms of child care and women stay­ mealy-mouthed conversation about the ing home. But we've never been able contract negotiations - but not very to sharply confront it, when just some much information and not a whole lot "MILITARY JUSTICE IS TO out and out chauvinist statements come of rank and file participation. I imagine JUSTICE WHAT MILITARY .MUSIC IS TO out. Although I have at times talked there'll be some debate when the con­ MUSIC". about how men are brought up in this tract comes up - but there hasn't been Clemenceau society to think of women as "broadsw any yet. or a "piece of meat" or something We haven't tried to raise the issues like that and that that's bullshit and it at the union meeting cause we were so On Monday, October 20, the questioning about 15 men, all he had divides people up. _new and also because we've been ex­ American Servicemen's Union held a was 15 names, ranks and services pecting a big struggle over the con­ meeting at the Cascadian Service Club numbers, and units and Article 31 s. tract where it would be easier to raise attended a meeting of the American on Fort Lewis. There were 35 Gis and No one was answering any questions. the issues. But we did give away a lot Servicemen's Union on post. Most of three civilians at the meeting, which SSG Bostick talked with Major Miller, of fist buttons at the meeting. Some had been underway for about _30 the officer in charge, and they the men are not making any' guys asked for them after they saw us minutes when a platoon of MP's decided that since they couldn't break compromises by allowing themselves wearing them. Some white workers even­ our solidarity and they had no reason to.be falsely charged. . asked for the Papther button with Huey descended upon the service club. SSG and Power to the People on it. Bostick, the sergeant in charge of the to charge us with anything, they About half of the 35 arrested at the meet4J.g were takeJl off restriction, We've talked about the war and the MP's, arrested five people he would have to release us. As groups of moratorium a whole lot. Leaflets have considered to be the leaders of the men were released to their units, the by the end of the week, but the next been distributed and we've really talked meeting and took them outside to rest would cheer. We knew that we day they were all confined to quarters a lot about the war. One thing - someone waiting squad cars. The meeting had nothing to be afraid of because again. This was done because another was talking abou t the "Vietnam Mem­ continued withol' rJ,,,ep "leaders." It we had done nothing wrong. Monday night meeting was planned. orandum" and I realized that the word was decided by till: rc- __ of me men The first thing all 35 men found Only at the Shelter Half this time. We "moratorium" didn't mean much to him. that the best action would be to out the next morning was that they wanted a chance to get together and But what can you expect from the names "liberals" give to demonstrations. return to their different units and were confined to quarters, "pending talk about what' had happened, but s' iTt preading the word about the investigation." Some of the men had the Army doesn't like us getting CHANGES AND HANG-UPS h .. tapa tact;~S of the military police. to sign in every hour, others didn't. together at all. They can't legally tell . As they began to leave the men were Some were constantly questioned, us not to attend a meeting, bu we can All I can say is that working in a told that they too were under arrest. otpers weren't questioned at all. An be put on restriction or extra duty so plant makes you go thrusome changes. A 2-1/2 todtruck was brought to the official press release said that the men that it's impossible to go anywhere. I know I look at my watch a whole lot service club and the men were herded were returned to their units where it Since Monday night the Army has more than I used to. The day is only onto it for a ride to the Provost 15 hours long and I gotta sleep during was up to their commanding officers been steadily backing down. The first Marshall's Office. The men in the whether or not any action would be that time. It's a lot more hectic. truck sang songs and greeted people official press release said that we were Also, at first I was super conscious taken, but one group was informed by arrested for having a "meeting of a with V signs and raised fists during their commander that the order of what I thought of as bourgeois hang­ political nature" on post. The most the ride. restricting them had come f,rom ups. If something goes wrong, you think recent· press .release says that MPs The next five hours was a really General Pearson, the' post it's because you're only a bourgeois stu­ fantastic show of solidarity. We were commander. were called to the service club because de"" and not really a worker. Like I "boisterous activities" were reported stuck my finger in a machine once, It all put in an 8 by 10 foot cell where . The civilians, who had been wasn' t a very ferocious looking machine­ we continued the meeting that the and that men .have always had the released, went to the Shelter Half, a right to hOld meetings on post. By (they have machines there that are so MPs had tried to break up. We GI coffee house, and began calling the ferocious looking that I wouldn't have a discussed the ASU - .it's purpose and' forcing the Army-to say that we have press and preparing a' leaflet for this right, we have won it, but thoese finger near them), but this one didn'tlook goals, we made plans for the next very bad and I was just fucking around. distribution at Fort Lewis. The next meetings are not just gatherings! they issue of the local's newspaper, FED But all of a SUdden, my finger was day the leaflet was allover the fort serve a purpose. Actions can be UP; and we discussed plans for an close to being broken off. and a press conference had been set planned to protest a war that we action at Fort Lewis in November in ho~se I had all sorts of reactions. On the up. The staff at the coffee had don't want to fight just to line the connection with the nationwide one hand, I was very angry with myself a list of the names of the 35 men and pockets of a few already rich men. moratorium. One additional matter the rest of the week was spent on post that I could be so stupid. Second, it hurt Plans can be made for local was brough up. We decided to have visiting the men and acting as liason like hell, and third, I only had a short newspapers. Men can get together and time til my shift was over. I continued another meeting on post in two between the men and between the 35 discuss actions against a totalitarian to work cause I was afraid if I reported weeks, the regular meeting day. After and the press. Most of this work was army where the rank and file enlisted it to the foreman, I would get thrown out. the meeting was over we began done on the sly because whenever the man is nothing more than an animal; a (I was still on trial period). So all cheering and shouting and singing and MPs found out that a staff member these things were going thru my mind• was on post, they were hassled and . replaceable cog in a gigantic death just generally making a lot of noise. machine. But then I started thinking that only a Because of all this noise, the MPs fonowed. A lot of the men really felt bourgeois student could be so stupid as This incident is not over. Men are couldn't make phone calls or conduct isolated and were being harrassed and to stick his finger in a machine - that still confined to quarters and charges any normal business. They just intimidated, but the visits by the workers naturally know that you don't can still be brought against us. You couldn't understand why our morale 'Shelter Half staff really helped keep stick your fingers in these places. But can help us by contacting the public on further investigation, you see people in was so high. I mean we were supposed lup our morale. . , A few of the men were told that information office at Fort Lewis with the plant with no fingers and you go around to be scared and worried because we after you've done something like this charges were being brought against inquiries about the meeting and all were in jail. After about an hoUr asking them why the men· are still hearing stories about people who had the three civilians were released. They them for disobeying orders or not restricted. The Army doesn't like worse experiences than mine. were escorted off post and verbally getting a haircut or having a rust lock Another example is when I rammed publicity, so you can help us by told not to return. on their locker. The only reason for a fork-lift into the wall at full blast. spreading the word. . . . SSG Bostick then began to these absurd charges, most of them Everyone looked and I felt real em­ interrogate the men. He would pick false, is because the Army cannot For more information, contact the barrassed. It made a big noise and I figured the foreman would be around one man from the cell and the rest punish a man for going to a meeting Shelter Half at 5437 South Tacoma and speaking out against the war or Way in Tacoma. Phone: GR 5-9875. and I stalled the engine. Then I got the would yell, "Article 31!" (the engine going, but the thing wouldn' t move military version of the Jifth the Army, so they'll find something so I really got panicked, until I realized amendment) and cheer. After about else to punish them for. Officially, the Bruce Frederick One of the 35 that I didn't have it in the, right gear. two minutes he would return to pick reason for a man. being busted will be I learned that things like that happen another mali for Questioninjl;and the because he didn't get a hair cut, but all the time. People slam into things same thing would happen. After the real reason will be because lie reprinted from HEUX and bust up things all the time. . PAGE 18 THE MOVEMENT DECEMBER 1969 past the line every morning and saw the people there. with which we were working, we will hav€ had When things worked out so that people were late for substantial success in developing continuing political 1/i',NG PAN work at the foundry, they got hassled for being on the . relationships. If we had not gotten a contract at Fry, CONTINUED FROM PAGE 9 Fry line by the management. One ofthepeople working a number of strikers were interested in getting jobs at the foundry was arrested on the conspiracy charge. where they could help us in other organizing efforts. He got a lot of support from guys on his shift, so As it is, we are closely related to the continuing work (The Panthers did convince sorr.e Black guys not to much that the company still hasn't attempted seriously being done inside the Fry plant and in the ICWU apply at Fry and were willing to come to the line to fire him, although he is a «troublemaker~. In this local. The strikers are supporting our continuing to talk to the Black seabs. The strike ended before this paInt also, the Fry strike helped get people inter- . fund-raising efforts for our people who were arrested was possible.) ested in general left stuff by introducing them to the at Fry. Strikers and their families are participating What about Black scabs? We had two predictable Willamette Bridge. in women's liberation activities, free medical care I positions- to deal with..«A Black scab is a scab" activities, a poor peoples alliance, grape boycott and «Black people have a 'right' to scab" . FALSE CONSCIOUSNESS stuff, and high school organizing. Some of them regard themselves as, and act as, members of the To say "A black scab is a scab" implies that I would like to deal in closing with two general U movement". We involve some of the strikers in a racist working cass can make a revolution. To say questions which both have been mentioned in passing left social-educational things, and one of them is "that II Black scabs have a right to scab" means that a couple of times: the development of revolutionary teaching a karate class to us. In short, the core of a revolution can be made against the non-third world class consciousness, and the building of organizational strikers is pretty much in the entire spectrum of majority of the working class (and third world workers forms for workers. We were fortunate in that movement activity in the area. too). Both are nonsense. ," the Fry strike lasted long enough and was varied A few of the strikers will probably become com­ enough to provide something of an initial laboratory munists, but most won't and it would be wrong for in which we could attempt and evaluate various ap­ us to attempt to make them. The activity spectrum OUTREACH proaches in a more substantial way than would be is too narrow in the area, and too biased in directions possible with anyone-shot action. which will limit the participation, and, particularly, We attempted to capitalize on the exemplary pos-' . the leadership of the sort of people who were polit­ sibilities of the Fry strike in plants where we had Consciousness can't be raised unless it is under­ icized at the Fry strike. We don't have the proper people working thru leaflets and personal contacts.. stood. False consciousness is not eliminated thru options available. The only realchoice is participating We got fantastic commitmentS, but only handfuls of .'9.bstract intellectual confrontation which does have in the ongoing activites and single issue groups or people showed at the line. (Ifwe could have materialized some effect on students. Workers normally act as if joining a disciplined communist collective. But we the promises of support and the suggestions - mortar they were pro-capitalist, but they have not "decided~ already have a problem with the lack of coherence attacks etc - we would have been able to launch to act this way, and they won't stop thru a process and consistency in the rest of the movement, and the revolution.) When it got right down to it, people of Mundecidin~. Their position is much too con­ the transition to a communist grouping will be too didn't have the confidnece that their involvement would tradictory, and eclectic for this to happen. Assumptions abrupt for many workers who want to become more make enough difference to compensate for getting out and premises are implicit. They won't be eliminated coherently and consistently involved. of bed early. They were also afral:l. just by winning arguments. These considerations, combined with the general We didn't really expect anything different. ltis a big It is possible to convince almost any worker that ideas about strategic approach outlined earlier are break from most worker's normal situation to choose socialism is preferable to capitalism. But it's more leading us to place major organizational priority on to put themselves in constant danger of arrest or difficult to convince him that socialism can 'work~ building an organized movement of radical workers injury to help some people you don't even know. Just and that it will make a difference if he struggles with an on-going program of activity, but which, though getting a large number of workers to pay attention for it. Cynicism and passivity is the major content organized and clearly left, does not put unrealistic to what was happening at Fry, evenwithout taking part, of workers' false consciousness. So, in the first organizational and ideological standards for mem­ was important. When the strikewas a qualified success, place, we must see "raising consciousness~ bership. We want a movement organization which will we were able to use the .."Where were you?" as challenging this cynicism and passivity thru dem­ function in its own name, both at the point of pro­ line with some of the bullshitters. onstrating the possibility and power of collective duction and at other points of class antagonism, In one foundry close to Fry where we had a couple action. This is more important than training people emphasizing actions which demonstrate the role and of people working, we were able to get some people to respond correctly to some verbal stimulus like potential which we see for the class. That's the sort Panthers~ revolt~ communism~ to come to the line. It became a small issue at that u Black "student , or" . of stuff which I hope that we will decide to spend plant because the foremen and supervisors drove Given the small size of the group of strikers a lot of energy on from now on.•

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• .~~.~ •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• ~ ••••••• ~ •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• ~ •••••••••• ~ ••••••••• ~ ••••••••••••••••••••• l the'MovelDent .: . .• Ne~spaper SUBSCRIBE TO THE, MOVEMENT! i• Please send me: Posters anake __ . NeJet l~issues of THE MOVEMENT ($2.50) __ Malcolm X posters fine Christmas IOE .. ADDIlESS presents! • • CITY STATE ZIP DECEMBER 1969 . THE MOVEMENT. PAGE 19 WHEN THE CHAI:IGMAN IS IN CHAINS DENIED HIS BIGHTS HE STAND 5 AND SPEAKS. DEFIANT MAN AMOl\JG DEFIANT MEN. IN THE BEG~NNING IT WAS JUST HUEY AND ME TURN THElGE WAS LITTLE, EOBBY. NOW WE HAVE A PAR.TY THE CHAPTER.5 SPlGEAD AeRO ~s THE COUNT16Y. WHEN THE CHA1R.MAN 1~ IN CHAINS IN NAZI COU~T5 HE 5TAND5 AND SPEAKS DEFIANT MAN AMONG DEFIANT MEN. THR1<..E 15 NO JUSTICE FOR. BLACK PEOPLE, NO L1BE1GT"'l I DEMAND THE "R.IGH'T OF SEL~-DEFENSE }JO FASCIST P1G CAN TAKE AWAY MY DIGNIT~ WHEN THE CHAIR.MAN IS IN CHAIWS BOUND IN CONTEMPT "RE 5TAkJD5 AND SPE.AKS DEFIANT MAN AMONG DEFIANT MEN. WE HAD TO 5PE.AK WHEN W£ BEGAN TO SEE L1BER-ATION IN THE COLONY THE 1600TS OF ~EVOLUTION IN THE MOTHEJ<.. COUNTR,Y,· WHEN WE D£FINED mEENEMY. WHE.N THE CHAIR.MAN l~lN Cl-lAIN5 AND F16AMED HE 5TAND5 AND SPEAKS DEFIANT MAN AMONG Dl2FIANT MEN. WE UNDER:.5TOOD WHEN WE BEGAN NOW 'You CAN UND1i.R,STAND . , YOU'IlGE EITHE~ PA1Z.T OF TH£ ~OBLEM 012; PA~T OF 'THE SOLUTION., . , THEY CAN tJA1L A E.EVOLtJTIONA~ BUT NoT THE ~EvoLUTION. .

WHE~E WE~E YOU '? . WHEN THEYCHAINED HIM TO A c.HAl~ ? WHE16E WE16E YoU '7 WHEN THEY DENlmD ElM Al~'? HE CANNOT BE GAGGED ,BECA.USE ~IC3 VOICE IS OUl.<~lGGEI0_