Notes

Introduction

1 Foreign population figures, Asahi Shimbun, Almanac 1998, 1997, p. 63. In his 1979 article ‘The Ethnic Japanese in ’, Journal of Japanese Studies, vol. 5-1, winter 1979, p. 53, Robert J. Smith gave the entire ethnic Japanese population of Brazil as 750 000. However, 1990s figures showed a total of 1.3 million, with 326 000 ethnic Japanese in Sao Paulo city alone, another 170 000 in its immediate environs, and a further 391 000 elsewhere in Sao Paulo state, Kaigai Iju, 571, September 1996, pp. 24–5; see also p. 25 also for the status of ethnic Japanese in 1990s Brazil. 2Alan Takeo Moriyama, Imingaisha: Japanese Emigration Companies and Hawaii, 1894–1908, Honolulu 1985, p. xv; Maeyama Takashi, Esunishiti to Burajiru Nikkeijin, Tokyo 1996, p. 490, reproducing his essay of 1988, ‘Burajiru, Nihon, Nikkeijin’. 3 Prefectures publishing book and chapter-length studies of local emigrants at this time are listed in Imin Kenkyukai (ed.), Nihon no Imin Kenkyu: Doko to Mokuroku, Tokyo 1994, p. 18. See Mita Chiyoko, p. 35, in the same work for the focus of Japanese scholarship on emigration to the US, 1880s– 1910s. 4 Leading examples of English-language studies of ethnic and cultural diversity within Japan include: David Howell, ‘Ethnicity and culture in contemporary Japan’, Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 31, 1996, pp. 171–90, one of the best introductions to the subject; and the essays in Michael Weiner (ed.), Japan’s Minorities: The Illusion of Homogeneity, 1997. The enduring study of the Japanese in Brazil (although, as its title indicates, this was only a secondary concern) is J.F. Normano and Antonello Gerbi, The Japanese in South America: An Introductory Survey with Special Reference to Peru, NY 1943. Given the time and circumstances in which it was written, it is a remarkably accurate, informative and objective account. 5 Hosokawa Shuhei, Sanba no Kuni ni Enka wa Nagareru: Ongaku ni Miru Nikkei Burajiru Iminshi, Tokyo 1995, p. 4. 6 For example, Maeyama 1996, p. 11 (original article from 1987: ‘Ibunka sesshoku to bunka hendo’ ), and ‘Ethnicity, secret societies, and associations: the Japanese in Brazil’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 21, 1979, p. 607. 7 Yen exchange rates, Kodo Hisaichi, Burajiru no Jisseikatsu, Tokyo 1928, pp. 22–3; US rates, Richard Morse, From Community to Metropolis: A Biog- raphy of Sao Paulo, Brazil, 2nd edn, NY 1974, p. vii.

173 174 Notes

1 Leaving: Japan’s Entry into a World of Migration, 1885–1905

1 Foreign population of Tokyo, Alan Takeo Moriyama, Imingaisha: Japanese Emigration Companies and Hawaii, 1894–1908, Honolulu 1985, p. xviii. 2 Takahashi Yukiharu, Nikkei Burajiru Iminshi, Tokyo 1993, p. 10. 3 Hawaiian migration promises, Moriyama 1985, p. 20. 4 Thomas Sowell, Migrations and Cultures: A World View, NY 1996, p. 22. 5 On Hawaiian migrant ambitions and experiences, Moriyama 1985, pp. xix, 16–18, 26–31; Ichioka, Yuji, The Issei: The World of the First Generation Japanese Immigrants 1885–1924, NY 1988, p. 40. 6 1894 regulations, Konno Toshihiko and Fujisaki Yasuo, Iminshi 1: Nambei- hen, Tokyo 1994, pp. 19–20; Moriyama 1985, pp. 33–7; Ichioka 1988, p. 47. 7 Ichioka 1988, pp. 7–9, 16–22, 29, 36–9. 8 John Morgan, senator for Alabama, open letter to the Independent, 16 October 1897, contained in Gaimusho (ed.), Nihon Gaiko Bunsho, vol. 30, pp. 1050–2. 9 Migrants from Hawaii, Ichioka 1988, pp. 51–65, and on rejection of Japanese consul’s claim, pp. 67–8. 10 Early migrants to Peru, Irie, Toraji, ‘History of Japanese migration to Peru’ (parts 1 and 2), The Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 31, August 1951, pp. 443–8, November 1951, pp. 648–53; C. Harvey Gardiner, The Japanese and Peru 1873–1973, Albuquerque 1975, pp. 23–7. The Japanese regional newspaper, Gifu Nichi Nichi Shimbun, 1 March 1908, contained a report that the Peruvian government was about to impose an extra heavy tax on Chinese immigration but not on Japanese migrants. 11 1803 sailors, also 1869 suicide, Tsunoda Yoshizumi, Burajiru Hiroshima- kenjin Hattenshi Narabi-ni Kenjin Meibo, Sao Paulo 1967, p. 27. 12 Japanese circus, San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo (ed.), Burajiru Nihon Iminshi Nempyo, Akita 1997, p. 14. 13 Mita Chiyoko, ‘Burajiru no imin seisaku to Nihon imin: Beikoku hai-Nichi Undo no hankyo no ichi jirei to shite’, Miwa Kimitada (ed.), Nichi-Bei Kiki no Kigen to Hai-Nichi Iminho, Tokyo 1997, p. 435. 14 Jeffrey Lesser, Negotiating National Identity: Immigrants, Minorities, and the Struggle for Ethnicity in Brazil, Durham 1999, pp. 15–35, quotation on p. 19. Some went even further. Lesser, p. 28, adds a quote from one member of the Bahian state legislative assembly in the 1870s describing the Chinese as ‘deformed both physically and morally; [who] use opium, kill their children, are disloyal, egotistical and are given to begging; their only virtue is patience’. 15 Lisboa speech, the Japan Times, 21 December 1897. 16 Tsunoda 1967, p. 28. 17 Population and migrant figures, Boris Fausto, ‘Brazil: the social and polit- ical structures of the First Republic, 1889–1930’, Leslie Bethell (ed.), Cam- bridge History of Latin America, vol. 5, c. 1870 to 1930, Cambridge 1986, pp. 779, 786; E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2nd edn, NY 1980, Notes 175

pp. 242, 264–5; ‘whitening’ and European migrants, George Reid Andrews, ‘Brazilian racial democracy, 1900–90: an American counterpoint’, Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 31, 3, 1996, pp. 485–6; also Mita 1997, p. 436. 18 Gilberto Freyre, Order and Progress: Brazil from Monarchy to Republic, NY 1970, pp. 256–7. 19 Peter Duus, The Abacus and the Sword: The Japanese Penetration of Korea, 1895–1910, Berkeley 1995, pp. 295–6. 20 Migrants to Hokkaido, Gifu Nichi Nichi Shimbun, 6 June 1907; to Hawaii, Moriyama 1985, p. 52. 21 Sugimura and Brazil, Takahashi 1993, pp. 17–18; Konno/Fujisaki 1994, p. 28; Tsunoda 1967, p. 28. Amazonas press and Russo-Japanese war, Tsuji Kotaro, Burajiru no Doho o Tazunete, Tokyo 1930, p. 279. 22 On Mizuno’s views of Brazil and the assistance given by Minister Sugimura, see also Mizuno Ryo, ‘Waga imin no dai hattenchi Nambei Burajiru ni okeru Nihon rodosha no kangei’, Jitsugyo Kurabu, no. 2, April 1908, pp. 44–7. On Mizuno and ex-soldiers as emigrants, Takahashi 1993, pp. 20–1; Handa Tomoo, Imin no Seikatsu no Rekishi: Burajiru Nikkeijin no Ayunda Michi, Sao Paulo, 1970, p. 82. On the decline of Italian labour conditions circa 1899–1900, Takahashi 1993, p. 15; Konno/Fujisaki 1994, p. 22. 23 On the Fujisaki Trading Store, see Konno/Fujisaki 1994, pp. 33–4; Tsunoda 1967, p. 28. On Mizuno, see Takahashi 1993, p. 20. 24 Nambei Toko Shoken Kaisha advert, Gifu Nichi Nichi Shimbun, 23 April 1908.

2 Arriving: the Early Japanese in Brazil, 1908–19

1 Takahashi Yukiharu, Nikkei Burajiru Iminshi, Tokyo 1993, p. 25, quoting from Asahi Shimbun (Osaka), 29 April 1908. 2 Mita Chiyoko, citing works of Ono Kazuichiro, in Imin Kenkyukai (ed.), Nihon no Imin Kenkyu: Doko to Mokuroku, Tokyo 1994, p. 37. 3 Takahashi 1993, p. 29. 4Tsuji Kotaro, Burajiru no Doho o Tazunete, Tokyo 1930, p. 3. 5 Details of the 1908 voyage, Takahashi 1993, pp. 31–9; Aoyagi Ikutaro, Burajiru ni okeru Nihonjin Hattenshi, Tokyo 1941, p. 271. 6 Takahashi 1993, p. 43 for details of migrant age and literacy levels. Migrant statistics also in Aoyagi 1941, p. 269; Handa Tomoo, Imin no Seikatsu no Rekishi: Burajiru Nikkeijin no Ayunda Michi, Sao Paulo 1970, p. 53. On the Sao Paulo government system of subsidised migration from the 1890s, Thomas H. Holloway, Immigrants on the Land: Coffee and Soci- ety in Sao Paulo, 1886–1934, Chapel Hill 1980, pp. 45–9. 7 A complete list of the regional breakdown of the 1908 migrants is in Takahashi 1993, pp. 24–5. 8Toyama Ichiro,‘“Kominka” to imin: kindai Okinawa no kuno’, Sasaki Takashi and Yamada Akira (eds), Shin-shiten Nihon no Rekishi, vol. 6, Tokyo 1993, p. 247. Peruvian case, John K. Emmerson, The Japanese Thread: A Life in the U.S. Foreign Service, NY 1978, p. 131. 176 Notes

9 Differing causes in west and east Japanese migration, Imin Kenkyukai 1994, pp. 22–30; Yoshida Keiko, ‘Higashi Nihon ni okeru Meiji-ki dekasegi imin no jittai: Meiji 31-nen-45-nen no Fukushima-ken dekasegi imin ryoken deeta kara’, Iju Kenkyu, 29, March 1992, pp. 75–81. On the role of precedent in influencing clusters of migration even in a largely non- agrarian region, see Burajiru Fukui Kenjinkai Kaiho Henshubu, ed., Bura- jiru to Fukui Kenjin, Sao Paulo 1961, p. 269. 10 Rodrigues Alves speech 1901, plus journalist’s quote, Jeffrey D. Needell, ‘Rio de Janeiro and Buenos Aires: public space and public consciousness in fin-de-siècle Latin America’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 37-3, July 1995, pp. 532–3. On the reconstruction and hygienic improvement of Rio, see also Frank G. Carpenter, Along the Parana and the Amazon, NY 1925, pp. 211–13; E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2nd edn, NY 1980, pp. 314–5. 11 Correio Paulista, 25 June 1908, quoted in Konno Toshihiko/Fujisaki Yasuo, Iminshi I: Nambei-hen, Tokyo 1994, pp. 43–4; also Takahashi 1993, pp. 43–7; Aoyagi 1941, pp. 271–4. Carpenter 1925, p. 186. 12 Konno/Fujisaki 1994, pp. 35–42, excerpt at great length from the pamph- let. Quote on racial equality, p. 37. 13 George Reid Andrews, ‘Brazilian racial democracy, 1900–90: an American counterpoint’, Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 31, 3, 1996, p. 485. 14 Takahashi 1993, p. 48; Aoyagi 1941, p. 274. Hawaiian co-regional groups and dialect, Alan Takeo Moriyama, Imingaisha: Japanese Emigration Com- panies and Hawaii, 1894–1908, Honolulu 1985, p. 23; North American example, Roger Daniels, Asian America: Chinese and Japanese in the since 1850, Seattle 1988, p. 166. 15 The movement of arriving and departing migrants through Santos is noted in Holloway 1980, p. 91; Burajiru Jiho (BJ), 28 September 1917, shows that in 1916 there were 20 357 arrivals and 12 776 departees. Fazenda reliance on overseas immigrants, Holloway 1980, p. 63. 16 1920s housing conditions, Tsuji 1930, pp. 55–6. 17 Migrant diet, Takahashi 1993, pp. 75–6; Handa 1970, pp. 91–107. 1920s food problems, Seko Yoshinobu, Burajiru Kaisoki, Gifu 1979, pp. 4–6, 10–11. List of cultural differences between Japanese and Westerners, Seishu Shimpo (SS), 29 April 1932. 18 Handa 1970, p. 45. A list of the Japanese translators in 1908 and the numbers of Japanese they served is in Aoyagi 1941, p. 277. On Fukui migrants, Burajiru Fukui Kenjinkai Kaiho Henshubu 1961, p. 269. 19 Handa 1970, p. 43. Takahashi 1993, pp. 49–50 (which uses the same terms without accreditation). Burns 1980, pp. 303–4, quotes a description of the Dumont plantation in 1900; Carpenter 1925, pp. 161–7, recounts his visit there in the early 1920s. 20 Handa 1970, pp. 44–5. 21 Wakayama-kenshi Hensan Iinkai (ed.), Wakayama-kenshi: Kin-gendai 1, Wakayama 1989, pp. 1008–9. 22 Handa 1970, p. 62 on figures for migrants leaving their original planta- tion, pp. 64–6 on the causes of migrant unrest in 1908, and pp. 53–6 for Notes 177

the protest at Sao Martinho. Takahashi 1993, pp. 49–53, on Dumont trouble, pp. 58–60, on Sao Martinho; Aoyagi 1941, p. 276 on varying rates of pay per fazenda, pp. 279–83 on disputes and departures. 23 Holloway 1980, pp. 106–7. 24 Tsuji 1930, pp. 55–6, 64. Holloway 1980, pp. 73–88, 99–101. Oshima Kiichi, Hojin no Hattenchi Burajiru Saikin Jijo, Tokyo 1928, pp. 63–8, insisted at great length that farm life in Brazil, in direct contrast to the situation in Japan, meant good food to eat and money to be earned. As he put it, ‘Whoever you are, no-one ever struggles to eat . . . [and] I can guarantee that there is absolutely no difficulty in life in Brazil’. An article on Brazil as ‘a paradise for workers’ also appeared in BJ, 1 January 1932. Contrast this with Mita Chiyoko, ‘Nihon to Burajiru o musubu Nikkeijin’, Gaiko Jiho, no. 1265, February 1990, p. 43, which describes plantation conditions simply as ‘generally cruel’. 25 Fazenda dispute, Takahashi 1993, pp. 65–9. On generally more stable conditions of fazenda life for Japanese after 1908, Handa 1970, pp. 117–28. 26 Okinawan migrants, Handa 1970, pp. 49–52. 27 San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo, Burajiru Nihon Iminshi Nempyo, Akita 1997, pp. 32–6. 28 Handa 1970, pp. 66–7. 29 Ikeda Shigeji, Kagoshima-kenjin Burajiru Ishokumin-shi, Sao Paulo 1941, pp. 36–8. 30 Okinawa Prefectural Associations merger and warning to contract breakers, BJ, 28 September 1917. 31 Rio modernisation and street traders, Gilberto Freyre, Order and Progress: Brazil From Monarchy to Republic, NY 1970, p. 275. Onaga on problems with fellow Okinawan migrants, BJ, 17 January 1919, 16 May 1919. Bans on Okinawan emigration, Shiroma Zenkichi, Zai-Haku Okinawa Kenjin 50-nen no Ayumi, Sao Paulo 1959, pp. 259–60. Compare this with the offhand com- ment of Toake Endoh, ‘Shedding the unwanted: Japan’s emigration policy’, Japan Policy Research Institute, Working Paper no. 72, October 2000, p. 6, which insists that the Japanese government felt no need to push Oki- nawans to emigrate because, unlike the migrants from south and western Japan, they were not a militant political threat to Japan’s domestic order. 32 In BJ, 14 March 1919, Onaga noted that other Japanese received loans from the emigration company directly in Brazil and were able to make direct repayments. Okinawans, however, received their loans through a bank in Okinawa and so incurred the cost and trouble of sending loan repayments back to Okinawa. Nippaku Shimbun (NS), 21 August 1925, insisted that other Japanese ‘have no sense of improving the Okinawans as one part of the Japanese community here. Rather, they look on them as something dirty and, as far as possible, not to be touched’. 33 Figures from Mita Chiyoko, ‘Burajiru no imin seisaku to Nihon imin: Beikoku hai-Nichi undo no hankyo no ichi jirei to shite’, p. 443, in Miwa Kimitada (ed.), Nichi-Bei Kiki no Kigen to Hai-Nichi Iminho, Tokyo 1997. 34 Landholding system, Holloway 1980, pp. 123–6. 178 Notes

35 Development company and its backers, BJ, 1 January 1919; San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo 1997, p. 32. From 1919, the company was merged with others in the grouping known as Kaiko. On Katsura and emigration, Stewart Lone, Army, Empire and Politics in Meiji Japan, London 2000. 36 On the Iguape colony, and on ‘slave-like’ plantations, Takahashi 1993, pp. 81–2; Iguape recruiting advertisement, BJ, 12 October 1917. 37 Hirano Colony, Takahashi 1993, pp. 82–95; Konno/Fujisaki 1994, pp. 116–34; Handa 1970, pp. 262–6; Tsuji 1930, pp. 67–8. An overview of Cafelandia and its commerce later in the period is in BJ, 1 January 1939. Description of 1900s Noroeste region, Holloway 1980, pp. 21–2. On the other major settlement of this period at Birigui, see Handa 1970, pp. 273–83. 38 Brazilian social norms, Darrell E. Levi, The Prados of Sao Paulo, Brazil: An Elite Family and Social Change, 1840–1930, Athens GA. 1987, pp. 5–7; Roberto Da Matta, ‘Carnival in multiple planes’, p. 225, in John J. Mac- Aloon (ed.), Rite, Drama, Festival, Spectacle: Rehearsals Toward a Theory of Cultural Performance, Philadelphia 1984. See also Rudyard Kipling, Brazilian Sketches, Bromley 1989, p. 58, for the comment made to him on a visit in 1927 that, in Brazil, ‘face’ was all-important and that ‘mutual accom- modation from highest to humblest was the rule’. 39 Development of Sao Paulo city, Richard M. Morse, From Community to Metropolis: A Biography of Sao Paulo, Brazil, 2nd edn, NY 1974, pp. 8–32, quote on street lighting, p. 72, livestock in city streets, p. 126. 40 Japanese accommodation in Sao Paulo city, Handa 1970, pp. 171–6; article on underground life, BJ, 31 October 1917. 41 Small business advertisers, BJ, 7 September 1917; Nakamura advertise- ment, BJ, 21 December 1917. Handa 1970, pp. 187–9 for city lifestyles. Japanese inns and dual cuisine, BJ, adverts, 18 December 1925. 42 Sao Paulo schools, BJ, 12 October and 21 December 1917; Handa 1970, pp. 192–3; standing exhibition at the Historical Museum of Japanese Migration in Brazil; San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo 1997, p. 36. San- tos school, BJ, 26 October 1917. 43 Japan Club, BJ, 24 January 1919; promotion of civic virtue, BJ, 1 January 1919. 44 Sports clubs, Shiroma 1959, p. 171; Handa 1970, p. 195; San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo 1997, p. 45. 45 1917 Tenchosetsu program, Sao Paulo city, BJ, 26 October and 9 November 1917. The emphasis on Japanese emperor-worship as central to the iden- tity of expatriates in Brazil, albeit especially those outside of the cities, is most clear in Maeyama Takashi, ‘Ancestor, emperor, and immigrant: reli- gion and group identification of the Japanese in rural Brazil (1908–1950)’, Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, vol. 14-2, 1972. Maeyama’s influence in this respect is also obvious in Mita Chiyoko, ‘Nihon to Bura- jiru o musubu Nikkeijin ijusha no 80-nen’, Gaiko Jiho, no. 1265, February 1990, p. 55. 46 Migrant newspapers, Konno/Fujisaki 1994, pp. 148–50. Notes 179

47 On newspapers, Kuroishi and Miura, see Handa 1970, pp. 594–602; Taka- hashi 1993, pp. 131–4; Konno/Fujisaki 1994, pp. 151–4; Shiroma 1959, pp. 174–5. 48 Steps to success, BJ, 1 January 1918. The warning was not always heeded as is indicated by the ongoing criticism of migrants’ impatience, BJ, 2 July 1939. 49 Language study, BJ, 14 September and 5 October 1917. Otake biography, BJ, 10 January 1919. 50 Examples of Portuguese conversation, BJ, 19, 26, 31 October, 14, 21 December 1917. Ongoing confusion caused by the vagueness of Japanese women’s speech is noted in BJ, 3 March 1937. 51 On 1917 and the golden age of immigration, BJ, 18 June 1933. On Brazilian welcome and fever for passports to South America (also for the South Pacific), Asahi Shimbun (Tokyo), 11 and 17 August, 28 December 1913. 52 Syrio-Lebanese arrivals, Holloway 1980, p. 43. Brazil and WW1, Burns 1980, pp. 352–6. 53 End of subsidies, Mita 1997, pp. 440–2. Emigration company restructuring, Wakayama Kenshi Hensan Iinkai 1989, p. 1025; BJ, 14 September 1917. 54 BJ, 7 and 14 September 1917.

3 Settling: Migration as National Policy in the 1920s

1 Captain Harumi Kyohei, ‘Burajiru to sono ishokumin no kenkyu’, Kaikosha Kiji, 579, November 1922, supplement, pp. 2–26, quotation, p. 7. SS, 22 June 1923, gives a figure for overseas Japanese in 1920 as approximately 650 000. 1920 Japanese population in Brazil, Takaoka Kumao, Burajiru Imin Kenkyu, Tokyo 1925, p. 212. 2 Japanese government funds, British Foreign Office records, FO371/ 10960, Sir Charles Eliot, Tokyo, to Foreign Secretary Austen Chamber- lain, 27 March 1925. According to J.F. Normano and Antonello Gerbi, The Japanese in South America: An Introductory Survey with Special Reference to Peru, NY 1943, pp. 28–9, government-sponsored public lectures in Japan in 1923–30 rose from 27 per annum to 267 per annum. See also Jeffrey Lesser, Negotiating National Identity: Immigrants, Minorities, and the Struggle for Ethnicity in Brazil, Durham 1999, p. 96. Osaka Shipping advert and timetables, BJ, 12 March 1929, 4 April 1934. 3 California opposition, Hasegawa Yuichi, ‘Hai-Nichi iminho to Manshu – Burajiru: Chiba Toyoharu to Nagata Cho no imin-ron o chushin ni’, pp. 48–51, in Miwa Kimitada (ed.), Nichi-Bei Kiki no Kigen to Hai-Nichi Imin-ho, Tokyo 1997. On Hawaiian education, Eleanor Tupper and George McReynolds, Japan in American Public Opinion, NY 1937, pp. 133–4, on post-1919 US articles predicting war with Japan, pp. 154–5, 170, and on 1920 California land law, pp. 170–5. 4 Flavio Rabelo Versiani, ‘Before the Depression: Brazilian industry in the 1920s’, pp. 163–87, in Rosemary Thorp (ed.), Latin America in the 1930s: 180 Notes

The Role of the Periphery in World Crisis, London 1984. Immigrant entre- preneurs, Darrell Levi, The Prados of Sao Paulo, Brazil: An Elite Family and Social Change, 1840–1930, Athens GA 1987, pp. 154–6. Levi suggests one advantage of the immigrant entrepreneur in his development of industry was in not being tied to the land for wealth and status. Success of Matarazzo, Richard Morse, From Community to Metropolis: A Biography of Sao Paulo, Brazil, 2nd edn, NY 1974, pp. 228–9. On global coffee consumption, 1920s–30s, E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2nd edn NY 1980, p. 301. 5 Levi 1987, p. 123, and pp. 133–6 for a discussion of Paulo Prado’s land- mark 1928 history, Retrato do Brasil. On the Modern Art Week, Morse 1974, pp. 261–3, and on Sao Paulo modernism, Burns 1980, pp. 377–9; also Jeffrey D. Needell, ‘Identity, race, gender and modernity in the origins of Gilberto Freyre’s oeuvre’, American Historical Review, 100-1, February 1995, pp. 59–60. On the Brazilian elite’s fascination for French and British culture, see Jeffrey Needell, A Tropical Belle Epoque: Elite Culture and Soci- ety in Turn-of-the-Century Rio de Janeiro, Cambridge 1987, pp. 156–77. 6 Brazilian criticism of European migrants, George Reid Andrews, ‘Brazilian racial democracy, 1900–90: an American counterpoint’, Journal of Con- temporary History, vol. 31, 3, 1996, p. 486. Anger towards Italian migrants, Tsuji Kotaro, Burajiru no Doho o Tazunete, Tokyo 1930, pp. 74–5. 7 Lesser 1999, p. 100. 8 Couto’s respect for Japan, Maeyama Takashi, Esunishiti to Burajiru Nikkeijin, Tokyo 1996, p. 493; Couto quoted on Japanese cunning and aggression, Lesser 1999, p. 100. Parana representative warning, Mita Chiyoko, ‘Burajiru no imin seisaku to Nihon imin: Beikoku hai-Nichi undo no hankyo no ichi jirei to shite’, pp. 450–1, in Miwa Kimitada (ed.), Nichi-Bei Kiki no Kigen to Hai-Nichi Iminho, Tokyo 1997. 9 Teresa P.R. Caldeira, ‘Building up walls: the new pattern of spatial segregation in Sao Paulo’, International Social Science Journal, no. 147, March 1996, p. 56. Caldeira also notes the debate from the late 1920s on following the lead of Rio in remodelling the city through widespread urban clearance and the creation of a network of broad avenues. On Higienopolis in the 1890s, see Morse 1974, p. 273. For Couto’s back- ground, Gilberto Freyre, Order and Progress: Brazil from Monarchy to Republic, NY 1970, p. 343. 10 Quotation, Lesser 1999, p. 100. Emigrant deaths, Takahashi Yukiharu, Nikkei Burajiru Iminshi, Tokyo 1993, p. 98. 11 On the Reis bill, Konno Toshihiko and Fujisaki Yasuo, Iminshi 1: Nambei- hen, Tokyo 1994, pp. 56–7; Takahashi 1993, pp. 138–9. On Botelho’s con- tinuing opposition to restrictions on Japanese migration, BJ, 17 July 1925. During debate on the Reis bill, the Brazilian government applied a temporary ban on visas to Japanese migrants, FO371/10960, enclosure in Sir Charles Eliot, Tokyo, to Foreign Secretary Austen Chamberlain, 27 March 1925. 12 Genaro Arbaiza, ‘Acute Japanese Problem in South America’, Current History, vol. 21-5, February 1925, p. 736. A view linking Brazilian Amer- Notes 181

indians with peoples of Asia was also apparent, see Dr Antonio G. Gonzaga speech, Rio de Janeiro, 10 May 1940, translated by Kaigai Kogyo K.K. Hakukoku Shiten, Hakukoku Ishokumin Mondai, Sao Paulo 1940, p. 14; also Lesser 1999, p. 104. British comment on Arbaiza article, FO371/ 10960, enclosure in Sir Charles Eliot, Tokyo, to Foreign Secretary Austen Chamberlain, 27 March 1925. 13 Harumi 1922, p. 7. 14 Takaoka 1925, pp. 89–90. 15 Brazilian and Japanese cosmopolitanism, BJ, 15 August 1929. The reasoning of the editorial was somewhat unusual. It claimed that the Muslim invaders of Portugal a millenium earlier had been Asian and that, as a consequence of their intermarriage and cultural influence, the attitudes of Portuguese in Brazil were naturally similar to those of the Japanese. In this, the editorial seems to have used ‘Asian’ in the far looser sense of ‘Oriental’. A further example of the claim that no racism existed in Brazil, Kodo Hisaichi, Burajiru no Jisseikatsu, Tokyo 1928, pp. 23–4. 16 FO371/10960, Sir John Tilley, Rio de Janeiro, to Foreign Secretary Austen Chamberlain, 3 January 1925. 17 Harumi 1922, pp. 12–13. 18 On benefits of naturalisation, BJ, 16 and 23 February, 3 March, 20 April 1923; Kodo 1928, pp. 26–7. BJ office for citizenship applications, BJ, 5 May 1925; SS, 16 March 1923. Naturalisation and other immigrant groups, Thomas H. Holloway, Immigrants on the Land: Coffee and Society in Sao Paulo, 1886–1934, Chapel Hill 1980, p. 162. 19 Percentages of Brazilian marriage with non-Brazilians, Takaoka 1925, p. 88. Kodo 1928, pp. 114–18. Bolivian all-male community, and value of Japanese daughters in Brazil, Tsuji 1930, pp. 197–9; Noroeste marriage problem, NS, 1 July 1927. 20 Eiichiro Azuma, ‘Racial struggle, immigrant nationalism, and ethnic identity: Japanese and Filipinos in the California delta’, Pacific Historical Review, vol. 67-4, November 1998, p. 174. 21 Kodo 1928, pp. 114–18. Preference for native prefecture marriage part- ners, Handa Tomoo, Imin no Seikatsu no Rekishi: Burajiru Nikkeijin no Ayunda Michi, Sao Paulo 1970, p. 315; Suzuki Teiiti, The Japanese Immi- grant in Brazil, 2 vols., Tokyo 1964–9, vol. 2, p. 109. An official Brazilian study from 1941 showed that first-generation Jewish migrants rarely married Brazilians but that this was more common for the second generation, Morse 1974, p. 254. 22 Maeyama Takashi, ‘Ethnicity, secret societies, and associations: the Japanese in Brazil’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 21, 1979, p. 596. Kodo 1928, pp. 117–8. Japanese judge of Miss Brazil finals, SS, 25 January 1939. Japanese-Brazilian woman’s friendliness, BJ, 7 October 1936. Beauty of mestizo women, Yamada Yoshio, Amazon Kurashi Sanjunen, Tokyo 1958, pp. 176–7. 23 End of Sao Paulo subsidies, BJ, 18 June 1933. Fear concerning number of migrants leaving Brazil, NS, 10 October 1924. 182 Notes

24 Shiroma Zenkichi (ed.), Zai-Haku Okinawa Kenjin 50-nen no Ayumi, Sao Paulo 1959, pp. 156–9 lists all the consular offices and office-holders through to the 1950s. 25 Law on migrant co-operatives and creation of Burataku, Mie-ken Kaigai Kyokai (ed.), Mie-kenjin Nambei Hattenshi, Tsu 1977, pp. 16–19; Normano and Gerbi 1943, pp. 29–30. A list of prefectural emigration co-operatives as of 1932 appears in Takumusho Takumukyoku, Burajiru Iju Annai, Tokyo 1932, pp. 19–20. 26 Origins of Bastos settlement, Tsuji 1930, pp. 98–9; see also Takumusho Takumukyoku 1932, p. 16. Bastos as of February 1938, BJ, 28 June 1938. The school song also claimed that, ‘the day is spent at school, the even- ing in judo and kendo, the second-generation founded on letters and the martial arts’ (bun to bu). The three other major land ventures of Burataku were at Tiete, Alianca, and Torres Barras in Parana state. 27 Alianca settlements, Toyama-ken Nambei Kyokai (ed.), Toyama-ken Nambei Ijushi, Toyama 1989, pp. 44–6, plus demographic map from 1939 as an enclosure; Ariansa Ijuchi-shi Hensan Iinkai (ed.), Sosetsu Nijugonen, Nagano 1952, pp. 1–5; Kodo 1928, pp. 219–29; Takumusho Takumu- kyoku 1932, p. 16. Alianca population growth and Nikkei Brazilians, SS, 10 May 1932. On the question of regional Japanese make-up of settler popu- lations, the Burataku settlement at Tiete in 1929 had over 300 families drawn from 41 prefectures in Japan and with no single region approach- ing anything like a numerical dominance, Burajiru Takushoku Kumiai, Chiete Ijuchi Nyushoku Annai, Sao Paulo 1934, pp. 11–12. Robert J. Smith, ‘The Ethnic Japanese in Brazil’, Journal of Japanese Studies, vol. 5-1, winter 1979, p. 57, asserts that much of the land bought by Japanese was so poor in quality that no one else wanted it. This seems to be exaggerated. 28 Itaquera settlement advertising and maps, BJ, 10 July 1925, 22 June 1933. The advertising also stressed the point that the settlement would not admit Japanese families who were self-centred and refused to live along- side others or those who were only interested in land price speculation. Itacoromi as ‘New Japan’, advert, BJ, 22 October 1920. 29 Espirito Santo, NS, 28 February 1929. 30 Lesser 1999, p. 101. Early twentieth century Manaus and rubber econ- omy, Freyre 1970, pp. 232–7; Burns 1980, pp. 330–9. 31 Amazon settlement, Konno and Fujisaki 1994, pp. 136–8; Mie-ken Kaigai Kyokai 1977, pp. 20–1; Takumusho Takumukyoku 1932, pp. 25–30; Nor- mano and Gerbi 1943, pp. 40–1; Lesser 1999, p. 99. Fukuhara’s initial observations may be seen in his report to the Japanese government, Fukuhara Hachiro, Hakukoku Amazon-gawa Ryuiki Shokuminchi Keikaku ni kan suru Chosa Hokokusho, Tokyo 1927. 32 Amazon survey and Brazilian welcome, Nambei Shimpo, 25 September and 1 December 1930, quotation from 3 February 1931. Uetsuka and Instituto Amazonia, San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo, Burajiru Nihon Iminshi Nempyo, Akita 1997, p. 67; Konno and Fujisaki 1994, pp. 137–8. On Japanese expectations for development in the Amazon, see BJ, 6 January 1934. Notes 183

33 Respect for Japanese investment, Kodo 1928, p. 24. History of Cotia Co- operative, SS, 25 January 1940. Hirano co-operative and local prosperity, BJ, 1 January 1939; SS, 25 February 1940. 34 Birigui settlers, Takahashi 1993, p. 107. Brazilians as ‘socially invisible’, Maeyama 1979, p. 594. 35 Queiroz Teles on Japanese settlements, NS, 18 October 1928. For an earlier example of similar ideas, BJ, 16 November 1923. 36 Attack on Japanese government view of emigration, NS, 16 March 1928. 37 Value of plantation experience, NS, 13 July 1928; also Oshima Kiichi, Hojin no Hattenchi Burajiru Saikin Jijo, Tokyo 1928, p. 62. 90 per cent of settlers direct from Japan, NS, 27 June 1928, reporting on the Bunka Settlement. 38 Amateurism at settlements, NS, 13 August 1931. 39 Toda on Noroeste standard of living, NS, 27 June 1928. Lesser 1999, p. 110, which also errs in giving the professor’s affiliation as Tokyo Imperial University Medical School. More extensive reports by Toda on migrant health include BJ, 17 and 31 January, 14 and 21 February 1929. Viewing Japanese houses in rural Brazil in 1928, Tsuji 1930, p. 107, described most of them as poor and ugly, ‘without a trace of any cultural sense’, and lacking even a single flower or blade of grass. 40 Quote, Frank G. Carpenter, Along the Parana and the Amazon, NY 1925, p. 143. The future Chicago or New York, NS, 21 December 1928. 41 Rudyard Kipling, Brazilian Sketches, Bromley 1989, p. 40; Levi 1987, p. 124. 1929 figures for Sao Paulo city and Tokyo vehicles, BJ, 25 July 1929. By August 1925, Sao Paulo state already had 23 569 passenger vehicles and 7913 trucks, the most of any Brazilian state, NS, 23 October 1925. 42 Survey of Japanese occupations, NS, 18, 25 April 1924, 3 May 1924. Urban population figures, Takaoka 1925, p. 211. Number of Japanese drivers, Tsuji 1930, p. 370. A brief comment on Japanese taxi and car hire companies also appears in Handa 1970, p. 192; see also Suzuki 1969, p. 74. 43 Japanese furniture stores, NS, 18, 25 April 1924, 3 May 1924. A photo- graph of the Casa Tokyo (or Casa Tokio) factory accompanies a half-page advertisement in Nambei Shimpo, 3 February 1931. In this, the text explains that the store had repeatedly won awards for its products. BJ, 1 January 1937, counts approximately 15 furniture stores in the city at that time, successfully competing with non-Japanese retailers. 44 Japanese at Lins, Tsuji 1930, pp. 32–7, 64–5; Lins advertisements, BJ, 31 January and 21 February 1929; history of Lins traffic increase, BJ, 18 June 1933. An earlier snapshot of the Japanese at Bauru is in SS, 23 February 1923; this shows that there were about 70 Japanese resident in the city, from 14 different prefectures (Fukuoka claiming the greatest number) and engaged in at least 11 different occupations. Mention of Japanese prostitution comes in a SS 4 May 1923 note that ‘Bauru’s famous Tomi is to return to Japan and the town officials and head of the brothel as well as the fruiterer Joao are sad at the parting’. 184 Notes

45 NS, 3 October 1924. 46 Maeyama 1979, p. 595. 47 Kevin M. Doak, ‘What is a nation and who belongs? National narratives and the ethnic imagination in twentieth-century Japan’, American Histor- ical Review, vol. 102-2, April 1997, pp. 283–309. 48 James Tigner, ‘Shindo Renmei: Japanese nationalism in Brazil’, The Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 41-4, 1961, pp. 530–1. NS, 21 December 1928, appears to be one of the earliest examples of the Portuguese-language news page. Genesis of press, Konno and Fujisaki 1994, pp. 154–7. Print runs for BJ and NS, Kodo 1928, pp. 120–1. 49 Aspects of the anti-Miura campaign are evident in NS, 10 May 1929, 17 October 1929, 2 April 1931; BJ, 5 September 1929, 1 January 1930, 23 July 1931; Takahashi 1993, pp. 157–69. 50 History compilation, BJ, 12 October 1923; two-volume publication, BJ, 15 March 1940. 51 Maeyama 1979, pp. 594–5. Tigner 1961, p. 527, writes, ‘the association became a socio-cultural agency to preserve the culture of the homeland and the concept of loyalty to the emperor’. 52 NS, 14 October 1927. Nambei Shimpo, 13 August 1931. The criticism that many associations were just for show is repeated in Burajiru Fukui Ken- jin-kai Kaiho Henshubu, (ed.), Burajiru to Fukui Kenjin, Sao Paulo 1961, p. 230. 53 Criticism of Dojinkai, SS, 11 April 1924. Brazilian Central Japan Society controversy, BJ, 22 September 1937; Burajiru Fukui Kenjin-kai Kaiho Henshubu 1961, pp. 230–1. Kyuyokai origins, NS, 15 July 1927; Shiroma 1959, pp. 260–1; effectiveness, Nambei Shimpo, 27 August 1931; member- ship, BJ, 9 May 1934. At that point in 1934, there were 222 Japanese asso- ciations with a total membership of 22 322. The vast majority of these groups were along the Noroeste and Sorocabana railway lines but the concentration of members was greatest in Santos, the home of many Okinawans. Thus, the Noroeste region, with 60, had the largest number of associations but the membership of these groups totalled 9509 while Santos, with just 14 associations, claimed the second largest membership total at 4063, that is, 1600 more than Sao Paulo city and its environs. The fact that there were as many as 14 separate associations in Santos alone, however, further calls into question the idea that such groups were manipulated by the Japanese authorities to control the expatriate com- munity. 54 Education forum, NS, 18 March 1927; Konno and Fujisaki 1994, pp. 63–4. 55 Education, imperialism and assimilation, Takaoka 1925, pp. 280–2, 323–5. On the 1921 language law, see also Tsuji 1930, pp. 73–4. The view that just some Japanese-language teaching was desirable in order to maintain communication between the first and second generations in Brazil was advocated in a BJ editorial, 30 January 1925. 56 Elimination of Chinese characters, Arima Tetsunosuke in Tsuji 1930, pp. 371–2. Notes 185

57 Japanese sports and clubs, NS, 30 September 1927; Japan Club tennis court opening ceremony, NS, 2 April 1926. It was claimed that the tennis court was so fine that local Brazilians were also keen to join the Japan Club. This was perhaps part of the organisers’ intention. A detailed description of the club and some of its members, including consular staff, is in NS, 1 January 1929. On soccer, Tsuji 1930, p. 214. 58 Ikeda Shigeji, San Pauro-shi oyobi Kinko Hojin Hattenshi, Sao Paulo 1954, p. 104; also the summary history of migrant baseball in SS, 18 May 1940. Rio de Janeiro challenge, notice in BJ, 16 March 1923. Finances of Brazilian– Japanese Baseball Association, BJ, 2 October, 13 November 1925. 59 Japanese tennis in Brazil, Ikeda 1954, p. 112; Noroeste popularity, NS, 13 March 1938; Bastos challenge, BJ, 3 December 1938. Rio swimming coach, NS, 6 March 1935; Shiroma 1959, p. 172. 60 On migrant athletics, Shiroma 1959, p. 171; Sao Paulo marathon, San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo 1997, p. 47; respect from Brazilian sporting world, BJ, 16 April 1931; Child Olympics, BJ, 21 March, 29 April 1934. 61 Aracatuba meeting, Nambei Shimpo, 24 September 1936; University of Sao Paulo challenge, BJ, 22 September 1937. First Brazilian and Japanese athletics meeting, San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo 1997, p. 75. 62 ‘Age of crime’, NS, 17 July 1935. Just a few other examples of reports stressing the decline of employment and social stability include Nambei Shimpo, 8 January 1930, 10 September, 19 November 1931; BJ, 2 July, 24 November 1931. 63 Tsuji 1930, pp. 1–13 and, on persistence of ‘dekasegi’ mentality, p. 202. NS editorial, 10 October 1924. See also NS, 17 September 1924, which insisted that the misery of Japan’s agricultural sector resulted from too many landlords and people living off bank interest, and that migrants wishing to return and join their ranks would only exacerbate the situation. 64 NS, 12 November 1926, in Konno and Fujisaki 1994, pp. 60–1. See also the summary biographies of new Sao Paulo state ministers in Nambei Shimpo, for example, 20, 27 August 1931. Domination of news from Japan, Handa 1970, p. 602. In this, Handa is referring mainly to the 1930s but, even at this time, his claim is unconvincing. 65 Japanese rioters 1922, BJ, 9 October 1930; Takahashi 1993, p. 156. Quotation, Nambei Shimpo, 28 October 1930. 66 On Sao Paulo city, Tsuji 1930, pp. 28–9, and on Brazilian social and com- mercial culture, pp. 69–71. Brazilian Independence Day, BJ, 12 September 1929. Example on forms of politeness, NS, 16 January 1937. 67 Maeyama 1996, p. 21. The belief that Japanese and Brazilian attitudes on education were quite separate was also expressed by Tsuji 1930, p. 200, when he writes, ‘The South American spirit is easy going . . . even if the children cannot recognise a single letter, they are happy if they can dance and know love’. 68 BJ, 12 September 1929. Carpenter 1925, p. 145. 186 Notes

4 Expanding: the Japanese Community, 1930–36

1 E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2nd edn, NY 1980, p. 402. Figures showing the rise of rival coffee producers are in BJ, 28 January 1938. 2Robert M. Levine, The Vargas Regime: The Critical Years, 1934–1938, NY 1970, pp. 36–8. Burns 1980, p. 399, adds, ‘Moderation and affability tempered his administration. Absent were the pomp, terror, and inflexi- bility so often characteristic of Spanish American dictatorships’. The idea that Vargas was a semi-dictator or dictator is offered by Mita Chiyoko, ‘Nashonarizumu to minzoku shudan: Burajiru no kokka togo to Nihonjin ijusha’, Gaiko Jiho, 1251, September 1988, p. 57. The view that his policies were intended rapidly to Brazilianise the Japanese community is expressed in Handa Tomoo, Imin no Seikatsu no Rekishi: Burajiru Nikkeijin no Ayunda Michi, Sao Paulo 1970, p. 587; also Maeyama Takashi, ‘Nikkeijin no Wakon Hakusai-ron: bunka henyo ni tsuite no ichi-minzoku gainen’, Esunishiti to Burajiru Nikkeijin, Tokyo 1996, p. 178. 3 George Reid Andrews, ‘Brazilian racial democracy, 1900–90: an American counterpoint’, Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 31, 3, 1996, p. 486. Integralist’s enemies, Burns 1980, p. 406. 4 On xenophobia and Integralists, Andrews 1996, pp. 487–8. Foreign-born population, Burns, 1980, p. 362. On Freyre and Afro-Brazilian culture, Hermano Vianna, The Mystery of Samba: Popular Music and National Identity in Brazil, Chapel Hill 1999, especially chapter 6. The migrant Japanese press was not indifferent to instances of racism towards ethnic Africans in Brazil. For example, in December 1931, it was reported that black Brazil- ians in Sao Paulo were being denied access to some of the ice skating rinks then enjoying a boom in popularity. However, some of those experiencing discrimination were able to appeal to the police and have the rink in ques- tion closed. In this way, discrimination on racial grounds clearly existed but so did institutional means of redress, BJ, 18 December 1931. 5 Government subsidies, San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo, Burajiru Nihon Iminshi Nempyo, Akita 1997, p. 70. Brazil as ‘paradise for workers’, BJ, 1 January 1934; protected from the Great Depression, BJ, 18 June 1933. By contrast, BJ, 3 October 1932, described the situation in rural Japan and asserted, ‘you work and you work and still you cannot eat’. 6 Kobe failed applicants, BJ, 24 January 1934. 7 Konno Toshihiko/Fujisaki Yasuo, Iminshi 1: Nambei-hen, Tokyo 1994, pp. 69–71. For comments on the earlier exploitation of migrants to Hawaii, Alan Takeo Moriyama, Imingaisha: Japanese Emigration Companies and Hawaii 1894–1908, Honolulu 1985, pp. 80–1. 8 On Japanese cotton production San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo 1997, p. 78. Japanese coffee producers’ over-extension and volume over quality, Nambei Shimpo, 8 January 1930. Beneficial impact of distance from Japan, BJ, 3 November 1931. 9 1934 trade figures, Yoshinori Ohara, Japan and Latin America, Santa Monica 1967, p. 28. Content and increasing importance of bilateral trade, Notes 187

BJ, 14 April 1934. Volumes and values for Brazilian exports to Japan in 1935–37 are given in BJ, 1 January 1938. For cotton, the volumes were listed in thousands of kilos (the value in thousands of contos is in brackets – one contos was worth about US$82 in 1935): 1935 = 2515 (2318), 1936 = 42 452 (44 764), first half of 1937 = 1634 (1958). Equivalent figures for coffee volumes were: 1935 = 1025 (542), 1936 = 2538 (1372), first half of 1937 = 1254 (858). Japan as the primary outlet early in 1937 for Brazilian cotton, BJ, 8 January 1938. 10 Military donations and books on US–Japan war, BJ, 17 July 1933. Just a few examples of the Japanese migrant press speculation on war between Japan and one of the powers throughout the 1930s include: Nambei Shimpo, 17 January, 10 and 20 February 1930; SS, 1 January 1932; NS, 10 January 1934; BJ, 19 September 1932, 29 April 1934; Nambei Shimpo, 20 June 1936. 11 On Nagata, Manchuria and Brazil, see Sandra Wilson, ‘The “New Paradise”: Japanese emigration to Manchuria in the 1930s and 1940s’, International History Review, vol. 17-2, May 1995, pp. 258–60. Migrant view of Man- churian wages, BJ, 1 January 1934. 12 San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo 1997, p. 71. 13 1932 revolt and Japanese migrants, SS, 2 September 1932; San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo 1997, p. 71. Death of Yamada, BJ, 13 October 1932. 14 1933 ceremonies, BJ, 22 June 1933. 15 Regional celebrations, BJ, 3 July 1933; Bastos, BJ, 29 June 1933. Judo competition, BJ, 22 June 1933. 16 1933–34 Constituent Assembly debate and racism, Levine 1970, pp. 21–6; examples of views for and against Japanese immigration, BJ, 28 March 1934, also NS, 14 and 21 February, 29 April 1934; Lesser 1999, pp. 116–20. Constitutional article on immigration, Takahashi 1993, p. 140; also San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo 1997, p. 77 (which gives the initial Japanese quota as 2489). 1935 revised Japanese migrant quota, BJ, 1 June 1935. 17 Brazilian political and business attitudes to 1934 constitution, Inoue Miyaji, ‘Burajiru iju seigen mondai ni tsuite’, Gaiko Jiho, 722, January 1935, pp. 316–21. That the quota was casually applied to Japanese migrants immediately after 1934 was perfectly apparent to contemporary observers, see J.F. Normano and Antonello Gerbi, The Japanese in South America: An Introductory Survey with Special Reference to Peru, NY 1943, p. 22. 18 A selection of Japanese migrant views, ranging from shock to a self- confidence that Brazilian critics could be won over, appears in BJ, 26 May 1934. Press comment on migrant Japanese, racism, and assimilation, BJ, 8 and 22 January 1936, 5 February 1936. For a contemporary summary of the history of anti-Japanese racism in Brazil, see BJ, 29 April 1934. 19 Criticism of Japanese authorities, NS, 7 March 1924; BJ, 21 March 1934; Lesser 1999, p. 121. Parallel with 1910s North America, BJ, 1 July 1936. 188 Notes

20 For a contemporary Japanese view of Couto’s arguments, BJ, 3, 14, 17, 21 March 1934. On Brazilian anti-communism and revolts, Burns, 1980, pp. 405–7. 21 Anti-Assyrian campaign, Lesser 1999, pp. 68–75, quotation, p. 73. 22 BJ, 5 October 1935. Lesser 1999, p. 118, cites a Rio newspaper of Decem- ber 1933 which had raised similar fears by linking Japanese imperialism in Manchuria with the Japanese presence in the Amazon. 23 Minas Gerais invitation, BJ, 3 and 14 March 1934. 24 Martins speech, BJ, 8 July 1936. 25 Tiete murders, BJ, 29 April and 12 May 1934; Bastos attack, NS, 9 May 1934 and BJ, 16 May 1934. 26 Murder at Mesquita settlement, Alta Paulista region, BJ, 6 July 1936; Birigui deaths and Japanese donations, BJ, 21 October and 18 November 1936. Other instances of violence against Japanese include SS, 25 April 1930, plus BJ, 15 September 1937, 9 October 1940. 27 Richard M. Morse, From Community to Metropolis: A Biography of Sao Paulo, Brazil, 2nd edn, NY 1974, p. 253. An example of actual violence by a Jap- anese migrant towards a Brazilian was reported early in 1939. Two plantation workers, one Japanese, one Brazilian, argued over the rights to use a parcel of land. The Japanese, a kendo and judo practitioner, decided to resolve the dispute by taking his Japanese sword and trying to kill his rival during the carnival, BJ, 1 March 1939. 28 Post-1945 murder and terrorism within the Japanese community, James Lawrence Tigner, ‘Shindo Renmei: Japanese nationalism in Brazil’, The Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 41-4, 1961, pp. 521–4. Birigui murders, SS, 24 August 1923. Lins shooting, BJ, 5 September 1929. Santos dispute, BJ, 30 March 1933. BJ, 23 July 1931, shows that these were not the only Japanese engaged in smuggling. 29 Migrant suicides, BJ, 2 May 1934. 30 Rio migrants prevented from landing, BJ, 1 June 1935. 31 NS, 5 February 1936, gives the precise total of migrant Japanese as 171 608. This excluded the region of Belem in the north of Brazil from which there was a delay in obtaining results. Figures from the various consulates included: Bauru area (Noroeste), 81 972 (43 370 male, 38 602 female); Sao Paulo area, 55 638 (30 340 male, 25 298 female); Ribeirao Preto area, 21 100 (11 386 male, 9714 female); Santos area, 12 130 (6503 male, 5627 female); Rio de Janeiro, 768 (438 male, 330 female). 32 Migrant land ownership figures and Brazilian press, BJ, 7 September 1936; also BJ, 1 January 1934. For a different scale on land values which shows Japanese as fifth behind Brazilians, Italians, Portuguese and Span- ish, see BJ, 5 May 1934. In a 1933 table of landowners by headcount, the Japanese moved even further up the ladder to third place behind Brazil- ians and Italians, NS, 1 January 1935. On the Japanese population of Noroeste, BJ, 18 June 1933. Additional figures for Brazilian and foreign ownership of coffee fazendas and coffee trees in Sao Paulo in 1934 are given in Herbert S. Klein, ‘European and Asian migration to Brazil’, p. 221, in Robin Cohen (ed.), The Cambridge Survey of World Migration, Notes 189

Cambridge 1995. These show a similar pattern to general landownership albeit with Japan trailing the Italians by a great distance, and both the Spaniards and Portuguese by relatively small margins. 33 On the general question of Sao Paulo city home ownership, Teresa P.R. Caldeira, ‘Building up walls: the new pattern of spatial segregation in Sao Paulo’, International Social Science Journal, no. 147, March 1996, pp. 56–7. 34 Urban Japanese conditions and occupations, Handa 1970, pp. 573–9. Sao Paulo City Ryokan Union, listing in Nambei Shimpo, 20 June 1930. Shimomoto graduation, San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo 1997, p. 83. Kitajima appointment, NS, 3 October 1937. 35 Japanese-language press, Konno/Fujisaki, 1994, pp. 149–62; San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo 1997, p. 76; Onaga and Nihon Shimbun, Handa 1970, p. 608. The growth of the Japanese migrant press, however, should be placed in context. According to figures released for 1930, the four Japanese-language newspapers then in existence constituted a mere drop in the total of 2959 types of newspaper in Brazil, the vast majority of them published in and south of Rio de Janeiro. Of this total, 2778 were in the Portuguese language, another 69 in German, 24 in Italian, 12 in English, seven in Arabic, and six each in Polish and Spanish, NS, 30 July 1931. 36 Journals subscription list for Nakaya Traders, BJ, 12 September 1932. 37 Brazilian radio and record industries, Hermano Vianna, The Mystery of Samba: Popular Music and National Identity in Brazil, Chapel Hill 1999, pp. 77–8. Five record labels appeared in Rio between 1928–29. These included Columbia and RCA. 38 JLSZ radio playlist, BJ, 16 September 1940. See also playlists in BJ, 23 September 1938 and 7 September 1940 showing a broad consistency in programming. NHK global broadcast, NS, 29 May 1935. 39 ‘A Japanese Evening’, BJ, 11 July 1932; ‘Japanese Hour’, San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo 1997, p. 78. 40 Example of adult cinema adverts, NS, 8 May 1935; popularity of US movies, Handa 1970, pp. 203–6; criticism of US crime films, Nambei Shimpo, 8 July 1937. For a contemporary guide to Sao Paulo city cine- mas, prices and comforts, NS, 14 February 1934. The range and variety of adult-oriented cinema in Sao Paulo as early as 1917 is noted in Morse 1974, p. 203. 41 Ikeda Shigeji, Sao Pauro-shi oyobi Kinko Hojin Hattenshi, Sao Paulo 1954, p. 82. Nippaku Cinema playbill, BJ, 1 January 1930. 42 Review of Noroeste-sen Isshu, Nambei Shimpo, 10 February 1930; exchange with Osaka Mainichi, BJ, 4 December 1931. 43 Nippaku Cinema and monthly imports, NS, 1 January 1936; Bastos weekend cinema, SS, 19 April 1932; growth of exhibitors, Ikeda 1954, pp. 82–3. An advertisement in BJ, 1 January 1938, shows that six distribu- tors, including Nippaku Cinema, Nihon Cinema, and Shochiku, had by then formed the Alliance of Japanese Film in Brazil. Nippaku Cinema and Portuguese titles, BJ, 25 December 1930; Foreign Ministry and Portu- guese-language newsreel, BJ, 5 December 1934. 190 Notes

44 Japan Film Night, BJ, 3 April 1935. Popularity among the migrants of samurai movies, SS, 11 March 1932. The first imported ‘all-talking’ sam- urai film was the Nikkatsu production, Hyaku-man Ryo no Tsubo, BJ, 14 July 1939. 45 Patriotic films, BJ, 6 December 1933, 1 January 1934; Broadway to Holly- wood, advert, BJ, 21 February 1934. 46 Toho representative, Sakagami Toshio, interviewed in SS, 5 August 1939. 47 Nikkatsu announcement, SS, 14 July 1939. 1952 production, Ikeda 1954, p. 85. 48 Handa 1970, p. 579. Hosokawa Shuhei, Sanba no Kuni ni Enka wa Nagareru: Ongaku ni Miru Nikkei Burajiru Iminshi, Tokyo 1995, pp. 24–5. Miura recording, advert in Nambei Shimpo, 28 October 1930. On Japan Victor and Japan Columbia plus musical trends in Japan in the 1920s–30s, see Harris I. Martin, ‘Popular music and social change in prewar Japan’, Japan Interpreter, vol. 7, nos. 3–4, summer–autumn 1972, pp. 343–7. It is only fair to mention that Hosokawa 1995, p. 16, sees all records from Japan, irrespective of their style or their regional flavour, as being welcomed by migrants as reminders of the homeland and, therefore, broadened in their cultural meaning. 49 Examples of Casa Allema adverts, BJ, 24 March 1932, 10 April 1936, 22 November 1936; Ford ads, NS, 20 June 1929, 22 August 1929; Chevrolet ad, BJ, 22 November 1936; Casa Casoy, BJ, 12 August 1936; Italian photo- grapher, BJ, 15 December 1932; Academia Paulista de Dancas, BJ, 28 January 1938. 50 Japan Evening, BJ, 18 November 1936; Sao Paulo Japan Music Study Society, 2nd. ‘Japan Music Night’ success, BJ, 18 October 1940. Hosokawa focuses on the elite women’s group Suiyokai at Sao Paulo city and its use of music and dance to explain Japanese culture to Brazilians, Hosokawa 1995, pp. 44–7. Migrants in the interior also identified culture with music. A Brazilian diplomat visited Lins prior to taking up his post in Japan and his expatriate hosts offered him an introduc- tion to Japanese culture through dance and sukiyaki, BJ, 12 February 1939. 51 Electric samisen, Nambei Shimpo, 17 April 1931. 52 Hosokawa 1995, p. 10. 53 Rudyard Kipling, Brazilian Sketches, Bromley 1989, pp. 58–9. 54 On the origins of carnival and the rise of a national carnival centred on Rio, Vianna 1999, pp. 8–12, 78, 88, 90–2; William Rowe and Vivian Schelling, Memory and Modernity: Popular Culture in Latin America, Lon- don 1991, pp. 128–35. Rio authorities and 1935 ban on non-Brazilian themes, Alma Guillermoprieto, Samba, NY 1990, p. 31. Carnival and expression of opinions, James Woodall, A Simple Brazilian Song: Journeys Through the Rio Sound, London 1997, p. 224. Centrality of music in Brazilian society, Freyre 1970, p. 70. Claus Schreiner, Musica Brasileira: A History of Popular Music and the People of Brazil, London/NY 1993, p. 22, notes the collection of folk songs by Brazilian intellectuals as early as the 1890s. Notes 191

55 Vianna 1999, p. 91. Tsuji 1930, pp. 139–40. Morse 1974, p. 37, shows that the tradition of squirting perfumes at carnival goes back at least to the early nineteenth century. 56 NS, 7 March 1924; see also NS, 14 February 1929. Tsuji 1930, p. 141. Rob- erto Da Matta, ‘Carnival in multiple planes’, in John J. MacAloon (ed.), Rite, Drama, Festival, Spectacle: Rehearsals Toward a Theory of Cultural Per- formance, Philadelphia 1984, p. 224, writes, ‘It is crazy because all space is inverted, dislocated, and everything is called into question’. 57 1930s carnivals, NS, 12 February 1931, 14 February 1934, 4 and 11 Febru- ary 1937; BJ, 13 February 1933 and 6 March 1935 (the latter edition not- ing that dance parties were held ‘kakusho’, that is ‘all over’, by Japanese migrants). Casa Allema advert, NS, 6 February 1937; Ao Preco Fixo advert, BJ, 27 January 1937. In 1932, the carnival at Rio included a float illustrating the Sino-Japanese hostilities over Manchuria, SS, 16 February 1932. 58 Carnival as racial equality, SS, 8 February 1940. 59 ’Sao Paulo Erotic Guide’, NS, 5, 12, 19, 25 June, 10 July 1935. Sao Paulo nude revue, NS, 14 February 1934. Compare this with Handa 1970, pp. 210–11, which describes Japanese migrants going to the brothel quarters of Sao Paulo ‘in search of fun (asobi) where fun was not to be found’, and being repulsed by the babel of prostitute voices. 60 On Fujiwara’s first visit, NS, 19 August, 6 November, 9 December 1937. 61 Kawakami Suzuko, BJ, 7 January 1938, also 28, 29 June 1938; Sao Paulo city audience, NS, 8 July 1938. 62 Hasegawa Toshiko visits, BJ, 4 November and 9 December 1936, plus 19 June, 17 September, 7 and 12 November 1940. 63 Korean dancing queen, BJ, 25, 31 May, 7 June 1940; Sao Paulo perform- ance, BJ, 5 June 1940. Ch’oe had earlier been invited to Argentina according to NS, 26 March 1938; scheduled 1939 visit, SS, 3 February 1939. Ch’oe showed both a nice sensitivity and a deft touch in public relations while in Sao Paulo, sending all her bouquets to patients at the Japan Hospital whom she had earlier visited. Her image is included in Japan Photographers’ Association, A Century of Japanese Photography, London 1981, p. 212, albeit without identifying her by name. Instead, it is given the title, ‘Dance of Delight on Red Hill’.

5 In Transit: a World of New Orders, 1937–40

1Robert Levine, The Vargas Regime: The Critical Years, 1934–1938, NY 1970, pp. 162–5. 2 Survey of Japanese resident overseas, SS, 12 February 1939. The precise figures for Bolivia, Cuba and Chile were 764, 714, and 682 respectively. 3 Journalist Shiino Yutaka, cited in BJ, 10 November 1939. 4 Survey of returnees, BJ, 3 December 1938. This shows in addition that there had been about 35 000 deaths among the migrants over these years. Ethnic populations of Sao Paulo city, 1938, and rates of long-term 192 Notes

migrant residence in Brazil, Egoshi Nobutane, Ashita no Burajiru, Tokyo 1939, pp. 21–4. The percentage rates for those staying on by ethnic group were: Lithuanian 94.7, Japanese 93.2, Portuguese 41.9, German 20.5, Ital- ian 12.8. Returnees from Hawaii, Alan Takeo Moriyama, Imingaisha: Japanese Emigration Companies and Hawaii 1894–1908, Honolulu 1985, p. 132. A Japanese consular survey from the start of the 1930s had revealed that, at that time, 37 per cent of those immigrants questioned had already decided to remain permanently in Brazil while only four per cent were resolved to return to Japan; all others were as yet undecided, BJ, 1 January 1934. 5 Migrant figures, SS, 5 August 1939. BJ, 4 February 1940, shows that foreign migrants to Sao Paulo state in 1939 numbered just 12 200, that is, ten per cent of the total immigration figure of 112 000. In other words, the majority of those arriving in Sao Paulo came from other regions of Brazil. 6 SS, 19 September 1939. 7 O Estado editorial, translated in SS, 19 September 1939. 1938 fall in cotton price, SS, 26 February 1939. Percentage of Japanese migrant production in ginned cotton, Egoshi 1939, pp. 48–9. By this point, Japanese migrants also contributed about half the state’s potato produce as well as ten per cent of its corn and rice plus about 80 per cent of its tea crop. 8 1930 Vargas speech on national reform and education, BJ, 13 November 1930. Values in New State education, Levine 1970, p. 167; Vargas quota- tion in E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2nd edn, NY 1980, p. 410; 1938 laws, Mita Chiyoko, ‘Nashonarizumu to minzoku shudan’, Gaiko Jiho, 1251, September 1988, p. 62; Sao Paulo Municipal Sports Stadium, SS, 27 April 1940. 9 Levine 1970, pp. 16–17. See also Antonio G. Gonzaga speech, 10 May 1940, for figures on low school enrolment and literacy in Sao Paulo state in 1938. The speech appears in Kaigai Kogyo K.K. Hakukoku Shiten, trans., Hakukoku Ishokumin Mondai, Sao Paulo 1940, p. 8. 10 Details of the 1938–39 restrictions on education, Handa Tomoo, Imin no Seikatsu no Rekishi: Burajiru Nikkeijin no Ayunda Michi, Sao Paulo 1970, p. 588; Mita 1988, p. 62; Jeffrey Lesser, Negotiating National Identity: Immi- grants, Minorities, and the Struggle for Ethnicity in Brazil, Durham NC 1999, p. 130. 11 Handa 1970, p. 589; Mita Chiyoko, ‘Nihon to Burajiru o musubu Nikkeijin ijusha no hachiju-nen’, Gaiko Jiho, no. 1265, February 1990, pp. 45–6, 55; Maeyama Takashi, ‘Ancestor, emperor, and immigrant: religion and group identity of the Japanese in rural Brazil (1908–1950)’, Journal of Interameri- can Studies and World Affairs, vol. 14-2, 1972, p. 170, and his Esunishiti to Burajiru Nikkeijin, Tokyo 1996, p. 178; see also Takahashi Yukiharu, Nikkei Burajiru Iminshi, Tokyo 1993, pp. 142–3. Destruction of Polish migrant school, BJ, 23 September 1938. 12 Tiete schools, Burajiru Takushoku Kumiai, Chiete Ijuchi Nyushoku Annai, Sao Paulo 1934, pp. 10–12. That similar conditions prevailed earlier and elsewhere is suggested in Tsuji Kotaro, Burajiru no Doho o Tazunete, Tokyo 1930, p. 110. Rio and Sao Paulo Law Schools, SS, 5 April 1939; Rio Japan- Notes 193

ese Language Student Society and Sao Paulo Society for the Study of Japanese Culture, SS, 12 March 1939. A Japanese-born student at the Sao Paulo Medical School had already noted in 1935 a desire among his fellow Brazilian students to learn Japanese, Kawahara Kiyoshi comments in BJ, 29 April 1935. 13 Illicit Japanese schools, Handa 1970, p. 588; Maeyama Takashi, ‘Ethni- city, secret societies, and associations: the Japanese in Brazil’, Compara- tive Studies in Society and History, vol. 21, 1979, p. 598. 1940 Bastos visit, Lesser 1999, pp. 132–3. Almeida report on schools, BJ, 5 October 1936, and his book on Japanese assimilation, BJ, 1 February 1939. 14 Activities of Japanese educational association of Sao Paulo state, San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo, Burajiru Nihon Iminshi Nempyo, Akita 1997, p. 76. 1937 gathering of educators, NS, 26 January 1937. 15 Conversation with British visitor, BJ, 4 November 1936; examples of the argument on learning Japanese at home, BJ, 14 and 21 October 1936, SS, 22 November 1939. Kodomo no Sono adverts, BJ, 23 September 1936, 18 August 1938. 16 On the Student League, the main work is Maeyama 1996, especially pp. 339–53 (comprising the main section of a reprint of his article ‘1930- nendai San Pauro-shi ni okeru Nikkei gakusei kessha: kokka – hito – esun- ishiti’, originally in Yanagida Toshio (ed.), Amerika no Nikkeijin, Tokyo 1995). On the origin of the group, see also Lesser 1999, p. 123 (which errs in giving 1935 as the date of its founding), and Takahashi 1993, p. 149 (which throws in 1933 as a founding date). 17 Quoted from Maeyama 1996, p. 354. See also Takahashi 1993, p. 149. 18 Lesser 1999, pp. 130–1. On the Student League’s attempt to promote understanding with the Brazilian authorities, see SS, 17 September 1939. 19 Nakanishi quotation, BJ, 1 January 1939. See also Takahashi 1993, p. 144. 20 BJ, 9 December 1938. 21 Volksdeutsche movement, Levine 1970, pp. 26–7; criticism of ‘ethnic chaos’, Hermano Vianna, The Mystery of Samba: Popular Music and National Identity in Brazil, Chapel Hill 1999, p. 51. Frank G. Carpenter, Along The Parana and the Amazon, NY 1925, p. 187, noted after his latest visit to Brazil that the mid-nineteenth century German colony of Blumenau in Santa Catharina ‘is now a city of thirty thousand or more, yet it is still almost as thoroughly German as a town of the Fatherland. German is the language heard everywhere, and is used in official documents by the local authorities. In some towns the mayor, the counsellors, and the police are all of teutonic origin, and in some of the schools there are teachers who cannot speak Portuguese’. 22 Alien registration regulations, SS, 16 April 1939. 23 SS, 15 March 1939. 24 Notes on Japanese television development, Nambei Shimpo, 28 February 1930, BJ, 8 November 1933. 25 Nippon flight, SS, 26 August 1939, 3 October 1939; BJ, 29 August, 3 October 1939; Brazilian ministerial speech, SS, 20 October 1939. The importance 194 Notes

of aviation and modernity was further emphasised by the creation in Japan from 1940 of 28 September as ‘aviation day’, a new holiday during which events, talks, and memorials were held all over the country, BJ, 29 September 1940. 26 Santos-Dumont myth and appearance, Gilberto Freyre, Order and Progress: Brazil From Monarchy to Republic, NY 1970, pp. 277–8, and p. 201 on ‘macaquitos’. Average height of Brazilian men, Carpenter 1925, p. 227. Visit of German airship, Nambei Shimpo, 30 May 1930. 27 Japanese medicine at Lins and Bastos, Furusato Rekishi Kinenkan, Imin no Tame Jonetsu no Shogai o Oeta Hosoe Shizuo Ishi, Gero 1996, pp. 6–7. After moving to Sao Paulo city, Hosoe also entered the Medical School, graduating in 1940. He became a Brazilian citizen in 1941 and his first return visit to Japan was in 1962. First Japanese students at Sao Paulo Medical School, BJ, 30 March 1933. 28 Origin of Dojinkai, NS, 14 March 1924. On the grants for pharmacology students, see the recruitment advert in NS, 3 October 1924. Anti- trachoma competition, BJ, 31 January and 9 May 1929. 29 Sanitorium Sao Francisco Xavier and Japan Hospital, NS, 5 February 1936; BJ, 4, 13 and 18 November 1936; Furusato Rekishi Kinenkan 1996, pp. 10–13; Burajiru Fukui Kenjin-kai Kaiho Henshubu (ed.), Burajiru to Fukui Kenjin, Sao Paulo 1960, p. 231. Local Japan Hospital donations, BJ, 14 August 1935. Soares land donation, BJ, 27 November 1935. 30 Opening of Japan Hospital and reform of Dojinkai, SS, 22 July 1939. Pho- tographs of the Japan Hospital were prominently and repeatedly printed in the migrant press, for example, BJ, 14 September 1940. 31 Japan Hospital dispute, BJ, 2 March 1940, SS, 23 March 1940, 6 April 1940. Seizure by Brazilian government, Burajiru Fukui Kenjin-kai Kaiho Henshubu 1960, p. 231. 32 Japan–Brazil Association article, BJ, 10 and 11 January 1938. Spanish- language documentaries, BJ, 11 January 1940. A prominent advert for Shanghai Rikusentai appears in BJ, 20 January 1940. The Cinema Yearbook of Japan 1939, p. 34, explains: ‘This film deals with the gallant and deter- mined defense put up by Japanese marines against overwhelming odds at Shanghai at the beginning of the present Sino-Japanese conflict in 1937 . . . showing the [expatriate] Japanese civilians grouped at the Hongkew primary school, the work of the Japanese forces in sheltering Chinese refugees behind the firing line in temple compounds and build- ings, the bombing of the International Settlement by Chinese planes . . . ’ This would seem to beg the question of what Japanese marines were doing in Shanghai in the first place. 33 Letter from Aikoku Fujinkai and campaign for children’s postcards, Nam- bei Shimpo, 18 November 1937. Patriotic group activities, NS, 26 July 1938; San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo 1997, p. 86; examples of patriotic movie screenings, Nambei Shimpo, 14 October 1937, BJ, 21 August 1938, 26 November 1940. Kunii Trading sale, BJ, 12 December 1939. Notes 195

34 List of individual and group donors, Nambei Shimpo, 2 December 1937. Total donations to end of September 1937 and equivalent in yen, NS, 30 September 1937. 35 Heiwa Colony, BJ, 26 January 1938. Overseas Japanese donations by country and city, SS, 26 October 1939, BJ, 27 October 1939. While differ- ing on the amount credited to Sao Paulo, both newspapers agreed on the figures for other places. 36 Sao Paulo city association, Ikeda Shigeji, Kagoshima-kenjin Burajiru Ishokumin- shi, Sao Paulo 1941, p. 38; also BJ, 28 October 1938. 37 Lins and Bastos associations, Ikeda 1941, pp. 38–9. 38 Military volunteers, BJ, 10 June 1938. 39 Kayama Fuyo letter, SS, 8 June 1939. 40 On ‘returnees’ and nationalism, Mita 1990, p. 46; Lesser 1999, p. 130. Lesser suggests that many more migrants wanted to return to Japan but were prevented by a lack of funds and by pressure from Burataku to stay. Figures for migrants quitting Brazil, SS, 18 July 1939; collapse of German cotton sales, SS, 5 May 1939; motivations and goal of re-emigration to North China, SS, 9 February 1939 (which does emphasise the impact of language restrictions in persuading migrants to quit Brazil) and 13 May 1939. 41 Quotation on emperor worship, Maeyama 1979, p. 594; migrant saying, Maeyama 1996, p. 15. On lack of migrant religious activity until the 1950s, see also Mita Chiyoko in Imin Kenkyukai (ed.), Nihon no Imin Kenkyu: Doko to Mokuroku, Tokyo 1994, p. 108. On religious syncretism in Brazil, William Rowe and Vivian Schelling, Memory and Modernity: Popular Culture in Latin America, London 1991, pp. 124–6. The 1990s estimate on religions is noted in Chris McGowan and Ricardo Pessanha, The Brazilian Sound: Samba, Bossa Nova, and the Popular Music of Brazil, Philadelphia 1998, p. 16. 42 Maeyama Takashi, ‘Ancestor, emperor, and immigrant: religion and group identification of the Japanese in rural Brazil (1908–1950)’, Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, vol. 14-2, 1972, pp. 162, 171–3. The idea that the Japanese government prevented travel to Brazil by Buddhist clergy, and actively encouraged that by Catholic priests, is expressed in J.F. Normano and Antonello Gerbi, The Japanese in South America: An Introductory Survey with Special Reference to Peru, NY 1943, p. 31. 43 Criticism of imported textbooks, NS, 26 January 1937. One of the points of confusion arising from imported texts was actually the role of trucks; in Japan, these were seen as the carriers of produce, in the Brazilian inter- ior, they were equally important in carrying groups of people! 44 Young migrant concern with money, Ikeda Shigeji, San Pauro-shi oyobi Kinko Hojin Hattenshi, Sao Paulo 1954, p. 87. Consular survey, BJ, 30 November 1930; general estimate, BJ, 1 January 1934. 45 Summary histories of all religious group activities in the expatriate com- munity appear in Ikeda 1954, pp. 87–93; Shiroma Zenkichi, Zai-Haku Okinawa Kenjin 50-nen no Ayumi, Sao Paulo 1959, pp. 164–6. Priests from 196 Notes

the Nishi Honganji sect were not always welcomed: a report in the NS, 10 April 1925, showed that one priest had arrived in January of that year and, after becoming involved in gambling and other dubious activities, had been arrested on charges of stealing from other migrants. 46 Seicho no Ie letter, BJ, 4 December 1940. 47 Kobe migrant lecture on Brazilian Catholicism, NS, 4 September 1935. Conversions to Christianity, NS, 9 December 1927. Father del Torro and baptisms, San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo 1997, pp. 51, 59; NS, 25 November 1927; Nambei Shimpo, 8 January 1930. Fathers del Torro, Nakamura, and Sao Francisco School, Ikeda 1954, p. 87; Shiroma 1959, p. 165. For a general comment on the link between religion and assimi- lation among Japanese migrants to the US, see Roger Daniels, Asian America: Chinese and Japanese in the United States Since 1850, Seattle 1988, pp. 169–70. 48 Estimate of baptised Japanese, BJ, 5 December 1940. Sao Paulo Holiness Church, NS, 14 October 1927. Japanese Episcopal Church, BJ, 13 March 1925. Christian Youth Center, BJ, 17 October 1929. On Kobayashi’s activities, San Pauro Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo 1997, pp. 48, 53, 55. On Kobayashi’s character, SS, 1 January 1930. A further uncomplimentary view of Kobayashi is evident in Nambei Shimpo, 1 January 1930. This takes reports from migrants just arrived from Japan on the same ship as Kobayashi and accuses him of intolerable arrogance towards ordinary Japanese. 49 Alianca chapel, Ariansa Ijuchi-shi Hensan Iinkai (ed.), Sosetsu Nijugonen- shi, Nagano 1952, p. 9. Registro Church project, BJ, 14 August 1925. 50 Birigui judo school, BJ, 8 November 1940. 51 Sao Paulo orchestra, BJ, 10 March 1938, which also notes that Polish radio stations had ordered about 200 records from Japan to accompany lectures on Japanese culture; Radio 22P and Japanese music, BJ, 16 March 1938. 22P is my interpretation of the Japanese term ‘Tsutsupii’. 52 Peruvian violence, C. Harvey Gardiner, The Japanese and Peru 1873–1973, Albuquerque 1975, p. 53; Lima rumours and US intelligence, John K. Emmerson, The Japanese Thread: A Life in the U.S. Foreign Service, NY 1978, p. 134. Almeida and Japanese ‘conspiracy’, BJ, 20 January 1938; Jundiai mayor and local Japan Day celebrations, BJ, 29 January 1938. Lins inci- dent, BJ, 14 and 16 April 1939. 53 Miura expulsion, Takahashi 1993, p. 172. 54 1938 republic celebrations, BJ, 15 November 1938; Rio parade, BJ, 29 July 1940. The interpretation of Freyre’s ideas as ‘indefinite homogeneity’ is taken from Vianna 1999, pp. 63, 108–10. New State and racism, Levine 1970, p. 173. 55 For one example of a caricature of Mussolini, NS, 16 October 1935. Bra- zilian foreign minister on wartime co-operation with US, BJ, 12 February 1939. 56 Impression of Japanese agriculture, BJ, 27 November 1935; view of Mount Fuji, SS, 1 January 1940. 57 List of new books from Japan, BJ, 5 September 1940. Notes 197

58 Karen Tei Yamashita, Brazil-Maru, Minneapolis 1992, pp. 42–3, 74. Sao Paulo police, BJ, 8 November 1940. 59 Bastos resident on endurance, BJ, 1 January 1939.

6 Conclusion

1Maeyama Takashi, Esunishiti to Burajiru Nikkeijin, Tokyo 1996, p. 10. 2 Maeyama 1996, pp. 127 and 269. See also his, ‘Ethnicity, secret societies, and associations: the Japanese in Brazil’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 21, 1979, p. 595. 3 Maeyama 1996, p. 128; Maeyama 1979, p. 596. Bibliography

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advertising, Japanese migrant, 48, Brazil, Japanese views of, 25–6, 32–3, 84, 122–3, 144 54, 93–5, 99–101, 104–5, 109, 131, Africans, ethnic members of Brazil, 166, 169–71 62, 64, 66, 100, 125, 127, 186 Brazil Development Company agriculture, Japanese migrants in, (Burajiru Takushoku K.K.), 43 39, 41, 44–5, 72, 75–8, 83, 102–3, Brazil Migrant Co-operative (Burajiru 111, 115, 167, 192; co-operatives, Imin Kumiai), 52, 54–5 75–6, 102, 111 buddhism, 156–7 Alianca settlement, 73, 90, 98, 112, Burajiru Jiho, 48, 49, 52–4, 67, 71, 116, 158 82, 84, 91, 100, 105, 116–17, 121, alienation, 6, 34, 85–6, 167, 126, 140, 162, 169 169, 191 Burataku (Burajiru Takushoku Amazon region, 22, 24–5, 72, Kumiai, Brazilian Development 74–6, 188 Co-operative), 72, 76, 83, 139, Aoyagi Ikutaro, 43–4, 147 158, 161, 168, 195 Arbaiza, Genaro, 65–6 Argentina, 18, 25, 135, 136, 151 California, and Japanese migrants, Arima, Tetsunosuke, 88 16–17, 60 assimilation, 23, 27, 34, 48–9, 53–4, Canada, 14, 16 64–5, 66–70, 73, 75–9, 81, 82, 86, carnival, 23, 125–8, 170, 191 88–9, 93, 95, 102, 106, 108–9, 118, Carpenter, Frank, 32, 80, 95 126–8, 131, 133, 140–4, 147, 152, Casa Allema (clothiers, Sao Paulo), 156–9, 161–2, 169–72 123, 127 Assyrian, migrants to Brazil, 110 Casa Nihon (furniture store, athletics, 90–2 Sao Paulo), 81 Australia, 5, 13, 16 Casa Tokyo (furniture store, automobiles, 48, 61, 80, 82, 123, Sao Paulo), 81, 90, 158, 183 126–7, 183, 195 chain migration, 30, 166 aviation, 145–6, 194 Chaplin, Charles, image of, 161 Children’s Olympics (Brazil), 91 baseball, 50–1, 90–1, 129 Chile, 18, 25, 134, 191 Bastos settlement, 72–3, 76, 90–1, Chinda, Sutemi, 21 106, 109, 112, 120, 139–40, 146, Chinese migrants, to Latin America, 152, 161, 164 13, 20–1, 23 Bauru, Japanese at, 81–2, 119, 123, Ch’oe, Songhi, 130, 191 156, 183 cinema, 118–22, 144, 150–1, 189, Birigui, Japanese at, 76, 113, 159 190, 194; adult film, 119 Bolivia, 68, 135, 191 civic groups, Japanese migrant, 16, Botelho, Francisco Chavez de 40–1, 49–50, 85–6, 147–9, 150–1, Oliveira, 65 169, 184

205 206 Index

civil society, 52–3, 83–5, 93–4, 169 Japanese to Brazil, 2–6, 18–22, 23, coffee economy, Brazilian, 21–2, 25–6, 27–35, 37–8, 55, 57, 63–5, 34–6, 47, 61, 77, 98, 102, 187 67–8, 71–2, 74–7, 79, 94, 100–2, coffee plantations, 33–8, 44, 107–8, 114, 133, 135–6, 141, 192; 77, 167 Japanese to Hawaii, 12–18, 24, 29, colonialism, Japanese, 12, 77, 135, Japanese to Manchuria, 103–5 103–4, 134–5, 154; Japanese to commercial ventures, Japanese Mexico, 18, 135; Japanese to migrant, 80–2, 90, 116, 119–21, Peru, 18–19, 66, 135 151, 170, 183 emigration, studies of, 3, 26, 27, consular officers, Japanese in 45, 110–11, 128, 154, 162, 165, Brazil, 71–2, 83–5, 86–7, 130, 167–70 140, 158, 168 emperor, Japanese, 51, 138, 147–9, cotton production, migrant, 22, 74, 154–5, 163, 170–1 103, 137, 153, 187 Exclusion Act (US 1924), 60, 168 Couto, Dr Miguel, 63–4, 107–11, 168 Cuba, 134, 191 festivals, 51, 154, 170 cultural similarities, food, 13, 28, 34–5, 38, 48–9, 113, Brazilian–Japanese, 46, 59, 67, 116, 129, 134 70, 95, 99, 138, 146, 178, 181 Freyre, Gilberto, 23, 100, 146, 170 currency, exchange rates, 9–10, 71 Fujinaga, Rikizo, 82 Fujisaki Trading Store (Sao Paulo), del Torro, Father Guido, 157 26, 48 disease, 19, 21, 39, 45, 63–4, 78, 101, Fujita, Leonard Tsuguharu, 126 146–8 Fujiwara, Yoshie, 129–30 disputes, migrant worker, 15, 19, Fukuhara, Hachiro, 74–5 36–8; internal migrant, 84, 86–8, furniture business, Japanese migrant, 113–14, 149, 152, 160–1, 168 80–1, 183 donations, migrant patriotic (1937–45), 150–2 Gakusei (Student), 142 Dojinkai, 86, 147–9 Gakuyu (Student’s Friend), 142 Doshikai, 86 German, migrants in Brazil, 23, 43, 55, 63, 88, 91, 134–8, 144, 164, economy, Japanese domestic, 13, 15, 189, 192, 193 24, 57–8, 100–1, 133, 185, 186; Brazilian, 18, 21–2, 47, 54–5, 61, Handa, Tomoo, 8, 93, 115, 118, 122, 79–80, 97–8, 134, 136–7, 153 138–9, 169 education, 44, 49, 60, 76, 87–8, 95, Hasegawa, Toshiko, 129–30 118, 137–41, 153, 154–5, 157–8, Hawaii, and Japanese migrants, 161, 171 12–17, 60, 135, 152 emigration, Brazilian law on, 64–5, health, and hygiene, 31, 48, 64, 86, 107–10; Japanese business of, 95, 101, 106, 116, 123, 146–9 13, 16, 18–19, 21, 26, 54–5, 102; Hirano settlement, 44–5, 76, 156 Japanese government policy, 12–13, Hirano, Shuhei, 44–5 16, 17–18, 24, 39–41, 57–9, 71–2, Hiroshima, migrants, 14, 19, 28, 33 77, 100–2, 104, 109, 134, 146, 155; Hosoe, Shizuo, 147, 194 Japanese to Bolivia, 68, 135, 191; Hosokawa, Shuhei, 122–4 Index 207

housing, Japanese migrant, 34, 47–8, Kitajima, Hirotake, 116 115, 183 Kobayashi, Midori, 158, 196 humour, migrant, 54, 106, 128, Kodomo no Sono, 117, 141 161–3, 168 Kokoku Colonization Company, 25, 28, 35–6, 38 identity, Japanese views, 8–9, 14, Korea, 12, 16, 24, 130 28, 34–5, 65, 73, 83, 85, 91, 102, Kumamoto, migrants, 14, 33, 73, 105–6, 119–22, 120–3, 127–30, 82, 119 138–9, 141–3, 153, 154–5, 158, Kunishige, Harley, 20 162–3, 167, 169–72, 190 Kuroishi, Seisaku, 52, 84, 106, 130, Iguape settlement, 43–4, 156 147, 158 Incas, and Japanese, 66 Kyuyokai, 87 Inoue, Miyaji, 108–9 Integralist party, 100, 110, 134 landowning, migrant, 43–5, 60, 66, internationalism, 1–2, 11–12, 31–2, 70–5, 115, 182, 188 50, 56, 59, 88–9, 91–2, 93, 106, language, Japanese, 30, 33, 60, 128–30, 141–3, 161, 171–2 87–9, 118, 129, 138–44, 171–2, Italian, migrants in Brazil, 18, 23, 25, 193; Portuguese, 19, 32, 49, 53–4, 37, 61–3, 115, 135–6, 189, 192 84, 87–9, 118, 120, 137–43, 147, Ito, Father Yasoji, 158 161, 169, 171, 193 leisure, and Japanese migrants, Japan, migrant views of, 58, 82, 49–51, 89–92, 117–22, 127, 92–3, 101, 118, 121, 130, 162, 129–30, 147, 170–1 166, 171, 185, 186 Lins, Japanese at, 82, 90, 106, 113–14, Japan–Brazil Association (Nippaku 123, 127, 146, 152, 160, 190 Kyokai), 59, 150 Japan Club (Sao Paulo), 49–50, 86, Maeyama, Takashi, 6, 8, 14, 28, 51, 90, 185 69, 76, 79, 83, 85–6, 93, 137–9, Japan Hospital (Sao Paulo), 106, 154–5, 166–7, 169, 170–1 147–9, 194 Manchuria, 103–4, 121, 134–5, Japan Society (Sao Paulo), 86 154, 188 Japanese-Brazilian Student League, marriage and marriage laws, 19, 141–2 68–70, 144, 181 judo, 20, 52, 106, 159, 182 Matarazzo, Francisco, 61 Mexico, Japanese migrants to, Kagoshima migrants, 30, 33, 36, 16, 18, 36, 135, 152 39–40, 48, 152 Mikado Sports Club (Sao Paulo), Kaiko (Kaigai Kogyo KK or Overseas 50, 89–91 Development Company), 55, 59, military, Japanese and emigration, 168 58, 63, 103–4, 135, 143, 152–3 Kanegafuchi Cotton Spinning Minas Gerais, Japanese in, 111 Company, 74 Miura, Saku, 52, 84–5, 147, 160–1, 169 Kato, Setsu, 149 Miura, Tamaki, 122 Katsura, Taro, 43 Miyazaki, Shinzo, 49 Kawakami, Suzuko, 129 Mizuno, Ryo, 25, 28 Kipling, Rudyard, 80, 125 Modern Art Week (Sao Paulo 1922), Kissa Emigration Company, 21–2 62 208 Index

Morioka Trading Company, 18–19, 55 Otake, Wasaburo, 53 music, 5, 23, 62, 93, 106, 118, Oura, Kanetake, 43 122–30, 151, 159–60, 169, 190, 196 Overseas Migrant Co-operative Mussolini, Benito, caricature of, 161 (Kaigai Iju Kumiai), 72, 77

Nagata, Cho, 104 performers, Japanese in Brazil, Nakajima, Seiichiro, 85 20, 122–3, 129–30 Nakamura, Father Choroku, 157 Peru, and Japanese migrants, 18–19, Nakanishi, Colonel Ryosuke, 143 25, 66, 135, 160 nationalism, Brazilian, 4–6, 61–5, 95, ‘picture brides’, 14–15, 68 100, 110–11, 124–6, 134, 137–8, political involvement, migrant 142–3, 146; Japanese, 1, 4, 27, Japanese, 94, 105, 154 28, 51, 83–4, 88, 104, 121–3, 138, population change, Brazil, 22–3, 41, 142–3, 144–6, 150–4, 163, 171–2 47, 55, 100 native-place groups, 14, 30, 33, 40, Portugal, migrants to Brazil, 136 49, 69, 73, 87, 152, 167, 184 Prado Company, 21–2 naturalisation, 67–8, 82, 194 Prado, Paulo, 62 Nazism, 63 prostitution, 128, 183, 191 New Religions, Japanese, 157 New State (Estado Novo, Brazil racial tolerance, 32–3, 55–6, 57, 1937), 134, 137, 148, 153, 161, 164 62, 65–7, 73, 76–7, 88, 93, 100, newspapers, Japanese migrant, 7, 17, 109–11, 131, 139, 163, 168, 170 40, 48, 51–4, 82, 84, 88, 89, 102, racism, 32, 100, 186; anti-Chinese, 105, 116–17, 119, 145, 150, 160–1, 21; anti-Japanese, 4, 19, 25, 56, 60, 165, 169, 189; and journals, 88, 63, 108, 110–11, 112–13, 128, 131, 117, 142, 156; and newsreel, 160–1, 167–8; anti-Okinawan, 30, 119–21, 150–1 41; anti-Semitic, 100, 110, 131, Nihonjin Doshikai, 84 136, 161 Nippaku Cinema Company (Bauru), radio broadcasts, 117–18, 159–60 119–20, 189 Registro, Japanese at, 43, 90, 109, Nippaku Shimbun, 51–4, 77, 78, 80–1, 116, 158 84, 86, 88–9, 92–3, 95, 109, 116, Reis, Fidelis, 64 128, 160–1, 169 religion, 154–9, 196 Nippon, flight to Brazil, 145–6 Rio Japanese Language Student Nogyo no Burajiru, 88 Society, 139 Noroeste region, Japanese in, 71, Roosevelt, Theodore, 18 90–2, 110, 114–15, 119, 146, 153, Russo-Japanese war (1904–5), 18, 184, 188 23–5, 32 Noroeste-sen Isshu, 119 Saito, Kiyo, 91 occupational change, migrant, 116 Salgado, Plinio, 100 Okinawa, migrants from, 14, 30, samba, 125–6 33, 38–41, 49, 81, 87, 117, 142, samisen, electrification, 124 166–7, 184 , Japanese in, 16–17, 152 Onaga, Sukenari, 40–1, 87, 117, 169 Sanitorium Sao Francisco Xavier, 148 opera, 122, 129–30 Santos-Dumont, Alberto, 146 Osaka Shipping Company, 59, 114 ‘Sao Paulo Erotic Guide’, 128 Index 209

Sao Paulo Society for the Study of television, 145 Japanese Culture, 139 Tiete settlement, 73, 76, 90–1, 109, second generation, migrant 112, 139, 156, 182 Japanese, 105, 106, 138–43, 153, Toda, Seizo, 78 171, 182 Toho Film Company ( Japan), 121 Seishu Shimpo, 76, 84, 116, 119, 123, Tome-Acu settlement, 74–5 127–8, 161, 163, 169 Tottori migrants, 73 settlements (colonies), Japanese Toyama migrants, 73 migrant, 43–5, 70–9, 86, 112–13, Transicao (Transition), 142 151, 182 Tsuji, Kotaro, 37, 72, 93–4, 126, 185 Shibusawa, Eiichi, 43 Shimomoto, Cassio Kenro, 106, 116, Uetsuka, Tsukasa, 75 142, 171 United States, and Japan, 104, Shimomoto, Kenkichi, 76 immigration, 3, 5–6, 13, 15–18, 33, Shiroma, Zenkichi, 42, 87 39, 57, 60, 65, 66, 69, 168 Sino-Japanese war (1894–95), 17–18 urban conditions (Brazil), 38, 42–3, Sino-Japanese war (1937–45), 116, 46–9, 115–16 133–4, 149–54, 159–63, 194 social conditions, Japan, 13, 15, 24, Vargas, Getulio, 98–9, 108, 110, 134, 30, 39–40, 57, 92–3, 133–4 137–8, 186 Spain, migrants from, 115, 136 violence, 92, 98, 105, 110, 114, sport, 50–1, 89–92, 106, 123, 137–8, 119, 188; racial, 19, 63, 111–13, 145, 150, 154–5, 159, 171, 185 160, 168 stereotypes, 17, 19, 24, 31–2, 36, 60, 63, 65–6, 77, 104, 108, 110–11, wages, migrant labour, 35–7, 115 127, 143, 146, 159–60, 168, 185 ‘whitening’, racial programme of, students, migrant Japanese, 105, 23, 107 141–3, 147, 194 women, Japanese migrant, 14–15, 17, Sugimoto, Honosuke, 81, 90, 158 19, 28, 29, 35, 41, 53, 68–70, 80, 81, Sugimura, Fukashi, 25 114, 124, 127, 149, 150–1, 162, 163, 165–6, 188; Brazilian, 70, 162 Takaoka, Kumao, 66–7, 88, 93 Takezawa, Banji, 20 Yamaguchi migrants, 14, 19 Tanaka, Teikichi, 18 Yamamoto, Sue, 149 Taiwan, 12 Yamashiro, Jose, 142