(Mande) Loan Words in the Mayan, Mixe-Zoque and Taino Languages
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Robert M. Rosenswig
FAMSI © 2004: Robert M. Rosenswig El Proyecto Formativo Soconusco Traducido del Inglés por Alex Lomónaco Año de Investigación: 2002 Cultura: Olmeca Cronología: Pre-Clásico Ubicación: Soconusco, Chiapas, México Sitio: Cuauhtémoc Tabla de Contenidos Introducción El Proyecto Formativo Soconusco 2002 Análisis en curso Conclusion Lista de Figuras Referencias Citadas Entregado el 6 de septiembre del 2002 por: Robert M. Rosenswig Department of Anthropology Yale University [email protected] Introducción El sitio de Cuauhtémoc está ubicado dentro de una zona del Soconusco que no ha sido documentada con anterioridad y que se encuentra entre las organizaciones estatales del Formativo Temprano de Mazatlán (Clark y Blake 1994), el centro del Formativo Medio de La Blanca (Love 1993) y el centro del Formativo Tardío de Izapa (Lowe et al. 1982) (Figura 1). Aprovechando la refinada cronología del Soconusco (Cuadro 1), el trabajo de campo que se describe a continuación aporta datos que permiten rastrear el desarrollo de Cuauhtémoc durante los primeros 900 años de vida de asentamiento en Mesoamérica. Este período de tiempo está dividido en siete fases cerámicas, y de esta forma, permite que se rastreen, prácticamente siglo por siglo, los cambios ocurridos en todas las clases de cultura material. Estos datos están siendo utilizados para documentar el surgimiento y el desarrollo de las complejidades sociopolíticas en el área. Además de los procesos locales, el objetivo de esta investigación es determinar la naturaleza de las relaciones cambiantes entre las élites de la Costa del Golfo de México y el Soconusco. El trabajo también apunta a ser significativo en lo que respecta a cruzamientos culturales, dado que Mesoamérica es sólo una entre un puñado de áreas del mundo donde la complejidad sociopolítica surgió independientemente, y el Soconusco contiene algunas de las sociedades más tempranas en las que esto ocurrió (Clark y Blake 1994; Rosenswig 2000). -
Cacao Use and the San Lorenzo Olmec
Cacao use and the San Lorenzo Olmec Terry G. Powisa,1, Ann Cyphersb, Nilesh W. Gaikwadc,d, Louis Grivettic, and Kong Cheonge aDepartment of Geography and Anthropology, Kennesaw State University, Kennesaw, GA 30144; bInstituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City, Mexico 04510; cDepartment of Nutrition and dDepartment of Environmental Toxicology, University of California, Davis, CA 95616; and eDepartment of Anthropology, Trent University, Peterborough, ON, Canada K9J 7B8 Edited by Michael D. Coe, Yale University, New Haven, CT, and approved April 8, 2011 (received for review January 12, 2011) Mesoamerican peoples had a long history of cacao use—spanning Selection of San Lorenzo and Loma del Zapote Pottery Samples. The more than 34 centuries—as confirmed by previous identification present study included analysis of 156 pottery sherds and vessels of cacao residues on archaeological pottery from Paso de la Amada obtained from stratified deposits excavated under the aegis of on the Pacific Coast and the Olmec site of El Manatí on the Gulf the San Lorenzo Tenochtitlán Archaeological Project (SLTAP). Coast. Until now, comparable evidence from San Lorenzo, the pre- Items selected represented Early Preclassic occupation contexts mier Olmec capital, was lacking. The present study of theobromine at two major Olmec sites, San Lorenzo (n = 154) and Loma del residues confirms the continuous presence and use of cacao prod- Zapote (n = 2), located in the lower Coatzacoalcos drainage ucts at San Lorenzo between 1800 and 1000 BCE, and documents basin of southern Veracruz State, Mexico (Fig. 1). Sample se- assorted vessels forms used in its preparation and consumption. -
Olmecs: Where the Sidewalk Begins Jeffrey Benson Western Oregon University
Western Oregon University Digital Commons@WOU Student Theses, Papers and Projects (History) Department of History 2005 Olmecs: Where the Sidewalk Begins Jeffrey Benson Western Oregon University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.wou.edu/his Part of the Latin American History Commons Recommended Citation Benson, Jeffrey, "Olmecs: Where the Sidewalk Begins" (2005). Student Theses, Papers and Projects (History). 126. https://digitalcommons.wou.edu/his/126 This Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of History at Digital Commons@WOU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Student Theses, Papers and Projects (History) by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@WOU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Olmecs: Where the Sidewalk Begins By Jeffrey Benson Western Oregon University An In Depth Look at the Olmec Controversy Mother Culture or Sister Culture 1 The discovery of the Olmecs has caused archeologists, scientists, historians and scholars from various fields to reevaluate the research of the Olmecs on account of the highly discussed and argued areas of debate that surround the people known as the Olmecs. Given that the Olmecs have only been studied in a more thorough manner for only about a half a century, today we have been able to study this group with more overall gathered information of Mesoamerica and we have been able to take a more technological approach to studying the Olmecs. The studies of the Olmecs reveals much information about who these people were, what kind of a civilization they had, but more importantly the studies reveal a linkage between the Olmecs as a mother culture to later established civilizations including the Mayas, Teotihuacan and other various city- states of Mesoamerica. -
La Blanca Is a Preclassic Archaeological Site Located on The
CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE DIFFERENTIAL ACCESS TO RESOURCES AND THE EMERGING ELITE: OBSIDIAN AT LA BLANCA A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts in Anthropology, Public Archaeology By Laura E. Hoffman December 2012 Signature Page The thesis of Laura E. Hoffman is approved: ________________________________ ____________ Cathy L. Costin, Ph.D. Date ________________________________ ____________ Matthew Des Lauriers, Ph.D. Date ________________________________ ____________ Michael W. Love, Ph.D., Chair Date California State University, Northridge ii Acknowledgements This thesis would never have been completed were it not for many, many people who have helped me along the way. I extend my sincere gratitude to everyone who has inspired, encouraged, assisted, and at times cajoled me along this journey: Michael W. Love, Cathy Costin, Matt DesLauriers, The California State University, Northridge Anthropology Department, Hector Neff, The Institute for Integrated Research in Materials, Environments, and Society, Terry Joslin, Kelli Brasket, John Dietler, Benny Vargas, Cara Corsetti, Cheryle Hunt, Clarus Backes, Mom, Dad, Andrea, Norville, and Brad Harris. Without your continued encouragement and understanding I would not have been able to complete this thesis. iii Table of Contents Signature Page .................................................................................................................... ii Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................... -
Ancient Civilizations of Mesoamerica: a Reader, M
Archaeology of Mesoamerica George Washington University Course Anth 3814.10 Spring, 2013 Dr. J. Blomster e-mail: [email protected], phone, ext. 44880 Class Meets: Tues & Thur, 3:45 – 5:00, HAH, Rm. 202 Office Hours: Thursday, 11:00-1:00, HAH Rm. 303 The cultural region referred to as Mesoamerica – encompassing modern day Mexico, Belize, Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador – was the cradle of early and spectacular civilizations in the New World. This course will apply an anthropological perspective to the rich cultural traditions of Mesoamerica, focusing on the unique character of Mesoamerican civilization and its contributions to the world. No prerequisites are required. The structure of the course follows the chronological sequence of Mesoamerican cultures. After examining the peopling of the New World and the initial hunting/gathering lifestyle, the focus is on the development of agriculture, pottery, and the first permanent villages. We will examine the replacement of egalitarian societies by complex chiefdoms, states and even empires. Emphasis will be placed on the development of Mesoamerica’s first civilization – the Olmec – and the features first synthesized by the Olmecs that resonate in subsequent Mesoamerican civilizations. Different approaches to complex society and political organization will be examined by comparing the cities and states of Teotihuacán, Monte Albán, and various Maya polities. After examining the militarism that arose after the demise of these major states, the course will conclude with a brief examination -
Olmecs: Where the Sidewalk Begins by Jeffrey Benson Western Oregon University
Olmecs: Where the Sidewalk Begins By Jeffrey Benson Western Oregon University An In Depth Look at the Olmec Controversy Mother Culture or Sister Culture 1 The discovery of the Olmecs has caused archeologists, scientists, historians and scholars from various fields to reevaluate the research of the Olmecs on account of the highly discussed and argued areas of debate that surround the people known as the Olmecs. Given that the Olmecs have only been studied in a more thorough manner for only about a half a century, today we have been able to study this group with more overall gathered information of Mesoamerica and we have been able to take a more technological approach to studying the Olmecs. The studies of the Olmecs reveals much information about who these people were, what kind of a civilization they had, but more importantly the studies reveal a linkage between the Olmecs as a mother culture to later established civilizations including the Mayas, Teotihuacan and other various city- states of Mesoamerica. The data collected links the Olmecs to other cultures in several areas such as writing, pottery and art. With this new found data two main theories have evolved. The first is that the Olmecs were the mother culture. This theory states that writing, the calendar and types of art originated under Olmec rule and later were spread to future generational tribes of Mesoamerica. The second main theory proposes that the Olmecs were one of many contemporary cultures all which acted sister cultures. The thought is that it was not the Olmecs who were the first to introduce writing or the calendar to Mesoamerica but that various indigenous surrounding tribes influenced and helped establish forms of writing, a calendar system and common types of art. -
The Data from Huave Borrowings
AMERINDIA N°37(2) 2015, 313-342 Mesoamerican linguistic contacts: the data from Huave borrowings Rolf NOYER University of Pennsylvania [email protected] 1. Introduction The Huavean family, generally considered a genetic isolate, is currently spoken in four distinct dialects/languages in four communities surrounding a large lagoon on the Pacific coast of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec in the state of Oaxaca, Mexico: San Francisco del Mar (F), Santa María del Mar (MA), San Dionisio del Mar (D), and San Mateo del Mar (MO). Belmar (1901), in a detailed study of MA, proposed a genetic relationship between Huave and the Mayan languages, but Radin (1916), based on field work on D, rejected the link to Mayan, proposing instead that Huave belonged to the Mixe-Zoquean family. Aside from mostly vague typological parallels and a few morphological commonalities, both authors relied on lexical resemblances, which were striking and numerous enough to permit a somewhat plausible hypothesis of genetic relatedness. Suárez (1975) then offered a detailed reconstruction of Proto-Huave (PH), convincingly establishing that no external genetic relationships could be demonstrated. Since that time no further work on comparative Huavean has been published, although quite a number of descriptive materials and grammatical studies have become available, most importantly a grammar and dictionary of MO (Stairs & Stairs 1981) and a dissertation on the phonology and morphology of F (Kim 2008). Also in recent years descriptive work has resumed (after a century of neglect) for the other two dialects, D and MA. With this large body of 314 AMERINDIA N°37(2) 2015 new data, along with Radin’s unpublished field notes, the present author has compiled a large comparative and etymological dictionary of Huavean (Noyer 2012, henceforth DECH: Diccionario etimológico y comparativo de las lenguas huaves), which contains all available lexical materials, both published and unpublished, a more complete reconstruction of the PH root lexicon, and extensive attention to the origin of Huave loanword vocabulary. -
Vowel Length and Phonation Contrasts in Chuxnabán Mixe
Vowel Length and Phonation Contrasts in Chuxnabán Mixe Carmen Jany University of California, Santa Barbara 1. Introduction Chuxnabán Mixe is a previously undocumented Mixe-Zoque language spoken by about a thousand people in one village in the Mexican southern state of Oaxaca. The Mixe region is composed of two hundred and ninety communities divided into nineteen municipalities (Torres Cisneros 1997). Chuxnabán belongs to the municipality of Quetzaltepec. Each village speaks a different variety of Mixe, some of which are mutually unintelligible. The varieties differ mostly in their vowel systems (Suslak 2003). For instance, while Totontepec Mixe has nine phonemic vowels (Schoenhals 1982), only six are reported for Coatlán Mixe (Hoogshagen 1959, 1997). It is unclear at this point to what extent the different Mixe varities constitute distinct languages or dialects, due to insufficient sources of information. While some linguists divide Mixe into four main varities: Lowland Mixe, Midland Mixe, South Highland Mixe, and North Highland Mixe, the Ethnologue lists ten different Mixe languages divided into three larger branches: Eastern Mixe with six languages and Veracruz Mixe and Western Mixe with two languages each (Gordon 2005). Chuxnabán Mixe has been identified by its speakers as Midland Mixe, and is assumed to correspond to Quetzaltepec Mixe in the Ethnologue entry. Currently, there are only a few published grammars and dictionaries for the many different Mixe languages and dialects spoken (De la Grasserie 1898; Hoogshagen 1997; Ruiz de Bravo Ahuja 1980; Schoenhals 1982; Van Haitsma 1976). The scarce documentation has led to a very small number of studies concerned with the unique and typologically interesting linguistic features of these languages. -
Phonemic Versus Phonetic Correlates of Vowel Length in Chuxnabán Mixe
BLS 33, No 2 2007. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v33i2.3502 (published by the Berkeley Linguistics Society and the Linguistic Society of America) Phonemic Versus Phonetic Correlates of Vowel Length in Chuxnabán Mixe CARMEN JANY University of California, Santa Barbara 0. Introduction This paper tests for a possible three-way phonemic vowel length distinction in Chuxnabán Mixe and examines the phonetic correlates of vowel length, in addition to describing this previously undocumented variety of Mixe. Chuxnabán Mixe is a Mixe-Zoque language spoken by about nine hundred people in one village in Oaxaca. The Mixe territory is located in the north-eastern part of the Mexican state of Oaxaca. It is composed of two hundred and ninety communities divided into nineteen municipalities (Torres Cisneros 1997). Each community speaks a different variety of Mixe, some of which are mutually unintelligible. In many cases it has yet to be determined whether a particular variety represents a distinct language or dialect, as the documentation of Mixe languages is limited. The Ethnologue lists ten different languages divided into three larger branches: Eastern Mixe with six languages and Veracruz Mixe and Western Mixe with two languages each (Gordon 2005). Chuxnabán Mixe has been identified by its speakers as Midland Mixe, and is assumed to correspond to Quetzaltepec Mixe in the Ethnologue entry. At present, there are only a few published grammars and dictionaries of the Mixe languages (De la Grasserie 1898; Hoogshagen 1997; Ruiz de Bravo Ahuja 1980; Schoenhals 1982; Van Haitsma 1976). The Mixe languages vary greatly in their vowel systems (Suslak 2003). -
Cacao Use and the San Lorenzo Olmec
Cacao use and the San Lorenzo Olmec Terry G. Powisa,1, Ann Cyphersb, Nilesh W. Gaikwadc,d, Louis Grivettic, and Kong Cheonge aDepartment of Geography and Anthropology, Kennesaw State University, Kennesaw, GA 30144; bInstituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City, Mexico 04510; cDepartment of Nutrition and dDepartment of Environmental Toxicology, University of California, Davis, CA 95616; and eDepartment of Anthropology, Trent University, Peterborough, ON, Canada K9J 7B8 Edited by Michael D. Coe, Yale University, New Haven, CT, and approved April 8, 2011 (received for review January 12, 2011) Mesoamerican peoples had a long history of cacao use—spanning Selection of San Lorenzo and Loma del Zapote Pottery Samples. The more than 34 centuries—as confirmed by previous identification present study included analysis of 156 pottery sherds and vessels of cacao residues on archaeological pottery from Paso de la Amada obtained from stratified deposits excavated under the aegis of on the Pacific Coast and the Olmec site of El Manatí on the Gulf the San Lorenzo Tenochtitlán Archaeological Project (SLTAP). Coast. Until now, comparable evidence from San Lorenzo, the pre- Items selected represented Early Preclassic occupation contexts mier Olmec capital, was lacking. The present study of theobromine at two major Olmec sites, San Lorenzo (n = 154) and Loma del residues confirms the continuous presence and use of cacao prod- Zapote (n = 2), located in the lower Coatzacoalcos drainage ucts at San Lorenzo between 1800 and 1000 BCE, and documents basin of southern Veracruz State, Mexico (Fig. 1). Sample se- assorted vessels forms used in its preparation and consumption. -
Open NEJ Dissertation.Pdf
The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School OBSIDIAN EXCHANGE AND PIONEER FARMING IN THE FORMATIVE PERIOD TEOTIHUACAN VALLEY A Dissertation in Anthropology by Nadia E. Johnson ©2020 Nadia E. Johnson Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2020 The dissertation of Nadia E. Johnson was reviewed and approved by the following: Kenneth G. Hirth Professor of Anthropology Dissertation Adviser Chair of Committee José Capriles Assistant Professor of Anthropology Kirk French Associate Teaching Professor of Anthropology Larry Gorenflo Professor of Landscape Architecture, Eleanor P. Stuckeman Chair in Design Timothy Ryan Program Head and Professor of Anthropology ii ABSTRACT: The Formative Period marked a period of rapid social change and population growth in the Central Highlands of Mexico, culminating in the emergence of the Teotihuacan state in the Terminal Formative. This dissertation explores several aspects of economic life among the people who occupied the Teotihuacan Valley prior to the development of the state, focusing on the Early and Middle Formative Periods (ca. 1500 – 500 B.C.) as seen from Altica (1200 – 850 B.C.), the earliest known site in the Teotihuacan Valley. Early Formative populations in the Teotihuacan Valley, and northern Basin of Mexico more broadly, were sparse during this period, likely because it is cool, arid climate was less agriculturally hospitable than the southern basin. Altica was located in an especially agriculturally marginal section of the Teotihuacan Valley’s piedmont. While this location is suboptimal for subsistence agriculturalists, Altica’s proximity to the economically important Otumba obsidian source suggests that other economic factors influenced settlement choice. -
Secondary Palatalization in Isthmus Mixe: a Phonetic and Phonological Account
i Secondary Palatalization in Isthmus Mixe: A Phonetic and Phonological Account Julia Irene Dieterman SIL International 2008 ii SIL e-Books 11 ©2008 SIL International Library of Congress Catalog Number: 2008937813 ISBN: 9781556712265 ISSN: 1934-2470 Fair Use Policy Books published in the SIL e-Books (SILEB) series are intended for scholarly research and educational use. You may make copies of these publications for research or instructional purposes free of charge (within fair use guidelines) and without further permission. Republication or commercial use of SILEB or the documents contained therein is expressly prohibited without the written consent of the copyright holder(s). Series Editor Mary Ruth Wise Volume Editor Mickey Brussow Compositor Margaret González iii DEDICATION To my parents, William and Hattie Dieterman, who taught me so many things by their lifestyle and example—to take responsibility, balance work and leisure, practice good time management, and to care for others and our environment. They are no longer here, but their legacy continues to bless me. iv Contents Figures Tables Acknowledgments Abbreviations Abstract 1. Introduction 1.1 Palatalization 1.2 Isthmus Mixe and the Mixe-Zoque language family 1.3 Studies in the Mixe-Zoque languages 1.4 General surveys of Mesoamerican languages 1.4.1 Mixe-Zoque surveys 1.5 Isthmus Mixe typology 1.6 Overview of this study 2. Phonological sketch of Isthmus Mixe 2.1 The Isthmus Mixe data 2.2 Overview of Isthmus Mixe phonemes 2.3 Isthmus Mixe consonants 2.3.1 Secondary palatalization of consonant phonemes 2.3.2 Consonantal allophones 2.3.3 Fortis/lenis consonants 2.3.4 Acoustic nature of /¾/ in Isthmus Mixe 2.4 Isthmus Mixe vowels 2.4.1 Vowel quality 2.4.2 Vowel quantity 2.4.3 Voice quality 2.5 Isthmus Mixe syllable structure 2.5.1 Syllable onsets and codas 2.5.2 Syllable nuclei 2.6 Stress 2.7 Morpheme-induced secondary palatalization 3.